English spelling

English orthography is the writing system used to represent spoken English, allowing readers to connect the graphemes to sound and to meaning. It includes English's norms of spelling, hyphenation, capitalisation, word breaks, emphasis, and punctuation.

Like the orthography of most world languages, English orthography has a broad degree of standardisation. This standardisation began to develop when movable type spread to England in the late 15th century. However, unlike with most languages, there are multiple ways to spell every phoneme, and most letters also have multiple pronunciations depending on their position in a word and the context.

This is partly due to the large number of words that have been borrowed from a large number of other languages throughout the history of English, without successful attempts at complete spelling reforms, and partly due to accidents of history, such as some of the earliest mass-produced English publications being typeset by highly trained, multilingual printing compositors, who occasionally used a spelling pattern more typical for another language. For example, the word ''ghost'' was previously spelled ''gast'' in English, until the Flemish spelling pattern was unintentionally substituted, and happened to be accepted. Most of the spelling conventions in Modern English were derived from the phonetic spelling of a variety of Middle English, and generally do not reflect the sound changes that have occurred since the late 15th century (such as the Great Vowel Shift). As a result of this, many words are spelled the way that they were pronounced more than 600 years ago, instead of being spelled like they are pronounced in the 21st century.

Despite the various English dialects spoken from country to country and within different regions of the same country, there are only slight regional variations in English orthography, the two most recognised variations being British and American spelling, and its overall uniformity helps facilitate international communication. On the other hand, it also adds to the discrepancy between the way English is written and spoken in any given location.

Function of the letters

Phonemic representation

Letters in English orthography usually represent a particular phoneme. For example, ''at'' consists of 2 letters and , which represent and , respectively.

Sequences of letters may perform this role as well as single letters. Thus, in ''thrash'' , the digraph (two letters) represents . In ''hatch'' , the trigraph represents .

Less commonly, a single letter can represent multiple successive sounds. The most common example is , which normally represents the consonant cluster (for example, in ''tax'' ).

The same letter (or sequence of letters) may be pronounced differently when occurring in different positions within a word. For instance, represents at the end of some words (''tough'' ) but not in others (''plough'' ). At the beginning of syllables, is pronounced , as in ''ghost'' . Conversely, is never pronounced in syllable onsets other than in inflected forms, and is almost never pronounced in syllable codas (the proper name ''Pittsburgh'' is an exception).

Some words contain silent letters, which do not represent any sound in modern English pronunciation. Examples include the in ''talk'', ''half'', ''calf'', etc., the in ''two'' and ''sword'', as mentioned above in numerous words such as ''though'', ''daughter'', ''night'', ''brought'', and the commonly encountered silent (discussed further below).

Word origin

Another type of spelling characteristic is related to word origin. For example, when representing a vowel, represents the sound in some words borrowed from Greek (reflecting an original upsilon), whereas the letter usually representing this sound in non-Greek words is the letter . Thus, ''myth'' is of Greek origin, while ''pith'' is a Germanic word.

Other examples include pronounced (which is most commonly ), and pronounced (which is most commonly or )—the use of these spellings for these sounds often mark words that have been borrowed from Greek.

Some researchers, such as Brengelman (1970), have suggested that, in addition to this marking of word origin, these spellings indicate a more formal level of style or register in a given text, although Rollings (2004) finds this point to be exaggerated as there would be many exceptions where a word with one of these spellings, such as for (like ''telephone''), could occur in an informal text.

Homophone differentiation

Spelling may also be useful to distinguish between homophones (words with the same pronunciation but different meanings), although in most cases the reason for the difference is historical and was not introduced for the purpose of making a distinction.

For example, ''heir'' and ''air'' are pronounced identically in most dialects, but, in writing, they are distinguished from each other by their different spellings.

Another example is the pair of homophones ''pain'' and ''pane'', where both are pronounced but have two different spellings of the vowel . Often, this is because of the historical pronunciation of each word where, over time, two separate sounds became the same but the different spellings remained: ''pain'' used to be pronounced as , with a diphthong, and ''pane'' as , but the diphthong merged with the long vowel in ''pane'', making ''pain'' and ''pane'' homophones ( ''pane''–''pain'' merger). Later became a diphthong .

In written language, this may help to resolve potential ambiguities that would arise otherwise (cf. ''He's breaking the car'' vs. ''He's braking the car'').

Nevertheless, many homophones remain that are unresolved by spelling (for example, the word '' bay'' has at least five fundamentally different meanings).

Marking sound changes in other letters

Some letters in English provide information about the pronunciation of other letters in the word. Rollings (2004) uses the term "markers" for such letters. Letters may mark different types of information.

For instance, in ''once'' indicates that the preceding is pronounced , rather than the more common value of in word-final position as the sound , such as in ''attic'' .

also often marks an altered pronunciation of a preceding vowel. In the pair ''at'' and ''ate'', the of ''at'' has the value , whereas the of ''ate'' is marked by the as having the value . In this context, the is not pronounced, and is referred to as "silent e".

A single letter may even fill multiple pronunciation-marking roles simultaneously. For example, in the word ''ace'', marks not only the change of from to , but also of from to . In the word ''vague'', marks the long sound, but keeps the hard rather than soft.

Doubled consonants usually indicate that the preceding vowel is pronounced short. For example, the doubled in ''batted'' indicates that the is pronounced , while the single of ''bated'' gives . Doubled consonants only indicate any lengthening or gemination of the consonant sound itself when they come from different morphemes, as with the in ''unnamed'' (''un''+''named'').

Multiple functionality

Any given letters may have dual functions. For example, in ''statue'' has a sound-representing function (representing the sound ) and a pronunciation-marking function (marking the as having the value opposed to the value ).

Underlying representation

Like many other alphabetic orthographies, English spelling does not represent non-contrastive phonetic sounds (that is, minor differences in pronunciation which are not used to distinguish between different words).

Although the letter is pronounced by some speakers with aspiration at the beginning of words, this is never indicated in the spelling, and, indeed, this phonetic detail is probably not noticeable to the average native speaker not trained in phonetics.

However, unlike some orthographies, English orthography often represents a very abstract underlying representation (or morphophonemic form) of English words.

In these cases, a given morpheme (i.e., a component of a word) has a fixed spelling even though it is pronounced differently in different words. An example is the past tense suffix -, which may be pronounced variously as , , or The vowel of the suffixes - and - may belong to the phoneme of either or depending on dialect, and is a shorthand for "either or ". This usage of the symbol is borrowed from the ''Oxford English Dictionary''. (for example, ''bath'' , ''bathed'' , ''pay'' , ''payed'' , ''hate'' , ''hated'' ). As it happens, these different pronunciations of - can be predicted by a few phonological rules, but that is not the reason why its spelling is fixed.

Another example involves the vowel differences (with accompanying stress pattern changes) in several related words. For instance, ''photographer'' is derived from ''photograph'' by adding the derivational suffix -. When this suffix is added, the vowel pronunciations change largely owing to the moveable stress:

Other examples of this type are the - suffix (as in ''agile'' vs. ''agility'', ''acid'' vs. ''acidity'', ''divine'' vs. ''divinity'', ''sane'' vs. ''sanity''). See also: Trisyllabic laxing.

Another example includes words like ''mean'' and ''meant'' , where is pronounced differently in the two related words. Thus, again, the orthography uses only a single spelling that corresponds to the single morphemic form rather than to the surface phonological form.

English orthography does not always provide an underlying representation; sometimes it provides an intermediate representation between the underlying form and the surface pronunciation. This is the case with the spelling of the regular plural morpheme, which is written as either - (as in ''tat, tats'' and ''hat, hats'') or - (as in ''ass, asses''). Here, the spelling - is pronounced either or (depending on the environment, e.g., ''tats'' and ''ays'' ) while - is usually pronounced (e.g. ''asses'' ). Thus, there are two different spellings that correspond to the single underlying representation , , of the plural suffix and the three surface forms. The spelling indicates the insertion of before the in the spelling -, but does not indicate the devoiced distinctly from the unaffected in the spelling -.

The abstract representation of words as indicated by the orthography can be considered advantageous since it makes etymological relationships more apparent to English readers. This makes writing English more complex, but arguably makes reading English more efficient. However, very abstract underlying representations, such as that of Chomsky & Halle (1968) or of underspecification theories, are sometimes considered too abstract to accurately reflect the communicative competence of native speakers. Followers of these arguments believe the less abstract surface forms are more "psychologically real" and thus more useful in terms of pedagogy.

Diacritics

English has some words that can be written with accents. These words are mostly loanwords, usually from French. As they become increasingly naturalised, there is an increasing tendency to omit the accent marks, even in formal writing. For example, ''rôle'' and ''hôtel'' originally had accents when they were borrowed into English, but now the accents are almost never used. The words were originally considered foreign—and some people considered that English alternatives were preferable—but today their foreign origin is largely forgotten. Words most likely to retain the accent are those atypical of English morphology and therefore still perceived as slightly foreign. For example, ''café'' and ''pâté'' both have a pronounced final , which would otherwise be silent under the normal English pronunciation rules. However, ''café'' is now sometimes facetiously pronounced /kæf/, while in ''pâté'', the acute accent is helpful to distinguish it from ''pate''.

Further examples of words sometimes retaining diacritics when used in English are: ''Ångström'' (partly because the scientific symbol for this unit of measurement is "Å"), ''appliqué'', ''attaché'', ''blasé'', ''bric-à-brac'', ''Brötchen'',Included in Webster's Third New International Dictionary,1981 ''cliché'', ''crème'', ''crêpe'', ''façade'', ''fiancé(e)'', ''flambé'', ''jalapeño'', ''naïve'', ''naïveté'', ''né(e)'', ''papier-mâché'', ''passé'', ''piñata'', ''protégé'', ''résumé'', ''risqué'', ''über-'', and ''voilà''. Italics, with appropriate accents, are generally applied to foreign terms that are uncommonly used in or have not been assimilated into English: for example, '' adiós, crème brûlée, pièce de résistance, raison d'être, über, vis-à-vis,'' and ''belles-lettres.''

It was formerly common in American English to use a diaeresis to indicate a hiatus, e.g. ''coöperate'', ''daïs'', and ''reëlect''. ''The New Yorker'' and ''Technology Review'' magazines still use it for this purpose, even though it is increasingly rare in modern English. Nowadays, the diaeresis is normally left out (''cooperate''), or a hyphen is used (''co-operate'') if the hiatus is between two morphemes in a compound word. It is, however, still common in monomorphemic loanwords such as ''naïve'' and ''Noël''.

Written accents are also used occasionally in poetry and scripts for dramatic performances to indicate that a certain normally unstressed syllable in a word should be stressed for dramatic effect, or to keep with the metre of the poetry. This use is frequently seen in archaic and pseudoarchaic writings with the ''-ed'' suffix, to indicate that the should be fully pronounced, as with ''cursèd''.

The acute and grave accents are occasionally used in poetry and lyrics: the acute to indicate stress overtly where it might be ambiguous (rébel vs. rebél) or nonstandard for metrical reasons (caléndar); the grave to indicate that an ordinarily silent or elided syllable is pronounced (warnèd, parlìament).

Ligatures

In certain older texts (typically British), the use of the ligatures and is common in words such as ''archæology'', ''diarrhœa'', and ''encyclopædia'', all of Latin or Greek origin. Nowadays, the ligatures have been generally replaced by the digraphs and (''encyclopaedia'', ''diarrhoea'') in British English or just (''encyclopedia'', ''diarrhea'') in American English, though both spell some words with only (''economy'', ''ecology'') and others with and (''paean'', ''amoeba'', ''oedipal'', ''Caesar''). In some cases, usage may vary; for instance, both ''encyclopedia'' and ''encyclopaedia'' are current in the UK.

Phonic irregularities

Partly because English has never had any official regulating authority for spelling, such as the Spanish ''Real Academia Española'', the French ''Académie française'', and the German '' Rat für deutsche Rechtschreibung'', English spelling, compared to many other languages, is quite irregular and complex. Although French, among other languages, presents a similar degree of difficulty when ''encoding'' (writing), English is more difficult when ''decoding'' (reading), as there are clearly many more possible pronunciations of a group of letters. For example, in French, (as in "true", but short), can be spelled (''ou'', ''nous'', ''tout'', ''choux''), but the pronunciation of each of those sequences is always the same. In English, can be spelled in up to 24 different ways, including (''spook'', ''truth'', ''suit'', ''blues'', ''to'', ''shoe'', ''group'', ''through'', ''few'') (see Sound-to-spelling correspondences below), but all of these have other pronunciations as well (e.g., as in ''foot'', ''us'', ''build'', ''bluest'', ''so'', ''toe'', ''grout'', ''plough'', ''sew'') (See the Spelling-to-sound correspondences below). Thus, in unfamiliar words and proper nouns, the pronunciation of some sequences, being the prime example, is unpredictable to even educated native English speakers.

Spelling irregularities

Attempts to regularise or reform the spelling of English have usually failed. However, Noah Webster popularised more phonetic spellings in the United States, such as ''flavor'' for British ''flavour'', ''fiber'' for ''fibre'', ''defense'' for ''defence'', ''analyze'' for ''analyse'', ''catalog'' for ''catalogue'', and so forth. These spellings already existed as alternatives, but Webster's dictionaries helped standardize them in the US. (See American and British English spelling differences for details.)

Besides the quirks the English spelling system has inherited from its past, there are other irregularities in spelling that make it tricky to learn. English contains, depending on dialect, 24–27 consonant phonemes and 13–20 vowels. However, there are only 26 letters in the modern English alphabet, so there is not a one-to-one correspondence between letters and sounds. Many sounds are spelled using different letters or multiple letters, and for those words whose pronunciation is predictable from the spelling, the sounds denoted by the letters depend on the surrounding letters. For example, represents two different sounds (the voiced and voiceless dental fricatives) (see Pronunciation of English ''th''), and the voiceless alveolar sibilant can be represented by or .

It is, however, not (solely) the shortage of letters which makes English spelling irregular. Its irregularities are caused mainly by the use of many different spellings for some of its sounds, such as /uː/, /iː/ and /oʊ/ (''too'', ''true'', ''shoe'', ''flew'', ''through''; ''sleeve'', ''leave'', ''even'', ''seize'', ''siege''; ''stole'', ''coal'', ''bowl'', ''roll'', ''old'', ''mould''), and the use of identical sequences for spelling different sounds (''over'', ''oven'', ''move'').

Furthermore, English no longer makes any attempt to anglicise the spellings of loanwords, but preserves the foreign spellings, even when they do not follow English spelling conventions like the Polish in ''Czech'' (rather than ''*Check'') or the Norwegian in ''fjord'' (although ''fiord'' was formerly the most common spelling). In early Middle English, until roughly 1400, most imports from French were respelled according to English rules (e.g. ''bataille''–''battle'', ''bouton''–''button'', but not ''double'', or ''trouble''). Instead of loans being respelled to conform to English spelling standards, sometimes the pronunciation changes as a result of pressure from the spelling, e.g. '' ski'', adopted from Norwegian in the mid-18th century. It used to be pronounced , similar to the Norwegian pronunciation, but the increasing popularity of the sport after the mid-20th century helped the pronunciation replace it.

There was also a period when the spelling of a small number of words was altered to make them conform to their perceived etymological origins. For example, was added to ''debt'' (originally ''dette'') to link it to the Latin , and in ''island'' to link it to Latin instead of its true origin the Old English word ''īġland''. in '' ptarmigan'' has no etymological justification whatsoever, only seeking to show Greek origin despite being a Gaelic word.

The spelling of English continues to evolve. Many loanwords come from languages where the pronunciation of vowels corresponds to the way they were pronounced in Old English, which is similar to the Italian or Spanish pronunciation of the vowels, and is the value the vowel symbols have in the International Phonetic Alphabet. As a result, there is a somewhat regular system of pronouncing "foreign" words in English, and some borrowed words have had their spelling changed to conform to this system. For example, ''Hindu'' used to be spelled ''Hindoo'', and the name ''Maria'' used to be pronounced like the name ''Mariah'', but was changed to conform to this system. This only further complicates the spelling, however. On the one hand, words that retained anglicised spellings may be misread in a hyperforeign way. On the other hand, words that are respelled in a 'foreign' way may be misread as if they are English words, e.g. ''Muslim'' was formerly spelled ''Mooslim'' because of its original pronunciation.

Commercial advertisers have also had an effect on English spelling. They introduced new or simplified spellings like ''lite'' instead of ''light'', ''thru'' instead of ''through'', and ''rucsac'' instead of ''rucksack''. The spellings of personal names have also been a source of spelling innovations: diminutive versions of women's names that sound the same as men's names have been spelled differently: ''Nikki'' and ''Nicky'', ''Toni'' and ''Tony'', ''Jo'' and ''Joe''. The differentiation in between names that are spelled differently but have the same phonetic sound may come from modernisation or different countries of origin. For example, ''Isabelle'' and ''Isabel'' sound the same but are spelled differently; these versions are from France and Spain respectively.

As an example of the irregular nature of English spelling, can be pronounced at least nine different ways: in ''out'', in ''soul'', in ''soup'', in ''touch'', in ''could'', in ''four'', in ''journal'', in ''cough'', and in ''famous'' (See Spelling-to-sound correspondences). In the other direction, can be spelled in at least 18~21 different ways: ''be'' (''cede''), ''ski'' (''machine''), ''bologna'' (GA), ''algae'', ''quay'', ''beach'', ''bee'', ''deceit'', ''people'', ''key'', ''keyed'', ''field'' (''hygiene''), ''amoeba'', ''chamois'' (GA), ''dengue'' (GA), ''beguine'', ''guyot'', and ''ynambu'' (See Sound-to-spelling correspondences). (These examples assume a more-or-less standard non-regional British English accent. Other accents will vary.)

Sometimes everyday speakers of English change a counterintuitive pronunciation simply because it is counterintuitive. Changes like this are not usually seen as "standard", but can become standard if used enough. An example is the word ''miniscule'', which still competes with its original spelling of ''minuscule'', though this might also be because of analogy with the word ''mini''.

History

Inconsistencies and irregularities in English pronunciation and spelling have gradually increased in number throughout the history of the English language. There are a number of contributing factors. First, gradual changes in pronunciation, such as the Great Vowel Shift, account for a tremendous number of irregularities. Second, relatively recent loan words generally carry their original spellings, which are often not phonetic in English. The Romanization of languages (e.g., Chinese) has further complicated this problem, for example when pronouncing Chinese proper names (of people or places).

The regular spelling system of Old English was swept away by the Norman Conquest, and English itself was supplanted in some spheres by Norman French for three centuries, eventually emerging with its spelling much influenced by French. English had also borrowed large numbers of words from French, and kept their French spellings. The spelling of Middle English, is very irregular and inconsistent, with the same word being spelled in different ways, sometimes even in the same sentence. However, these were generally much better guides to the then-pronunciation than modern English spelling is.

For example, , normally written , is spelled with an in ''one'', ''some'', ''love'', etc., due to Norman spelling conventions which prohibited writing before due to the graphical confusion that would result. ( were written identically with two minims in Norman handwriting; was written as two letters; was written with three minims, hence looked like , etc.). Similarly, spelling conventions also prohibited final . Hence the identical spellings of the three different vowel sounds in ''love'', ''move'', and ''cove'' are due to ambiguity in the Middle English spelling system, not sound change.

In 1417, Henry V began using English, which had no standardised spelling, for official correspondence instead of Latin or French which had standardised spelling, e.g. Latin had one spelling for ''right'' (''rectus''), Old French as used in English law had six and Middle English had 77. This motivated writers to standardise English spelling, an effort which lasted about 500 years.

There was also a series of linguistic sound changes towards the end of this period, including the Great Vowel Shift, which resulted in the in ''ate'', for example, changing from a pure vowel to a diphthong. These changes for the most part did not detract from the rule-governed nature of the spelling system; but, in some cases, they introduced confusing inconsistencies, like the well-known example of the many pronunciations of (''tough'', ''through'', ''though'', ''cough'', ''plough'', etc.). Most of these changes happened before the arrival of printing in England. However, the arrival of the modern printing press in 1476 froze the current system, rather than providing the impetus for a realignment of spelling with pronunciation. Furthermore, it introduced further inconsistencies, partly because of the use of typesetters trained abroad, particularly in the Low Countries. For example, the in ''ghost'' was influenced by Flemish. The addition and deletion of a silent ''e'' at the ends of words was also sometimes used to make the right-hand margin line up more neatly.Righting the Mother Tongue: From Olde English to Email, the Twisted Story of English Spelling, by David Wolman. Collins, .

By the time dictionaries were introduced in the mid-17th century, the spelling system of English had started to stabilise. By the 19th century, most words had set spellings, though it took some time before they diffused throughout the English-speaking world. In '' The Mill on the Floss'' (1860), English novelist George Eliot satirised the attitude of the English rural gentry of the 1820s towards orthography:

Mr. Tulliver did not willingly write a letter, and found the relation between spoken and written language, briefly known as spelling, one of the most puzzling things in this puzzling world. Nevertheless, like all fervid writing, the task was done in less time than usual, and if the spelling differed from Mrs. Glegg's,–why, she belonged, like himself, to a generation with whom spelling was a matter of private judgment.

The modern English spelling system, with its national variants, spread together with the expansion of public education later in the 19th century.

"Ough" words

The most notorious multigraph in the English language is the tetragraph , which can be pronounced in at least ten different ways, six of which are illustrated in the construct, ''Though the tough cough and hiccough plough him through'', which is quoted by Robert A. Heinlein in '' The Door into Summer'' to illustrate the difficulties facing automated speech transcription and reading. ''Ough'' itself is a word, an exclamation of disgust similar to ''ugh'', though rarely known or used. The following are typical pronunciations of this string of letters:

* (as in ''so'') for ''though'' and ''dough''
* (as in ''cuff'') for ''tough'', ''rough'', ''enough'', and the name ''Hough''
* (as in ''off'') for ''trough'', ''cough'', and ''Gough''
* (as in ''blue'') for ''through''
* (as in ''saw'') for ''thought'', ''ought'', ''sought'', ''nought'', ''brought'', etc.
* (as in ''comma'') for ''thorough'', ''borough'', and names ending in ''-borough''; however, American English pronounces this as
* (as in ''how'') as in ''bough'', ''sough'', ''drought'', ''plough'' (''plow'' in North America), ''doughty'', and the names ''Slough'' and ''Doughty''

The following pronunciations are found in uncommon single words:
* ''hough'': (more commonly spelled "hock" now)
* ''hiccough'' (a now-uncommon variant of ''hiccup''): as in ''up'' (unique)
* ''lough'': with a velar fricative like the in ''loch'', of which ''lough'' is an anglicised spelling

The place name Loughborough uses two different pronunciations of : the first has the sound as in ''cuff'' and the second rhymes with ''thorough''.

Spelling-to-sound correspondences

Notes:

* In the tables, the hyphen has two different meanings. A hyphen after the letter indicates that it ''must'' be at the beginning of a ''syllable'', e.g., - in jumper and ajar. A hyphen before the letter indicates that it ''cannot'' be at the beginning of a ''word'', e.g., - in sick and ticket.
* More specific rules take precedence over more general ones, e.g., "- before " takes precedence over "".
* Where the letter combination is described as "word-final", inflectional suffixes may be added without changing the pronunciation, e.g., catalogues.
* The dialect used is RP. Several entries are indicated as specifically being GA.
* Isolated foreign borrowings are excluded.

Vowels

In a generative approach to English spelling, Rollings (2004) identifies twenty main orthographic vowels of stressed syllables that are grouped into four main categories: "Lax", "Tense", "Heavy", "Tense-R".

For instance, can represent the lax vowel , tense , heavy , or tense-r . Heavy and tense-r vowels are the respective lax and tense counterparts followed by .

Tense vowels are distinguished from lax vowels with a "silent" that is added at the end of words. Thus, in ''hat'' is lax , but when is added in the word ''hate'' is tense . Heavy and tense-r vowels follow a similar pattern, e.g. in ''car'' is heavy , followed by silent in ''care'' is . represents two different vowel patterns, one being , the other . There is no distinction between heavy and tense-r and in the pattern does not have a heavy vowel.

Besides silent , another strategy for indicating tense and tense-r vowels, is the addition of another orthographic vowel forming a digraph. In this case, the first vowel is usually the main vowel while the second vowel is the "marking" vowel. For example, ''man'' has a lax (), but the addition of (as the digraph ) in ''main'' marks the as tense (). These two strategies produce words that are spelled differently but pronounced identically, which helps differentiate words that would otherwise be homonyms, as in ''mane'' (silent strategy), ''main'' (digraph strategy) and ''Maine'' (both strategies).

Besides the 20 basic vowel spellings, Rollings (2004) has a reduced vowel category (representing the sounds ) and a miscellaneous category (representing the sounds and +V, +V, V+V).

Combinations of vowel letters

To reduce dialectal difficulties, the sound values given here correspond to the conventions at Help:IPA/English. This table includes when they represent vowel sounds. If no information is given, it is assumed that the vowel is in a stressed syllable.

Deriving the pronunciation of an English word from its spelling requires not only a careful knowledge of the rules given below (many of which are not explicitly known even by native speakers: speakers merely learn the spelling of a word along with its pronunciation) and their many exceptions, but also:

* a knowledge of which syllables are stressed and which are unstressed (not derivable from the spelling: compare ''hallow'' and ''allow'')
* which combinations of vowels represent monosyllables and which represent disyllables (ditto: compare ''waive'' and ''naive'', ''creature'' and ''creator'')

Consonants

† Nearly 80% of Americans pronounce ''luxurious'' with , while two thirds of British people use . Half the American speakers pronounce ''luxury'' as , the rest says J.C. Wells Longman Pronunciation Dictionary, 3rd edition, Pearson Education Limited, Harlow, 2008

†† About half of both British and American speakers say , the other half says .

Combinations of vowel letters and

Combinations of other consonant and vowel letters

* According to the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary, 75% of Americans pronounce ''almond'' as .

† Where GA distinguishes between and in the trigraph , RP only has the vowel

Sound-to-spelling correspondences

The following table shows for each sound the various spelling patterns used to denote it, starting with the prototypical pattern(s) followed by others in alphabetical order. Some of these patterns are very rare or unique (such as for , for , for ). An ellipsis () stands for an intervening consonant.

Consonants

Arranged in the order of the IPA consonant tables.

* In 2008, 61% of British people pronounced ''diphthong'' as , though phoneticians prefer .

** In 2008, 20% of Americans pronounced ''thespian'' as .

*** The majority of British people, and the great majority of younger ones, pronounce ''crescent'' as .

† In 2008, 64% of Americans and 39% of British people pronounce ''February'' as .

†† The majority of Americans, and the great majority of younger ones, pronounce ''congratulate'' as .Longman, page 176.

††† The primarily spoken-only abbreviation of ''usual'' has no standardised spelling, but is often spelled ''uzhe''.

Vowels

Sorted more or less from close to open sounds in the vowel diagram. Nasal vowels used by some speakers in words of French origin such as ''enceinte'' (), are not included.

† Identical to previous vowel in non-rhotic dialects like RP.

See also

* False etymology
* Spelling bee
* List of English homographs
* The Chaos – a poem by Gerard Nolst Trenité demonstrating the irregularities of English spelling
----

; Conventions
* English plural
* I before E except after C
* Three letter rule

; Variant spelling
* American and British English spelling differences
* Misspelling
** Satiric misspelling
** Sensational spelling
* Spelling of disc

; Graphemes
* Apostrophe
* Eth
* Long s
* Thorn (letter)
* Yogh

; Phonetic orthographic systems
* English spelling reform
* Interspel

; English scripts
* English alphabet (Latin script)
* American manual alphabet
* Two-handed manual alphabets
* English braille
* American braille
* New York Point
* Shavian alphabet

; Words in English
* Lists of English words
* Classical compound
* Ghoti

; English phonology
* Regional accents of English
** IPA chart for English dialects
* Stress and vowel reduction in English
* Initial-stress-derived noun
* Traditional English pronunciation of Latin

Orthographies of English-related languages

; Germanic languages
* Danish
* Dutch
* German
* Icelandic
* Scots

; Romance languages
* French
* Italian
* Milanese
* Portuguese
* Spanish

; Celtic languages
* Irish
* Scottish Gaelic
* Welsh

;Historical languages
* Latin
* Old Norse
* Old English

;Constructed languages
* Esperanto

References

Bibliography

* Albrow, K. H. (1972). ''The English writing system: Notes towards a description''. Schools Council Program in Linguistics and English Teaching, papers series 2 (No. 2). London: Longmans, for the Schools Council.
* Aronoff, Mark. (1978). An English spelling convention. ''Linguistic Inquiry'', ''9'', 299–303.
* Bell, Masha (2004), ''Understanding English Spelling'', Cambridge, Pegasus.
* Bell, Masha (2007), ''Learning to Read'', Cambridge, Pegasus.
* Bell, Masha (2009), ''Rules and Exceptions of English Spelling'', Cambridge, Pegasus.
* Brengelman, Fred H. (1970). Sounds and letters in American English. In ''The English language: An introduction for teachers'' (pp. 77–98). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
* Brengelman, Fred H. (1970). Generative phonology and the teaching of spelling. ''English Journal'', ''59'', 1113–1118.
* Brengelman, Fred H. (1971). English spelling as a marker of register and style. ''English Studies'', ''52'', 201–209.
* Brengelman, Fred H. (1980). Orthoepists, printers, and the rationalisation of English spelling. ''Journal of English and German Philology'', ''79'', 332–354.
* Brooks, Greg. (2015). ''Dictionary of the British English Spelling System''. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers.
* Carney, Edward. (1994). ''A survey of English spelling''. London: Routledge.
* Chomsky, Carol. (1970). Reading, writing and phonology. ''Harvard Educational Review'', ''40'' (2), 287–309.
* Chomsky, Noam; & Halle, Morris. (1968). '' The sound pattern of English''. New York: Harper and Row. (Particularly pp. 46, 48–49, 69, 80n, 131n, 148, 174n, 221).
* Cook, Vivian; & Ryan, Des. (2016). (eds.) '' The Routledge Handbook of the English Writing System''. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. .
* Cummings, D. W. (1988). ''American English spelling: An informal description''. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
* Crystal, David. (2012). ''Spell It Out: The Curious, Enthralling and Extraordinary Story of English Spelling''.
* Derwing, Bruce; Priestly, Tom; Rochet, Bernard. (1987). The description of spelling-to-sound relationships in English, French and Russian: Progress, problems and prospects. In P. Luelsdorff (Ed.), ''Orthography and phonology''. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
* Dixon, Robert. (1977). ''Morphographic spelling program''. Eugene, OR: Engelman-Becker Press.
* Emerson, Ralph. (1997). English spelling and its relation to sound. ''American Speech'', ''72'' (3), 260–288.
* Hanna, Paul; Hanna, Jean; Hodges, Richard; & Rudorf, Edwin. (1966). ''Phoneme – grapheme correspondences as cues to spelling improvement''. Washington, D.C.: US Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
* Jespersen, Otto. (1909). ''A modern English grammar on historical principles: Sounds and spellings'' (Part 1). Heidelberg: C. Winter.
* Luelsdorff, Philip A. (1994). Developmental morphographemics II. In W. C. Watt (Ed.), ''Writing systems and cognition'' (pp. 141–182). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
* McCawley, James D. (1994). Some graphotactic constraints. In W. C. Watt (Ed.), ''Writing systems and cognition'' (pp. 115–127). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
* Mencken, H. L. (1936). '' The American language: An inquiry into the development of English in the United States'' (4th ed.). New York: A.A. Knopf.
* Rollings, Andrew G. (1998). Marking devices in the spelling of English. ''Atlantis'', ''20'' (1), 129–143.
* Rollings, Andrew G. (1999). Markers in English and other orthographies. In L. Iglesias Rábade & P. Nuñez Pertejo (Eds.), ''Estudios de lingüística contrastiva'' (pp. 441–449). Universidad de Santiago.
* Rollings, Andrew G. (2003). System and chaos in English spelling: The case of the voiceless palato-alveolar fricative. ''English Language and Linguistics'', ''7'' (2), 211–233.
* Rollings, Andrew G. (2004). ''The spelling patterns of English''. LINCOM studies in English linguistics (04). Muenchen: LINCOM EUROPA.
* Sampson, Geoffrey. (1985). ''Writing systems: A linguistic introduction''. London: Hutchinson.
* Seymour, P. H. K.; Aro, M.; & Erskine, J. M. (2003). Foundation literacy acquisition in European orthographies. ''British Journal of Psychology'', ''94'' (2), 143–174.
* Simpson, J. A.; & Weiner, E. S. C. (Eds.). (1989). ''Oxford English dictionary''. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
* Steinberg, Danny. (1973). Phonology, reading and Chomsky and Halle's optimal orthography. ''Journal of Psycholinguistic Research'', ''2'' (3), 239–258.
* Stubbs, Michael. (1980). ''Language and literacy: The sociolinguistics of reading and writing''. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
* Upward, Christopher, & Davidson, George. (2011). ''The History of English Spelling''.
* Venezky, Richard L. (1967). English orthography: Its graphical structure and its relation to sound. ''Reading Research Quarterly'', ''2'', 75–105.
* Venezky, Richard L. (1970). ''The structure of English orthography''. The Hague: Mouton.
* Venezky, Richard L. (1976). Notes on the history of English spelling. ''Visible Language'', ''10'', 351–365.
* Venezky, Richard L. (1999). ''The American way of spelling''. New York: Guildford Press.
* Weir, Ruth H. (1967). Some thoughts on spelling. In W. M Austin (Ed.), ''Papers in linguistics in honour of Leon Dostert'' (pp. 169–177). Janua Linguarum, Series Major (No. 25). The Hague: Mouton.
* Wijk, Axel. (1966). ''Rules of Pronunciation for the English Language''.

External links

* Rules for English Spelling
Adding SuffixesQU Rulei before eSilent e'er' vs. 'or'


describes rules which predict a word's pronunciation from its spelling with 85% accuracy


an

a
The Phonics Page

{{DEFAULTSORT:English Orthography

Spelling, English
Indo-European Latin-script orthographies
Linguistic history