The Info List - Quechuan Languages

Quechua (/ˈkɛtʃuə/, in AmE also /ˈkɛtʃwɑː/)[2], known as Runasimi ("people's language") in the Quechuan language, is an indigenous language family, with variations spoken by the Quechua peoples, primarily living in the Andes
and highlands of South America.[3] Derived from a common ancestral language, it is the most widely spoken language family of indigenous peoples of the Americas, with a total of probably some 8–10 million speakers.[4] Approximately 25% (7.7 million) of Peruvians speak some variation of Quechua.[5][6] It is perhaps most widely known for being the main language of the Inca Empire. The colonisers initially encouraged its use, but from the middle of their reign they suppressed it. However, Quechua ultimately survived, and variants are still widely spoken today.


1 History 2 Current status

2.1 Number of speakers

3 Classification

3.1 Family tree 3.2 Geographical distribution 3.3 Cognates 3.4 Quechua and Aymara

4 Vocabulary

4.1 Etymology of Quechua

5 Phonology

5.1 Vowels 5.2 Consonants 5.3 Stress

6 Orthography 7 Grammar

7.1 Morphological type 7.2 Pronouns 7.3 Adjectives 7.4 Numbers 7.5 Nouns 7.6 Adverbs 7.7 Verbs 7.8 Grammatical particles 7.9 Evidentiality

7.9.1 -m(i) : Direct evidence and commitment[30] 7.9.2 -chr(a) : Inference and attenuation[33] 7.9.3 -sh(i) : Hearsay[35] 7.9.4 Affix or clitic 7.9.5 Position in the sentence 7.9.6 Changes in meaning and other uses 7.9.7 Inferential evidential, -chr(a) 7.9.8 Hearsay evidential, -sh(i) 7.9.9 Omission and overuse of evidential affixes 7.9.10 Cultural aspect

8 Literature 9 In popular culture 10 See also 11 Notes 12 References 13 Further reading 14 External links

History[edit] Quechua had already expanded across wide ranges of the central Andes long before the expansion of the Inca Empire.[citation needed] The Inca were one among many peoples in present-day Peru
who already spoke forms of Quechua. In the Cusco
region, Quechua was influenced by local languages such as Aymara. The Cuzco variety of Quechua developed as quite distinct. In similar ways, diverse dialects developed in different areas, related to existing local languages, when the Inca Empire ruled and imposed Quechua as the official language. After the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire
Inca Empire
in the 16th century, Quechua continued to be used widely by the indigenous peoples as the "common language". It was officially recognized by the Spanish administration and many Spanish learned it in order to communicate with the local peoples.[7] Clergy of the Catholic Church
Catholic Church
adopted Quechua to use as the language of evangelization. Given its use by the Catholic missionaries, the range of Quechua continued to expand in some areas. In the late 18th century, colonial officials ended administrative and religious use of Quechua, banning it from public use in Peru
after the Túpac Amaru II
Túpac Amaru II
rebellion of indigenous peoples.[4] The Crown banned even "loyal" pro-Catholic texts in Quechua, such as Garcilaso de la Vega's Comentarios Reales.[8] Despite a brief revival of the language immediately after the Latin American nations achieved independence in the 19th century, the prestige of Quechua had decreased sharply. Gradually its use declined so that it was spoken mostly by indigenous people in the more isolated and conservative rural areas. Nevertheless, in the 21st century, Quechua language
Quechua language
speakers number 8 to 10 million people across South America,[4] the most speakers of any indigenous language. The oldest written records of the language are by missionary Domingo de Santo Tomás, who arrived in Peru
in 1538 and learned the language from 1540. He published his Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los reynos del Perú (Grammar or Art of the General Language of the Indians of the Royalty of Peru) in 1560.[9][10] Current status[edit]

Map of Peru
showing the distribution of overall Quechua speakers by district

In 1975 Peru
became the first country to recognize Quechua as one of its official languages.[11] Ecuador
conferred official status on the language in its 2006 constitution, and in 2009, Bolivia
adopted a new constitution that recognized Quechua and several other indigenous languages as official languages of the country.[12] The major obstacle to the usage and teaching of Quechua is the lack of written materials in that language, such as books, newspapers, software, and magazines. The Bible has been translated into Quechua and is distributed by certain missionary groups. Quechua, along with Aymara and the minor indigenous languages, remains essentially a spoken language. In recent years, Quechua has been introduced in intercultural bilingual education (IBE) in Bolivia, Ecuador
and Peru. Even in these areas, the governments are reaching only a part of the Quechua-speaking populations. Some indigenous people in each of the countries are having their children study in Spanish for the purposes of social advancement.[13] Radio Nacional del Perú broadcasts news and agrarian programs in Quechua for periods in the mornings. Quechua and Spanish are now heavily intermixed in much of the Andean region, with many hundreds of Spanish loanwords in Quechua. Similarly, Quechua phrases and words are commonly used by Spanish speakers. In southern rural Bolivia, for instance, many Quechua words such as wawa (infant), misi (cat), waska (strap or thrashing), are as commonly used as their Spanish counterparts, even in entirely Spanish-speaking areas. Quechua has also had a profound influence on other native languages of the Americas, such as Mapuche.[citation needed] Number of speakers[edit] The number of speakers given varies widely according to the sources. The total in Ethnologue
16 is 10 million, mostly based on figures published 1987–2002, but with a few dating from the 1960s. The figure for Imbabura Highland Quechua in Ethnologue, for example, is 300,000, an estimate from 1977. The missionary organization FEDEPI, on the other hand, estimated one million Imbabura dialect speakers (published 2006). Census figures are also problematic, due to under-reporting. The 2001 Ecuador
census reports only 500,000 Quechua speakers, compared to the estimate in most linguistic sources of more than 2 million. The censuses of Peru (2007) and Bolivia
(2001) are thought to be more reliable.

Argentina: 900,000 (1971) Bolivia: 2,100,000 (2001 census); 2,800,000 South Bolivian (1987) Chile: few, if any; 8200 in ethnic group (2002 census) Colombia: 4,402 to 16,000[14] Ecuador: 2,300,000 (Adelaar 1991) Peru: 3,260,000 (2007 census); 3,500,000 to 4,400,000 (Adelaar 2000)

Additionally, there are an unknown number of speakers in emigrant communities, including Queens, New York, and Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States.[15] Classification[edit]

The four branches of Quechua: I (Central), II-A (North Peruvian), II-B (Northern), II-C (Southern)

There are significant differences among the varieties of Quechua spoken in the central Peruvian highlands and the peripheral varieties of Ecuador, as well as those of southern Peru
and Bolivia. They can be labeled Quechua I
Quechua I
(or Quechua B, central) and Quechua II
Quechua II
(or Quechua A, peripheral). Within the two groups, there are few sharp boundaries, making them dialect continua. But, there is a secondary division in Quechua II
Quechua II
between the grammatically simplified northern varieties of Ecuador, Quechua II-B, known there as Kichwa, and the generally more conservative varieties of the southern highlands, Quechua II-C, which include the old Inca capital of Cusco. The closeness is at least in part because of the influence of Cusco
Quechua on the Ecuadorean varieties in the Inca Empire. Because Northern nobles were required to educate their children in Cusco, this was maintained as the prestige dialect in the north. Speakers from different points within any of the three regions can generally understand one another reasonably well. There are nonetheless significant local-level differences across each. (Wanka Quechua, in particular, has several very distinctive characteristics that make the variety more difficult to understand, even for other Central Quechua speakers.) Speakers from different major regions, particularly Central or Southern Quechua, are not able to communicate effectively. The lack of mutual intelligibility among the dialects is the basic criterion that defines Quechua not as a single language, but as a language family. The complex and progressive nature of how speech varies across the dialect continua makes it nearly impossible to differentiate discrete varieties; Ethnologue
lists 45 varieties which are then divided into 2 groups; Central and Peripheral. Due to the non-intelligibility among the 2 groups, they are all classified as separate languages..[16] As a reference point, the overall degree of diversity across the family is a little less than that of the Romance or Germanic families, and more of the order of Slavic or Arabic. The greatest diversity is within Central Quechua, AKA Quechua I, which is believed to lie close to the homeland of the ancestral Proto-Quechua language. Family tree[edit] Alfredo Torero devised the traditional classification, the three divisions above, plus a fourth, a northern or Peruvian branch. The latter causes complications in the classification, however, as the northern dialects (Cajamarca–Cañaris, Pacaraos, and Yauyos–Chincha) have features of both Quechua I
Quechua I
and Quechua II, and so are difficult to assign to either. Torero classifies them as the following:

Quechua I
Quechua I
or Quechua B, aka Central Quechua or Waywash, spoken in Peru's central highlands and coast.

The most widely spoken varieties are Huaylas, Huaylla Wanca, and Conchucos.

Quechua II
Quechua II
or Quechua A or Peripheral Quechua or Wanp'una, divided into

Yungay (Yunkay) Quechua or Quechua II
Quechua II
A, spoken in the northern mountains of Peru; the most widely spoken dialect is Cajamarca. Northern Quechua
Northern Quechua
or Quechua II
Quechua II
B, spoken in Ecuador
(Kichwa), northern Peru, and Colombia (Inga Kichwa)

The most widely spoken varieties in this group are Chimborazo Highland Quichua and Imbabura Highland Quichua.

Southern Quechua
Southern Quechua
or Quechua II
Quechua II
C, spoken in Bolivia, southern Peru, Chile, and Argentina.

The most widely spoken varieties are South Bolivian, Cusco, Ayacucho, and Puno

Willem Adelaar adheres to the Quechua I
Quechua I
/ Quechua II (central/peripheral) bifurcation. But, partially following later modifications by Torero, he reassigns part of Quechua II-A
Quechua II-A
to Quechua I:[17]


Quechua I


Ancash (Huaylas–Conchucos)

Alto Pativilca–Alto Marañón–Alto Huallaga


Wanka (Jauja–Huanca)

Yauyos–Chincha (Huangáscar–Topará)


 Quechua II 

 Cajamarca–Cañaris  (Quechua II-A, reduced)

Lambayeque (Cañaris)


(Quechua II-A split)


(Quechua II-A split)


 Northern Quechua  (Quechua II-B)

Kichwa ("Ecuadorian" or Highlands and Oriente)

Chachapoyas (Amazonas)

Lamas (San Martín)

Southern Quechua (Quechua II-C)




Northern Bolivian (Apolo)

Southern Bolivia

Santiago del Estero

Landerman (1991) does not believe a truly genetic classification is possible and divides Quechua II
Quechua II
so that the family has four geographical–typological branches: Northern, North Peruvian, Central, and Southern. He includes Chachapoyas and Lamas in North Peruvian Quechua so Ecuadorian is synonymous with Northern Quechua.[18] Geographical distribution[edit] Quechua I
Quechua I
(Central Quechua, Waywash) is spoken in Peru's central highlands, from the Ancash Region
Ancash Region
to Huancayo. It is the most diverse branch of Quechua,[19] to the extent that its divisions are commonly considered different languages. Quechua II
Quechua II
(Peripheral Quechua, Wamp'una "Traveler")

II-A: Yunkay Quechua (North Peruvian Quechua) is scattered in Peru's occidental highlands II-B: Northern Quechua
Northern Quechua
(also known as Runashimi or, especially in Ecuador, Kichwa) is mainly spoken in Colombia and Ecuador. It is also spoken in the Amazonian lowlands of Colombia, Ecuador, and in pockets in Peru II-C: Southern Quechua, in the highlands further south, from Huancavelica
through the Ayacucho, Cusco, and Puno
regions of Peru, across much of Bolivia, and in pockets in north-western Argentina. It is the most influential branch, with the largest number of speakers and the most important cultural and literary legacy.

Cognates[edit] This is a sampling of words in several Quechuan languages:

Ancash (I) Wanka (I) Cajamarca (II-A) San Martin (II-B) Kichwa (II-B) Ayacucho
(II-C) Cusco

'one' huk [uk~huk] suk, huk [suk], [huk] suq [soχ] suk [suk] shuk [ʃuk] huk [huk] huk [hoχ]

'two' ishkay [ɪʃkeˑ ~ ɪʃkɐj] ishkay [iʃkaj] ishkay [ɪʃkɐj] ishkay [iʃkaj] ishkay [iʃki ~ iʃkaj] iskay [iskæj] iskay [iskæj]

'ten' ćhunka, chunka [ʈ͡ʂʊŋkɐ], [t͡ʃʊŋkɐ] ćhunka [ʈ͡ʂuŋka] ch'unka [ʈ͡ʂʊŋgɐ] chunka [t͡ʃuŋga] chunka [t͡ʃuŋgɐ ~ t͡ʃuŋkɐ] chunka [t͡ʃuŋkɐ] chunka [t͡ʃuŋkɐ]

'sweet' mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] miski [mɪskɪ] misk'i [mɪskʼɪ]

'white' yuraq [jʊɾɑq ~ jʊɾɑχ] yulaq [julah ~ julaː] yuraq [jʊɾɑχ] yurak [jʊɾak] yurak [jʊɾax ~ jʊɾak] yuraq [jʊɾɑχ] yuraq [jʊɾɑχ]

'he gives' qun [qoŋ ~ χoŋ ~ ʁoŋ] qun [huŋ ~ ʔuŋ] qun [qoŋ] kun [kuŋ] kun [kuŋ] qun [χoŋ] qun [qoŋ]

'yes' awmi [oːmi ~ ɐwmɪ] aw [aw] ari [ɐɾi] ari [aɾi] ari [aɾi] arí [ɐˈɾi] arí [ɐˈɾi]

Quechua and Aymara[edit] Quechua shares a large amount of vocabulary, and some striking structural parallels, with Aymara, and the two families have sometimes been grouped together as a "Quechumaran family". That hypothesis is generally rejected by specialists, however. The parallels are better explained by mutual influence and borrowing through intensive and long-term contact. Many Quechua–Aymara cognates are close, often closer than intra-Quechua cognates, and there is little relationship in the affixal system. Vocabulary[edit] A number of Quechua loanwords have entered English via Spanish, including coca, cockroach, condor, guano, jerky, llama, pampa, poncho, puma, quinine, quinoa, vicuña, and, possibly, gaucho. The word lagniappe comes from the Quechuan word yapay ("to increase; to add") with the Spanish article la in front of it, la yapa or la ñapa in Spanish. The influence on Latin American Spanish includes such borrowings as papa for "potato", chuchaqui for "hangover" in Ecuador, and diverse borrowings for "altitude sickness", in Bolivia
from Quechuan suruqch'i to Bolivian sorojchi, in Ecuador
and Peru
soroche. In Bolivia, particularly, Quechua words are used extensively even by non-Quechua speakers. These include wawa (baby, infant), ch'aki (hangover), misi (cat), juk'ucho (mouse), q'omer uchu (green pepper), jacu ("lets go"), chhiri and chhurco (curly haired), among many others. Quechua grammar also enters Bolivian Spanish, such as the use of the suffix -ri. In Bolivian Quechua, -ri is added to verbs to signify an action is performed with affection or, in the imperative, as a rough equivalent to please. In Bolivia
-ri is often included in the Spanish imperative to imply "please" or to soften commands. For example, the standard "pásame" (pass me), becomes pasarime. Quechua has borrowed a large number of Spanish words, such as piru (from pero, but), bwenu (from bueno, good), iskwila (from "escuela," school), waka (from "vaca," cow) and burru (from burro, donkey).[20] Etymology of Quechua[edit] At first, Spaniards referred to the language of the Inca empire as the lengua general, the general language. The name quichua was first used in 1560 by Domingo de Santo Tomás
Domingo de Santo Tomás
in his Grammatica o arte de la lengua general de los indios de los reynos del Perú.[21] It is not known what name the native speakers gave to their language before colonial times and whether it was Spaniards who called it quechua.[21] There are two possible etymologies of Quechua as the name of the language. There is a possibility that the name Quechua was derived from *qiĉ.wa, the native word which originally meant the "temperate valley" altitude ecological zone in the Andes
(suitable for maize cultivation) and to its inhabitants.[21] Alternatively, Pedro Cieza de León
Pedro Cieza de León
and Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, the early Spanish chroniclers, mention the existence of a people called Quichua in the present Apurímac Region, and it could be inferred that their name was given to the entire language.[21] The Hispanicised spellings Quechua and Quichua have been used in Peru and Bolivia
since the 17th century, especially after the Third Council of Lima. Today, the various local pronunciations of "Quechua Simi" include [ˈqʰeʃwa ˈsimi], [ˈχetʃwa ˈʃimi], [ˈkitʃwa ˈʃimi], and [ˈʔitʃwa ˈʃimi]. Another name that native speakers give to their own language is runa simi, "language of man/people"; it also seems to have emerged during the colonial period.[21] Phonology[edit] The description below applies to Cusco
Quechua; there are significant differences in other varieties of Quechua. Vowels[edit] Quechua only has three vowel phonemes: /a/ /i/ and /u/, as in Aymara (including Jaqaru). Monolingual speakers pronounce them as [æ, ɪ, ʊ] respectively, but Spanish realizations [ä, i, u] may also be found. When the vowels appear adjacent to uvular consonants (/q/, /qʼ/, and /qʰ/), they are rendered more like [ɑ], [ɛ] and [ɔ], respectively. Consonants[edit]

Quechua consonant phonemes

Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar/ Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal

Nasal m n ɲ

Stop plain p t tʃ k q

aspirated pʰ tʰ tʃʰ kʰ qʰ

ejective p’ t’ tʃ’ k’ q’


s ʃ


Approximant central

j w


l ʎ



Imbabura Kichwa consonant phonemes[22]

Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar/ Palatal Velar

Stop p t



ts tʃ

Fricative plain ɸ s ʃ x



Nasal m n ɲ






j w

Voicing is not phonemic in the Quechua native vocabulary of the modern Cusco

Voiceless bilabial plosives

Pronunciation of the voiceless bilabial plosives of Cusco

Problems playing this file? See media help.

About 30% of the modern Quechua vocabulary is borrowed from Spanish, and some Spanish sounds (such as /f/, /b/, /d/, /ɡ/) may have become phonemic even among monolingual Quechua-speakers. Cusco
Quechua, North- and South-Bolivian Quechua are the only varieties of Quechua to have glottalized consonants, and they, along with certain kinds of Ecuadorian Kichwa, are the only varieties with aspirated consonants. Because reflexes of a given Proto-Quechua word may have different stops in neighboring dialects (Proto-Quechua čaki 'foot' becomes č’aki and čaka 'bridge' becomes čaka), they are thought to be innovations in Quechua from Aymara, borrowed independently after branching off from Proto-Quechua. Gemination of the tap /ɾ/ results in a trill [r]. Stress[edit] Stress is penultimate in most dialects of Quechua. In some varieties, factors such as apocope of word-final vowels may cause exceptional final stress. Orthography[edit] Main article: Quechua alphabet Further information: Southern Quechua
Southern Quechua
§ Standard Quechua Quechua has been written using the Roman alphabet since the Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire. However, written Quechua is rarely used by Quechua speakers because of the lack of printed referential material in Quechua. Until the 20th century, Quechua was written with a Spanish-based orthography. Examples Inca, Huayna Cápac, Collasuyo, Mama Ocllo, Viracocha, quipu, tambo, condor. That orthography is the most familiar to Spanish speakers and so has been used for most borrowings into English. In 1975, the Peruvian government of Juan Velasco Alvarado
Juan Velasco Alvarado
adopted a new orthography for Quechua. That is the system preferred by the Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua: Inka, Wayna Qhapaq, Qollasuyu, Mama Oqllo, Wiraqocha, khipu, tampu, kuntur. The orthography has these features:

It uses w instead of hu for /w/. It distinguishes velar k from uvular q, but both were spelled c or qu in the traditional system. It distinguishes simple, ejective, and aspirated stops in dialects (such as that of the Cusco
Region) with them, like khipu above. It continues to use the Spanish five-vowel system.

In 1985, a variation of this system was adopted by the Peruvian government; it uses the Quechuan three-vowel system: Inka, Wayna Qhapaq, Qullasuyu, Mama Uqllu, Wiraqucha, khipu, tampu, kuntur. The different orthographies are still highly controversial in Peru. Advocates of the traditional system believe that the new orthographies look too foreign and suggest that it makes Quechua harder to learn for people who have first been exposed to written Spanish. Those who prefer the new system maintain that it better matches the phonology of Quechua, and they point to studies showing that teaching the five-vowel system to children later causes reading difficulties in Spanish.[citation needed] For more on this, see Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift. Writers differ in the treatment of Spanish loanwords. Sometimes, they are adapted to the modern orthography, and sometimes, they are left as in Spanish. For instance, "I am Roberto" could be written Robertom kani or Ruwirtum kani. (The -m is not part of the name but is an evidential suffix. It shows how the information is known: firsthand, in this case.) The Peruvian linguist Rodolfo Cerrón Palomino
Rodolfo Cerrón Palomino
has proposed an orthographic norm for all Southern Quechua: Standard Quechua (el Quechua estándar or Hanan Runasimi) conservatively integrates features of two widespread dialects, Ayacucho Quechua
Ayacucho Quechua
and Cusco Quechua. For instance:[23]

English Ayacucho Cusco Standard Quechua

to drink upyay uhyay upyay

fast utqa usqha utqha

to work llamkay llank'ay llamk'ay

we (inclusive) ñuqanchik nuqanchis ñuqanchik

(progressive suffix) -chka- -sha- -chka-

day punchaw p'unchay p'unchaw

Today the Spanish-based orthography is in conflict with the Peruvian law. According to Article 20 of Decreto Supremo No 004-2016-MC (Supreme Decree) which approves the Regulations to Law 29735, published in the official newspaper El Peruano on July 22, 2016, adequate spellings of the toponyms in the normalized alphabets of the indigenous languages must progressively be proposed with the aim of standardizing the namings used by the National Geographic Institute (Instituto Geográfico Nacional, IGN) The IGN realizes the necessary changes in the official maps of Peru.[24] Grammar[edit] Morphological type[edit] Quechua is an agglutinating language. Words are built up from basic roots followed by several suffixes which each carry one meaning. All varieties of Quechua are very regular agglutinative languages, as opposed to isolating or fusional ones [Thompson]. Their normal sentence order is SOV (subject–object–verb). Their large number of suffixes changes both the overall significance of words and their subtle shades of meaning. Notable grammatical features include bipersonal conjugation (verbs agree with both subject and object), evidentiality (indication of the source and veracity of knowledge), a set of topic particles, and suffixes indicating who benefits from an action and the speaker's attitude toward it, but some languages and varieties may lack some of the characteristics. Pronouns[edit]


Singular Plural

Person First Ñuqa Ñuqanchik (inclusive) Ñuqayku (exclusive)

Second Qam Qamkuna

Third Pay Paykuna

In Quechua, there are seven pronouns. Quechua has two first-person plural pronouns ("we" in English). One is called the inclusive, which is used if the speaker wishes to include the addressee ("we and you"). The other form is called the exclusive, which is used when the addressee is excluded ("we without you"). Quechua also adds the suffix -kuna to the second and third person singular pronouns qam and pay to create the plural forms, qam-kuna and pay-kuna. Adjectives[edit] Adjectives in Quechua are always placed before nouns. They lack gender and number and are not declined to agree with substantives. Numbers[edit]

Cardinal numbers. ch'usaq (0), huk (1), iskay (2), kimsa (3), tawa (4), pichqa (5), suqta (6), qanchis (7), pusaq (8), isqun (9), chunka (10), chunka hukniyuq (11), chunka iskayniyuq (12), iskay chunka (20), pachak (100), waranqa (1,000), hunu (1,000,000), lluna (1,000,000,000,000). Ordinal numbers. To form ordinal numbers, the word ñiqin is put after the appropriate cardinal number (iskay ñiqin = "second"). The only exception is that, in addition to huk ñiqin ("first"), the phrase ñawpaq is also used in the somewhat more restricted sense of "the initial, primordial, the oldest".

Nouns[edit] Noun roots accept suffixes that indicate person (defining of possession, not identity), number, and case. In general, the personal suffix precedes that of number. In the Santiago del Estero
Santiago del Estero
variety, however, the order is reversed.[25] From variety to variety, suffixes may change.

Examples using the word wasi (house)

Function Suffix Example (translation)

suffix indicating number plural -kuna wasikuna houses

possessive suffix 1.person singular -y, -: wasiy, wasii my house

2.person singular -yki wasiyki your house

3.person singular -n wasin his/her/its house

1.person plural (incl) -nchik wasinchik our house (incl.)

1.person plural (excl) -y-ku wasiyku our house (excl.)

2.person plural -yki-chik wasiykichik your (pl.) house

3.person plural -n-ku wasinku their house

suffixes indicating case nominative – wasi the house (subj.)

accusative -(k)ta wasita the house (obj.)

instrumental -wan wasiwan with the house, and the house

abessive -naq wasinaq without the house

dative -paq wasipaq to the house

genitive -p(a) wasip(a) of the house

causative -rayku wasirayku because of the house

benefactive -paq wasipaq for the house

locative -pi wasipi at the house

directional -man wasiman towards the house

inclusive -piwan, puwan wasipiwan, wasipuwan including the house

terminative -kama, -yaq wasikama, wasiyaq up to the house

transitive -(rin)ta wasinta through the house

ablative -manta, -piqta wasimanta, wasipiqta off/from the house

comitative -(ni)ntin wasintin along with the house

immediate -raq wasiraq first the house

intrative -pura wasipura among the houses

exclusive -lla(m) wasilla(m) only the house

comparative -naw, -hina wasinaw, wasihina than the house

Adverbs[edit] Adverbs can be formed by adding -ta or, in some cases, -lla to an adjective: allin – allinta ("good – well"), utqay – utqaylla ("quick – quickly"). They are also formed by adding suffixes to demonstratives: chay ("that") – chaypi ("there"), kay ("this") – kayman ("hither"). There are several original adverbs. For Europeans, it is striking that the adverb qhipa means both "behind" and "future" and ñawpa means "ahead, in front" and "past".[26] Local and temporal concepts of adverbs in Quechua (as well as in Aymara) are associated to each other reversely, compared to European languages. For the speakers of Quechua, we are moving backwards into the future (we cannot see it: it is unknown), facing the past (we can see it: it is remembered). Verbs[edit] The infinitive forms (unconjugated) have the suffix -y (much'a= "kiss"; much'a-y = "to kiss"). These are the endings for the indicative:

Present Past Future Pluperfect

Ñuqa -ni -rqa-ni -saq -sqa-ni

Qam -nki -rqa-nki -nki -sqa-nki

Pay -n -rqa(-n) -nqa -sqa

Ñuqanchik -nchik -rqa-nchik -su-nchik -sqa-nchik

Ñuqayku -yku -rqa-yku -saq-ku -sqa-yku

Qamkuna -nki-chik -rqa-nki-chik -nki-chik -sqa-nki-chik

Paykuna -n-ku -rqa-(n)ku -nqa-ku -sqa-ku

The suffixes shown in the table above usually indicate the subject; the person of the object is also indicated by a suffix (-a- for first person and -su- for second person), which precedes the suffixes in the table. In such cases, the plural suffixes from the table (-chik and -ku) can be used to express the number of the object rather than the subject. Various suffixes are added to the stem to change the meaning. For example, -chi is a causative and -ku is a reflexive (example: wañuy = "to die"; wañuchiy = to kill wañuchikuy = "to commit suicide"); -naku is used for mutual action (example: marq'ay= "to hug"; marq'anakuy= "to hug each other"), and -chka is a progressive, used for an ongoing action (e.g., mikhuy = "to eat"; mikhuchkay = "to be eating"). Grammatical particles[edit] Particles are indeclinable: they do not accept suffixes. They are relatively rare, but the most common are arí ("yes") and mana ("no"), although mana can take some suffixes, such as -n/-m (manan/manam), -raq (manaraq, not yet) and -chu (manachu?, or not?), to intensify the meaning. Also used are yaw ("hey", "hi"), and certain loan words from Spanish, such as piru (from Spanish pero "but") and sinuqa (from sino "rather"). Evidentiality[edit] The Quechuan languages
Quechuan languages
have three different morphemes that mark evidentiality. Evidentiality refers to a morpheme whose primary purpose is to indicate the source of information.[27] In the Quechuan languages, evidentiality is a three-term system: there are three evidential morphemes that mark varying levels of source information. The markers can apply to the first, second, and third persons.[28] The chart below depicts an example of these morphemes from Wanka Quechua:[29]

Evidential morphemes -m(i) -chr(a) -sh(i)

Meaning Direct evidence Inferred; conjecture Reported; hearsay

The parentheses around the vowels indicate that the vowel can be dropped in when following an open vowel. For the sake of cohesiveness, the above forms are used to discuss the evidential morphemes. However, it should be noted that there are dialectal variations to the forms. The variations will be presented in the following descriptions. The following sentences provide examples of the three evidentials and further discuss the meaning behind each of them. -m(i) : Direct evidence and commitment[30][edit] Regional variations: In Cusco
Quechua, the direct evidential presents itself as –mi and –n. The evidential –mi indicates that the speaker has a "strong personal conviction the veracity of the circumstance expressed."[31] It has the basis of direct personal experience. Wanka Quechua[32]

ñawi-i-wan-mi lika-la-a

eye-1P-with-DIR see-PST-1

I saw them with my own eyes. -chr(a) : Inference and attenuation[33][edit] In Quechuan languages, not specified by the source, the inference morpheme appears as –ch(i), -ch(a), -chr(a). The –chr(a) evidential indicates that the utterance is an inference or form of conjecture. That inference relays the speaker’s non-commitment to the truth-value of the statement. It also appears in cases such as acquiescence, irony, interrogative constructions, and first person inferences. These uses constitute nonprototypical use and will be discussed later in the changes in meaning and other uses section. Wanka Quechua[34]

kuti-mu-n'a-qa-chr ni-ya-ami

return-AFAR-3FUT-now-CONJ say-IMPV-1-DIR

I think they will probably come back. -sh(i) : Hearsay[35][edit] Regional variations: It can appear as –sh(i) or –s(i) depending on the dialect. With the use of this morpheme, the speaker "serves as a conduit through which information from another source passes." The information being related is hearsay or revelatory in nature. It also works to express the uncertainty of the speaker regarding the situation. However, it also appears in other constructions that are discussed in the changes in meaning section. Wanka Quechua[36]

shanti-sh prista-ka-mu-la

Shanti-REP borrow-REF-AFAR-PST

(I was told) Shanti borrowed it. Hintz discusses an interesting case of evidential behavior found in the Sihaus dialect of Ancash Quechua. The author postulates that instead of three single evidential markers, that Quechuan language contains three pairs of evidential markers.[37] Affix or clitic[edit] It may have been noted the evidential morphemes have been referred to as markers or morphemes. The literature seems to differ on whether or not the evidential morphemes are acting as affixes or clitics, in some cases, such as Wanka Quechua, enclitics. Lefebvre and Muysken (1998) discuss this issue in terms of case but remark the line between affix and clitic is not clear.[38] Both terms are used interchangeably throughout these sections. Position in the sentence[edit] Evidentials in the Quechuan languages
Quechuan languages
are "second position enclitics", which usually attach to the first constituent in the sentence, as shown in this example.[39]

huk-si ka-sqa huk machucha-piwan payacha

once-REP be-SD one old.man-WITH woman

Once, there were an old man and an old woman. They can, however, also occur on a focused constituent.

Pidru kunana-mi wasi-ta tuwa-sha-n

Pedro now-DIR.EV house-ACC build-PROG-3SG

It is now that Pedro is building the house. Sometimes, the affix is described as attaching to the focus, particularly in the Tarma dialect of Yaru Quechua,[40] but this does not hold true for all varieties of Quechua. In Huanuco Quechua, the evidentials may follow any number of topics, marked by the topic marker –qa, and the element with the evidential must precede the main verb or be the main verb. However, there are exceptions to that rule, and the more topics there are in a sentence, the more likely the sentence is to deviate from the usual pattern.

Chawrana-qa puntataruu-qu trayaruptin-qa wamrata-qa mayna-shi Diosninchi-qa heqarkaykachisha syelutana-shi

so:already-TOP at:the:peak-TOP arriving-TOP child-TOP already-IND our:God-TOP had:taken:her:up to:heaven:already-IND

When she (the witch) reached the peak, God had already taken the child up into heaven. Changes in meaning and other uses[edit] Evidentials can be used to relay different meanings depending on the context and perform other functions. The following examples are restricted to Wanka Quechua. The direct evidential, -mi The direct evidential appears in wh-questions and yes/no questions. By considering the direct evidential in terms of prototypical semantics, it seems somewhat counterintuitive to have a direct evidential, basically an evidential that confirms the speaker’s certainty about a topic, in a question. However, if one focuses less on the structure and more on the situation, some sense can be made. The speaker is asking the addressee for information so the speaker assumes the speaker knows the answer. That assumption is where the direct evidential comes into play. The speaker holds a certain amount of certainty that the addressee will know the answer. The speaker interprets the addressee as being in "direct relation" to the proposed content; the situation is the same as when, in regular sentences, the speaker assumes direct relation to the proposed information.[41]

imay-mi wankayuu-pu kuti-mu-la

when-DIR Huancayo-ABL return-AFAR-PAST

When did he come back from Huancayo? (Floyd 1999, p. 85) The direct evidential affix is also seen in yes/no questions, similar to the situation with wh-questions. Floyd describes yes/no questions as being "characterized as instructions to the addressee to assert one of the propositions of a disjunction."[42] Once again, the burden of direct evidence is being placed on the addressee, not on the speaker. The question marker in Wanka Quechua, -chun, is derived from the negative –chu marker and the direct evidential (realized as –n in some dialects).

tarma-kta li-n-chun

Tarma-ACC go-3-YN

Is he going to Tarma? (Floyd 1999, p. 89) Inferential evidential, -chr(a)[edit] While –chr(a) is usually used in an inferential context, it has some non-prototypical uses. Mild Exhortation In these constructions the evidential works to reaffirm and encourage the addressee’s actions or thoughts.

mas kalu-kuna-kta li-la-a ni-nki-chra-ri

more far-PL-ACC go-PST-1 say-2-CONJ-EMPH

Yes, tell them, "I've gone farther." (Floyd 1999, p. 107) This example comes from a conversation between husband and wife, discussing the reactions of their family and friends after they have been gone for a while. The husband says he plans to stretch the truth and tell them about distant places to which he has gone, and his wife (in the example above) echoes and encourages his thoughts. Acquiescence With these, the evidential is used to highlight the speaker’s assessment of inevitability of an event and acceptance of it. There is a sense of resistance, diminished enthusiasm, and disinclination in these constructions.



I suppose I'll pay you then. (Floyd 1999, p. 109) This example comes from a discourse where a woman demands compensation from the man (the speaker in the example) whose pigs ruined her potatoes. He denies the pigs as being his but finally realizes he may be responsible and produces the above example. Interrogative Somewhat similar to the –mi evidential, the inferential evidential can be found in content questions. However, the salient difference between the uses of the evidentials in questions is that in the –m(i) marked questions, an answer is expected. That is not the case with –chr(a) marked questions.

ima-lla-kta-chr u-you-shrun llapa ayllu-kuna-kta-si chra-alu-l

what-LIM-ACC-CONJ give-ASP-12FUT all family-PL-ACC-EVEN arrive-ASP-SS

I wonder what we will give our families when we arrive. (Floyd 1999, p. 111) Irony Irony in language can be a somewhat complicated topic in how it functions differently in languages, and by its semantic nature, it is already somewhat vague. For these purposes, it is suffice to say that when irony takes place in Wanka Quechua, the –chr(a) marker is used.

chay-nuu-pa-chr yachra-nki

that-SIM-GEN-CONJ know-2

(I suppose) That's how you learn [that is the way in which you will learn]. (Floyd 199, p. 115) This example comes from discourse between a father and daughter about her refusal to attend school. It can be interpreted as a genuine statement (perhaps one can learn by resisting school) or as an ironic statement (that is an absurd idea). Hearsay evidential, -sh(i)[edit] Aside from being used to express hearsay and revelation, this affix also has other uses. Folktales, myths, and legends Because folktales, myths, and legends are, in essence, reported speech, it follows that the hearsay marker would be used with them. Many of these types of stories are passed down through generations, furthering this aspect of reported speech. A difference between simple hearsay and folktales can be seen in the frequency of the –sh(i) marker. In normal conversation using reported speech, the marker is used less, to avoid redundancy. Riddles Riddles are somewhat similar to myths and folktales in that their nature is to be passed by word of mouth.

ima-lla-shi ayka-lla-sh juk machray-chru puñu-ya-n puka waaka

what-LIM-REP how^much-LIM-REP one cave-LOC sleep-IMPF-3 red cow

(Floyd 1999, p. 142) Omission and overuse of evidential affixes[edit] In certain grammatical structures, the evidential marker does not appear at all. In all Quechuan languages
Quechuan languages
the evidential will not appear in a dependent clause. Sadly, no example was given to depict this omission.[43] Omissions occur in Quechua. The sentence is understood to have the same evidentiality as the other sentences in the context. Quechuan speakers vary as to how much they omit evidentials, but they occur only in connected speech.[44] An interesting contrast to omission of evidentials is overuse of evidentials. If a speaker uses evidentials too much with no reason, competence is brought into question. For example, the overuse of –m(i) could lead others to believe that the speaker is not a native speaker or, in some extreme cases, that one is mentally ill.[28] Cultural aspect[edit] By using evidentials, the Quechua culture has certain assumptions about the information being relayed. Those who do not abide by the cultural customs should not be trusted. A passage from Weber (1986) summarizes them nicely below:

(Only) one’s experience is reliable. Avoid unnecessary risk by assuming responsibility for information of which one is not absolutely certain. Do not be gullible. There are many folktales in which the villain is foiled by his gullibility. Assume responsibility only if it is safe to do so. Successful assumption of responsibility builds stature in the community.[45]

Evidentials also show that being precise and stating the source of one’s information is extremely important in the language and the culture. Failure to use them correctly can lead to diminished standing in the community. Speakers are aware of the evidentials and even use proverbs to teach children the importance of being precise and truthful. Precision and information source are of the utmost importance. They are a powerful and resourceful method of human communication.[46] Literature[edit] Although the body of literature in Quechua is not as sizable as its historical and current prominence would suggest, it is nevertheless not negligible. As in the case of the pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, there are a number of surviving Andean documents in the local language that were written down in Latin characters after the European conquest, but they express, to a great extent, the culture of pre-Conquest times. That type of Quechua literature is somewhat scantier, but nevertheless significant. It includes the so-called Huarochirí Manuscript (1598), describing the mythology and religion of the valley of Huarochirí as well as Quechua poems quoted within the Spanish-language texts of some chronicles dealing with the pre-Conquest period. There are a number of anonymous or signed Quechua dramas dating from the post-conquest period (starting from the 17th century), some of which deal with the Inca era, while most are on religious topics and of European inspiration. The most famous dramas is Ollantay and the plays describing the death of Atahualpa. For example, Juan de Espinosa Medrano wrote several dramas in the language. Poems in Quechua were also composed during the colonial period.[47][48] Dramas and poems continued to be written in the 19th and especially in 20th centuries as well; in addition, in the 20th century and more recently, more prose has been published. However, few literary forms were made present in the 19th century as European influences limited literary criticism.[49] While some of that literature consists of original compositions (poems and dramas), the bulk of 20th century Quechua literature consists of traditional folk stories and oral narratives.[47] Johnny Payne has translated two sets of Quechua oral short stories, one into Spanish and the other into English. Many Andean musicians write and sing in their native languages, including Quechua and Aymara. Notable musical groups are Los Kjarkas, Kala Marka, J'acha Mallku, Savia Andina, Wayna Picchu, Wara and many others. In popular culture[edit]

There are several Quechua and Quechua-Spanish bloggers, as well as a Quechua language
Quechua language
podcast.[50] The 1961 Peruvian film Kukuli was the first film to be spoken in the Quechua language.[51] In Star Wars Episode IV: A New Hope the character Greedo's native language, Rodian, is actually a simplified version of Quechua, which is shown in conversation with Han Solo. The '90s TV series The Sentinel included numerous references to the shamanism and spirituality of the Peruvian Chopec as well as including many Quechua words in several episodes. The sport retailer Decathlon Group
Decathlon Group
brands their mountain equipment range as Quechua. In Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull, Indy has a dialogue in Quechua with Peruvians. He explains he learned the language in Mexico from a couple of the "guys" he met while briefly riding with Pancho Villa. This adventure was featured in the pilot episode of The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles. The guys were most likely Peruvian mercenaries recruited to the División del Norte. In The Adventures of Tintin
The Adventures of Tintin
books The Seven Crystal Balls
The Seven Crystal Balls
and its sequel Prisoners of the Sun, there are Quechua characters who are in league with the Inca and facilitate the abduction and incarceration of Professor Calculus
Professor Calculus
at the Temple of the Sun for committing sacrilege by wearing the funerary bangle of Rascar Capac. In the collectible card game Yu-Gi-Oh!, monsters in the card series Earthbound Immortals have their name originated from Quechua. In the animated series, Earthbound Immortals are described as powerful beasts sealed in Nazca Lines, which each one of them represents. On the TV cartoon series The Emperor's New School, the main and other characters have Quechua names as Kuzco (Cusco, that means "navel of the world"), Pacha (ground) and Chicha
(chicha is a kind of fermented maize "beer"). In Da Vinci's Demons, season 2 they meet a group of "Indians" who speak this language In Calle 13's song, Latin America (Grammy winner 2011 - the beginning there is a DJ introducing Calle 13 and the singer responds back in Quechuan, "this one is for you all" before starting) Ruanja, a language spoken in Mary Doria Russel's The Sparrow is based on Quechua.

See also[edit]

Andes Quechua People Aymara language List of English words of Quechuan origin Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift South Bolivian Quechua Oto-Manguean languages Sumak Kawsay


^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "Quechuan". Glottolog
3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.  ^ Wells, John C. (2008), Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.), Longman, ISBN 9781405881180  ^ "Quechua language, alphabet and pronunciation". www.omniglot.com. Retrieved 2017-07-26.  ^ a b c Adelaar 2004, pp. 167–168, 255. ^ " Peru
Languages". Ethnologue. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. 2017. Retrieved 30 November 2017. A macrolanguage. Population total all languages: 7,734,620.  ^ " Peru
Country". Ethnologue. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. 2017. Retrieved 30 November 2017. Population 30,814,000 (2014 UNSD)  ^ Fisher, John; Cahill, David Patrick, eds. (2008). "De la etnohistoria a la historia en los Andes : 51o Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Santiago de Chile, 2003". Congreso Internacional de Americanistas: 295.  ^ Aybar cited by Hart, Stephen M. A Companion to Latin American Literature, p. 6. ^ Torero, Alfredo (1983). "La familia lingûística quechua". América Latina en sus lenguas indígenas. Caracas: Monte Ávila. ISBN 92-3-301926-8.  ^ Torero, Alfredo (1974). El quechua y la historia social andina. Lima: Universidad Ricardo Palma, Dirección Universitaria de Investigación. ISBN 978-603-45-0210-9.  ^ Kandell, Jonathan Gay (May 22, 1975). " Peru
officially adopting Indian tongue". New York Times.  ^ Borsdorf, Axel. The Andes: A Geographical Portrait. p. 142.  ^ Adelaar 2004, pp. 258–259: "The Quechua speakers' wish for social mobility for their children is often heard as an argument for not transmitting the language to the next generation.... As observed quite adequately by Cerrón Palomino, "Quechua (and Aymara) speakers seem to have taken the project of assimilation begun by the dominating classes and made it their own." ^ Alain Fabre, Diccionario etnolingüístico y guía bibliográfica de los pubelos indígenas sudamericanos ^ Claudio Torrens (2011-05-28). "Some NY immigrants cite lack of Spanish as barrier". UTSanDiego.com. Retrieved 2013-02-10.  ^ Ethnologue
report for Quechua (macrolanguage) (SIL) ^ Adelaar 2004.[page needed] ^ Peter Landerman, 1991. Quechua dialects and their classification. PhD dissertation, UCLA ^ Lyle Campbell, American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America, Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 189 ^ Muysken, Pieter. "Root/ Affix asymmetries in contact and transfer: Case studies from the Andes" (PDF). www.ru.nl.  ^ a b c d e Adelaar 2004, p. 179. ^ Cole 1982, p. 199. ^ To listen to recordings of them and many other words, as pronounced in many different Quechua-speaking regions, see the external website The Sounds of the Andean Languages. There is also a full section on the new Quechua and Aymara Spelling. ^ "Decreto Supremo que aprueba el Reglamento de la Ley N° 29735, Ley que regula el uso, preservación, desarrollo, recuperación, fomento y difusión de las lenguas originarias del Perú, Decreto Supremo N° 004-2016-MC". Retrieved July 10, 2017.  ^ Alderetes, Jorge R. (1997). "Morfología nominal del quechua santiagueño".  ^ This occurs in English, where "before" means "in the past", and Shakespeare's Macbeth says "The greatest is behind", meaning in the future. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 3. ^ a b Aikhenvald 2004, p. 377. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 42. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 60. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 57. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 61. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 95. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 103. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 123. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 127. ^ Hintz 1999, p. 1. ^ Lefebvre & Muysken 1998, p. 89. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 68-69. ^ Weber 1986, p. 145. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 87. ^ Floyd 1999, p. 89. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 72. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 79. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 358. ^ Aikhenvald 2004, p. 380. ^ a b Adelaar 2004, pp. 254–256. ^ "History". Homepage.ntlworld.com. Retrieved 2012-11-09.  ^ Carnival Theater: Uruguay's Popular Performers and National Culture ^ "Peru: The State of Quechua on the Internet · Global Voices". Global Voices. 2011-09-09. Retrieved 2017-01-02.  ^ "Film Kukuli (Cuzco-Peru)". Latinos in London. Retrieved 2012-11-10. 


Rolph, Karen Sue. Ecologically Meaningful Toponyms: Linking a lexical domain to production ecology in the Peruvian Andes. Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University, 2007. Adelaar, Willem F. H (2004-06-10). The Languages of the Andes. ISBN 9781139451123.  Adelaar, Willem. The Languages of the Andes. With the collaboration of P.C. Muysken. Cambridge language survey. Cambridge University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-521-36831-5 Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo. Lingüística Quechua, Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos 'Bartolomé de las Casas', 2nd ed. 2003 Cole, Peter. "Imbabura Quechua", North-Holland (Lingua Descriptive Studies 5), Amsterdam 1982. Cusihuamán, Antonio, Diccionario Quechua Cuzco-Collao, Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas", 2001, ISBN 9972-691-36-5 Cusihuamán, Antonio, Gramática Quechua Cuzco-Collao, Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas", 2001, ISBN 9972-691-37-3 Mannheim, Bruce, The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion, University of Texas Press, 1991, ISBN 0-292-74663-6 Rodríguez Champi, Albino. (2006). Quechua de Cusco. Ilustraciones fonéticas de lenguas amerindias, ed. Stephen A. Marlett. Lima: SIL International y Universidad Ricardo Palma. Lengamer.org Aikhenvald, Alexandra. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2004. Print. Floyd, Rick. The Structure of Evidential Categories in Wanka Quechua. Dallas, TX: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1999. Print. Hintz, Diane. “The evidential system in Sihuas Quechua: personal vs. shared knowledge” The Nature of Evidentiality Conference, The Netherlands, 14–16 June 2012. SIL International. Internet. 13 April 2014. Lefebvre, Claire, and Pieter Muysken. Mixed Categories: Nominalizations in Quechua. Dordrecht, Holland: Kluwer Academic, 1988. Print. Weber, David. "Information Perspective, Profile, and Patterns in Quechua." Evidentiality: The Linguistic Coding of Epistemology. Ed. Wallace L. Chafe and Johanna Nichols. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub, 1986. 137-55. Print.

Further reading[edit]

Adelaar, Willem F. H. Modeling convergence: Towards a reconstruction of the history of Quechuan–Aymaran interaction About the origin of Quechua, and its relation with Aymara, 2011. Adelaar, Willem F. H. Tarma Quechua: Grammar, Texts, Dictionary. Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press, 1977. Bills, Garland D., Bernardo Vallejo C., and Rudolph C. Troike. An Introduction to Spoken Bolivian Quechua. Special
publication of the Institute of Latin American Studies, the University of Texas at Austin. Austin: Published for the Institute of Latin American Studies by the University of Texas Press, 1969. ISBN 0-292-70019-9 Coronel-Molina, Serafín M. Quechua Phrasebook. 2002 Lonely Planet ISBN 1-86450-381-5 Curl, John, Ancient American Poets. Tempe AZ: Bilingual Press, 2005.ISBN 1-931010-21-8 Red-coral.net Gifford, Douglas. Time Metaphors in Aymara and Quechua. St. Andrews: University of St. Andrews, 1986. Heggarty and David Beresford-Jones, Paul (2009). "Not the Incas? Weaving Archaeology and Language into a Single New Prehistory". London: British Academy Review 12: 11-15  Harrison, Regina. Signs, Songs, and Memory in the Andes: Translating Quechua Language and Culture. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989. ISBN 0-292-77627-6 Jake, Janice L. Grammatical Relations in Imbabura Quechua. Outstanding dissertations in linguistics. New York: Garland Pub, 1985. ISBN 0-8240-5475-X King, Kendall A. Language Revitalization Processes and Prospects: Quichua in the Ecuadorian Andes. Bilingual education and bilingualism, 24. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters LTD, 2001. ISBN 1-85359-495-4 King, Kendall A., and Nancy H. Hornberger. Quechua Sociolinguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2004. Lara, Jesús, Maria A. Proser, and James Scully. Quechua Peoples Poetry. Willimantic, Conn: Curbstone Press, 1976. ISBN 0-915306-09-3 Lefebvre, Claire, and Pieter Muysken. Mixed Categories: Nominalizations in Quechua. Studies in natural language and linguistic theory, [v. 11]. Dordrecht, Holland: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988. ISBN 1-55608-050-6 Lefebvre, Claire, and Pieter Muysken. Relative Clauses in Cuzco Quechua: Interactions between Core and Periphery. Bloomington, Ind: Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1982. Muysken, Pieter. Syntactic Developments in the Verb Phrase of Ecuadorian Quechua. Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press, 1977. ISBN 90-316-0151-9 Nuckolls, Janis B. Sounds Like Life: Sound-Symbolic Grammar, Performance, and Cognition in Pastaza Quechua. Oxford studies in anthropological linguistics, 2. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. ISBN Parker, Gary John. Ayacucho Quechua
Ayacucho Quechua
Grammar and Dictionary. Janua linguarum. Series practica, 82. The Hague: Mouton, 1969. Plaza Martínez, Pedro. Quechua. In: Mily Crevels and Pieter Muysken (eds.) Lenguas de Bolivia, vol. I, 215-284. La Paz: Plural editores, 2009. ISBN 978-99954-1-236-4. (in Spanish) Sánchez, Liliana. Quechua-Spanish Bilingualism: Interference and Convergence in Functional Categories. Language acquisition & language disorders, v. 35. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins Pub, 2003. ISBN 1-58811-471-6 Weber, David. A Grammar of Huallaga (Huánuco) Quechua. University of California publications in linguistics, v. 112. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989. ISBN 0-520-09732-7 Quechua bibliographies online at: quechua.org.uk

External links[edit]

Quechua edition of, the free encyclopedia

Wikibooks has a book on the topic of: Quechua

Wikivoyage has a travel guide for Quechua phrasebook.

Quechua lessons (www.andes.org) in Spanish and English Quechua course Spanish to Quechua Detailed map of the varieties of Quechua according to SIL (fedepi.org) Quechua Collection[permanent dead link] of Patricia Dreidemie at the Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America. Huancavelica
Quechua Fieldnotes of Willem de Ruese[permanent dead link], copies of handwritten notes on Quechua pedagogical and descriptive materials, from the Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America. Diccionario Quechua: Español–Runasimi–English Dictionary of Ayacucho Quechua
Ayacucho Quechua
from Clodoaldo Soto Ruiz. Quechua Swadesh list of basic vocabulary words (from Wiktionary's Swadesh-list appendix)

v t e

Quechuan language(s)

Quechua I

Central Quechua





Wanka Yauyos–Chincha Yaru


Other Quechua I


Quechua II

Northern Peruvian


Cajamarca Lambayeque

Northern Quechua

Chachapoyas Kichwa



Southern Quechua

Ayacucho Cusco North Bolivian Puno Santiagueño South Bolivian

Links to related articles

v t e

Languages of Bolivia

National language


Indigenous languages


Baure Iñapari Moxo Pauna Yine


Araona Cavineño Chácobo Ese Ejja Reyesano Tacana Toromona Yaminawa


Cusco–Collao Quechua North Bolivian Quechua South Bolivian Quechua



Eastern Bolivian

Guarayu Sirionó Yuki


Aymara Ayoreo Chiquitano Canichana Cayubaba Chimán Chipaya Itonama Leco Kallawaya Moré Movima Pauserna Puquina Weenhayek Yuracaré

Sign languages

Bolivian Sign Language

Italics indicate extinct languages still recognized by the Bolivian constitution.

v t e

Languages of Peru

Spanish varieties

Amazonic Andean Coastal Equatorial (Tumbes)

Indigenous languages



Asháninka Ashéninga Axininca Caquinte Machiguenga Nanti Nomatsiguenga


Iñapari Mashco Piro Yine

Upper Amazon



Chamicuro Yanesha'


Aymara Jaqaru


Bora Minica Huitoto Murui Huitoto Nüpode Huitoto Ocaina


Chayahuita Jebero


Amarakaeri Huachipaeri


Aguaruna Huambisa Shiwiar


Amawaka Ese Ejja Iskonawa Kashibo Kashinawa Matsés/Pisabo Shipibo Yaminawa



Cajamarca Lambayeque


Ancash Huánuco (Huallaga) Pacaraos Wanka Yaru Yauyos–Chincha


Chachapoyas Lamas Kichwa


Ayacucho Cusco Puno


Orejón Secoya


Cocama Omagua


Arabela Iquito


Candoshi-Shapra Kulina Taushiro Ticuna Urarina Yagua

Sign languages

Peruvian Sign Language

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Languages of Chile

National language


Living Indigenous languages

Quechua Aymara Chilean Quechua Chilean Sign Language Huilliche Mapudungun Quechua Rapa Nui

Extinct and endangered languages

Cacán Chango Chono Kawésqar/Alacaluf Kunza Ona/Selk'nam Tehuelche Yaghan

Language families

Aymaran Chon Polynesian Araucanian Alacalufan Quechuan Indo-European

Italics indicate extinct languages

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List of primary language families


Afro-Asiatic Austronesian Khoe Kx'a Niger–Congo Nilo-Saharan? Tuu Mande? Songhay? Ijaw? Ubangian? Kadu?


Bangime Hadza Jalaa Sandawe Kwadi? Laal? Shabo?

Sign languages

Arab BANZSL French Lasima Tanzanian Others

Europe and Asia

Afro-Asiatic Ainu Austroasiatic Austronesian Chukotko-Kamchatkan Dravidian Eskimo–Aleut Great Andamanese Hmong–Mien Hurro-Urartian Indo-European Japonic Kartvelian Koreanic Mongolic Northeast Caucasian Northwest Caucasian Ongan Sino-Tibetan Tai–Kadai Tungusic Turkic Tyrsenian Uralic Yeniseian Yukaghir Dené–Yeniseian? Altaic? Austronesian–Ongan? Austro-Tai? Sino-Austronesian? Digaro? Kho-Bwa? Siangic? Miji? Vasconic?


Basque Burushaski Elamite Hattic Kusunda Nihali Nivkh Sumerian Hruso? Miju? Puroik?

Sign languages

BANZSL French German Japanese Swedish Chinese Indo-Pakistani Arab Chiangmai–Bangkok Others

New Guinea and the Pacific

Arai–Samaia Arafundi Austronesian Baining Binanderean–Goilalan Border Bulaka River Central Solomons Chimbu–Wahgi Doso–Turumsa East Geelvink Bay East Strickland Eleman Engan Fas Kaure–Kosare Kiwaian Kutubuan Kwomtari Lakes Plain Lower Mamberamo Lower Sepik Madang Mairasi North Bougainville Pauwasi Piawi Ramu Senagi Sentani Sepik Skou South Bougainville Teberan Tor–Kwerba–Nimboran Torricelli Trans-Fly Trans–New Guinea Turama–Kikorian West Papuan Yam Yawa Yuat North Papuan? Northeast New Guinea? Papuan Gulf?


Abinomn Anêm? Ata? Kol Kuot Porome Taiap? Pawaia Porome Sulka? Tambora Wiru

Sign languages

Hawai'i Sign Language Others


Arnhem/Macro-Gunwinyguan Bunuban Darwin River Eastern Daly Eastern Tasmanian Garawan Iwaidjan Jarrakan Mirndi Northern Tasmanian Northeastern Tasmanian Nyulnyulan Pama–Nyungan Southern Daly Tangkic Wagaydyic Western Daly Western Tasmanian Worrorran Yangmanic (Wardaman)


Giimbiyu Malak-Malak Marrgu Tiwi Wagiman

North America

Algic Alsea Caddoan Chimakuan Chinookan Chumashan Comecrudan Coosan Eskimo–Aleut Iroquoian Kalapuyan Keresan Maiduan Muskogean Na-Dene Palaihnihan Plateau Penutian Pomoan Salishan Shastan Siouan Tanoan Tsimshianic Utian Uto-Aztecan Wakashan Wintuan Yokutsan Yukian Yuman–Cochimí Dené–Yeniseian? Hokan? Penutian?


Chimariko Haida Karuk Kutenai Seri Siuslaw Takelma Timucua Waikuri Washo Yana Yuchi Zuni

Sign languages

Inuit (Inuiuuk) Plains Sign Talk Others


Chibchan Jicaquean Lencan Mayan Misumalpan Mixe–Zoque Oto-Manguean Tequistlatecan Totonacan Uto-Aztecan Xincan Totozoquean?


Cuitlatec Huave Tarascan/Purépecha

Sign languages

Plains Sign Talk Mayan Others

South America

Arawakan Arauan Araucanian Arutani–Sape Aymaran Barbacoan Boran Borôroan Cahuapanan Cariban Catacaoan Chapacuran Charruan Chibchan Choco Chonan Guaicuruan Guajiboan Jê/Gê Harákmbut–Katukinan Jirajaran Jivaroan Kariri Katembri–Taruma Mascoian Matacoan Maxakalian Nadahup Nambikwaran Otomákoan Pano-Tacanan Peba–Yaguan Purian Quechuan Piaroa–Saliban Ticuna–Yuri Timotean Tiniguan Tucanoan Tupian Uru–Chipaya Witotoan Yabutian Yanomaman Zamucoan Zaparoan Chimuan? Esmeralda–Yaruro? Hibito–Cholón? Lule–Vilela? Macro-Jê? Tequiraca–Canichana?

Isolates (extant in 2000)

Aikanã? Alacalufan Andoque? Camsá Candoshi Chimane Chiquitano Cofán? Fulniô Guató Hodï/Joti Irantxe? Itonama Karajá Krenak Kunza Leco Maku-Auari of Roraima Movima Mura-Pirahã Nukak? Ofayé Puinave Huaorani/Waorani Trumai Urarina Warao Yamana Yuracaré

See also

Language isolates Unclassified languages Creoles Pidgins Mixed languages Artificial languages List of sign languages

Families with more than 30 languages are in bold. Families in italics have no living members.

Authority control

LCCN: sh85109790 GND: 4133214-3 BNF: cb1194