Quechua (/ˈkɛtʃuə/, in AmE also /ˈkɛtʃwɑː/), known as
Runasimi ("people's language") in the Quechuan language, is an
indigenous language family, with variations spoken by the Quechua
peoples, primarily living in the
1 History 2 Current status
2.1 Number of speakers
3.1 Family tree 3.2 Geographical distribution 3.3 Cognates 3.4 Quechua and Aymara
4.1 Etymology of Quechua
5.1 Vowels 5.2 Consonants 5.3 Stress
6 Orthography 7 Grammar
7.1 Morphological type 7.2 Pronouns 7.3 Adjectives 7.4 Numbers 7.5 Nouns 7.6 Adverbs 7.7 Verbs 7.8 Grammatical particles 7.9 Evidentiality
7.9.1 -m(i) : Direct evidence and commitment 7.9.2 -chr(a) : Inference and attenuation 7.9.3 -sh(i) : Hearsay 7.9.4 Affix or clitic 7.9.5 Position in the sentence 7.9.6 Changes in meaning and other uses 7.9.7 Inferential evidential, -chr(a) 7.9.8 Hearsay evidential, -sh(i) 7.9.9 Omission and overuse of evidential affixes 7.9.10 Cultural aspect
8 Literature 9 In popular culture 10 See also 11 Notes 12 References 13 Further reading 14 External links
Quechua had already expanded across wide ranges of the central Andes
long before the expansion of the Inca Empire. The
Inca were one among many peoples in present-day
Argentina: 900,000 (1971) Bolivia: 2,100,000 (2001 census); 2,800,000 South Bolivian (1987) Chile: few, if any; 8200 in ethnic group (2002 census) Colombia: 4,402 to 16,000 Ecuador: 2,300,000 (Adelaar 1991) Peru: 3,260,000 (2007 census); 3,500,000 to 4,400,000 (Adelaar 2000)
Additionally, there are an unknown number of speakers in emigrant communities, including Queens, New York, and Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States. Classification
The four branches of Quechua: I (Central), II-A (North Peruvian), II-B (Northern), II-C (Southern)
There are significant differences among the varieties of Quechua
spoken in the central Peruvian highlands and the peripheral varieties
of Ecuador, as well as those of southern
The most widely spoken varieties are Huaylas, Huaylla Wanca, and Conchucos.
Yungay (Yunkay) Quechua or
The most widely spoken varieties in this group are Chimborazo Highland Quichua and Imbabura Highland Quichua.
The most widely spoken varieties are South Bolivian, Cusco, Ayacucho,
Willem Adelaar adheres to the
Alto Pativilca–Alto Marañón–Alto Huallaga
Cajamarca–Cañaris (Quechua II-A, reduced)
(Quechua II-A split)
(Quechua II-A split)
Northern Quechua (Quechua II-B)
Kichwa ("Ecuadorian" or Highlands and Oriente)
Lamas (San Martín)
Southern Quechua (Quechua II-C)
Northern Bolivian (Apolo)
Santiago del Estero
Landerman (1991) does not believe a truly genetic classification is
possible and divides
II-A: Yunkay Quechua (North Peruvian Quechua) is scattered in Peru's
Cognates This is a sampling of words in several Quechuan languages:
'one' huk [uk~huk] suk, huk [suk], [huk] suq [soχ] suk [suk] shuk [ʃuk] huk [huk] huk [hoχ]
'two' ishkay [ɪʃkeˑ ~ ɪʃkɐj] ishkay [iʃkaj] ishkay [ɪʃkɐj] ishkay [iʃkaj] ishkay [iʃki ~ iʃkaj] iskay [iskæj] iskay [iskæj]
'ten' ćhunka, chunka [ʈ͡ʂʊŋkɐ], [t͡ʃʊŋkɐ] ćhunka [ʈ͡ʂuŋka] ch'unka [ʈ͡ʂʊŋgɐ] chunka [t͡ʃuŋga] chunka [t͡ʃuŋgɐ ~ t͡ʃuŋkɐ] chunka [t͡ʃuŋkɐ] chunka [t͡ʃuŋkɐ]
'sweet' mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] mishki [mɪʃkɪ] miski [mɪskɪ] misk'i [mɪskʼɪ]
'white' yuraq [jʊɾɑq ~ jʊɾɑχ] yulaq [julah ~ julaː] yuraq [jʊɾɑχ] yurak [jʊɾak] yurak [jʊɾax ~ jʊɾak] yuraq [jʊɾɑχ] yuraq [jʊɾɑχ]
'he gives' qun [qoŋ ~ χoŋ ~ ʁoŋ] qun [huŋ ~ ʔuŋ] qun [qoŋ] kun [kuŋ] kun [kuŋ] qun [χoŋ] qun [qoŋ]
'yes' awmi [oːmi ~ ɐwmɪ] aw [aw] ari [ɐɾi] ari [aɾi] ari [aɾi] arí [ɐˈɾi] arí [ɐˈɾi]
Quechua and Aymara
Quechua shares a large amount of vocabulary, and some striking
structural parallels, with Aymara, and the two families have sometimes
been grouped together as a "Quechumaran family". That hypothesis is
generally rejected by specialists, however. The parallels are better
explained by mutual influence and borrowing through intensive and
long-term contact. Many Quechua–Aymara cognates are close, often
closer than intra-Quechua cognates, and there is little relationship
in the affixal system.
A number of Quechua loanwords have entered English via Spanish,
including coca, cockroach, condor, guano, jerky, llama, pampa, poncho,
puma, quinine, quinoa, vicuña, and, possibly, gaucho. The word
lagniappe comes from the Quechuan word yapay ("to increase; to add")
with the Spanish article la in front of it, la yapa or la ñapa in
The influence on Latin American Spanish includes such borrowings as
papa for "potato", chuchaqui for "hangover" in Ecuador, and diverse
borrowings for "altitude sickness", in
Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar/ Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ
Stop plain p t tʃ k q
aspirated pʰ tʰ tʃʰ kʰ qʰ
ejective p’ t’ tʃ’ k’ q’
Imbabura Kichwa consonant phonemes
Bilabial Alveolar Postalveolar/ Palatal Velar
Stop p t
Fricative plain ɸ s ʃ x
Nasal m n ɲ
Voicing is not phonemic in the Quechua native vocabulary of the modern
Voiceless bilabial plosives
Pronunciation of the voiceless bilabial plosives of
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About 30% of the modern Quechua vocabulary is borrowed from Spanish,
and some Spanish sounds (such as /f/, /b/, /d/, /ɡ/) may have become
phonemic even among monolingual Quechua-speakers.
It uses w instead of hu for /w/.
It distinguishes velar k from uvular q, but both were spelled c or qu
in the traditional system.
It distinguishes simple, ejective, and aspirated stops in dialects
(such as that of the
In 1985, a variation of this system was adopted by the Peruvian
government; it uses the Quechuan three-vowel system: Inka, Wayna
Qhapaq, Qullasuyu, Mama Uqllu, Wiraqucha, khipu, tampu, kuntur.
The different orthographies are still highly controversial in Peru.
Advocates of the traditional system believe that the new orthographies
look too foreign and suggest that it makes Quechua harder to learn for
people who have first been exposed to written Spanish. Those who
prefer the new system maintain that it better matches the phonology of
Quechua, and they point to studies showing that teaching the
five-vowel system to children later causes reading difficulties in
For more on this, see Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift.
Writers differ in the treatment of Spanish loanwords. Sometimes, they
are adapted to the modern orthography, and sometimes, they are left as
in Spanish. For instance, "I am Roberto" could be written Robertom
kani or Ruwirtum kani. (The -m is not part of the name but is an
evidential suffix. It shows how the information is known: firsthand,
in this case.)
The Peruvian linguist
Rodolfo Cerrón Palomino
English Ayacucho Cusco Standard Quechua
to drink upyay uhyay upyay
fast utqa usqha utqha
to work llamkay llank'ay llamk'ay
we (inclusive) ñuqanchik nuqanchis ñuqanchik
(progressive suffix) -chka- -sha- -chka-
day punchaw p'unchay p'unchaw
Today the Spanish-based orthography is in conflict with the Peruvian law. According to Article 20 of Decreto Supremo No 004-2016-MC (Supreme Decree) which approves the Regulations to Law 29735, published in the official newspaper El Peruano on July 22, 2016, adequate spellings of the toponyms in the normalized alphabets of the indigenous languages must progressively be proposed with the aim of standardizing the namings used by the National Geographic Institute (Instituto Geográfico Nacional, IGN) The IGN realizes the necessary changes in the official maps of Peru. Grammar Morphological type Quechua is an agglutinating language. Words are built up from basic roots followed by several suffixes which each carry one meaning. All varieties of Quechua are very regular agglutinative languages, as opposed to isolating or fusional ones [Thompson]. Their normal sentence order is SOV (subject–object–verb). Their large number of suffixes changes both the overall significance of words and their subtle shades of meaning. Notable grammatical features include bipersonal conjugation (verbs agree with both subject and object), evidentiality (indication of the source and veracity of knowledge), a set of topic particles, and suffixes indicating who benefits from an action and the speaker's attitude toward it, but some languages and varieties may lack some of the characteristics. Pronouns
Person First Ñuqa Ñuqanchik (inclusive) Ñuqayku (exclusive)
Second Qam Qamkuna
Third Pay Paykuna
In Quechua, there are seven pronouns. Quechua has two first-person plural pronouns ("we" in English). One is called the inclusive, which is used if the speaker wishes to include the addressee ("we and you"). The other form is called the exclusive, which is used when the addressee is excluded ("we without you"). Quechua also adds the suffix -kuna to the second and third person singular pronouns qam and pay to create the plural forms, qam-kuna and pay-kuna. Adjectives Adjectives in Quechua are always placed before nouns. They lack gender and number and are not declined to agree with substantives. Numbers
Cardinal numbers. ch'usaq (0), huk (1), iskay (2), kimsa (3), tawa (4), pichqa (5), suqta (6), qanchis (7), pusaq (8), isqun (9), chunka (10), chunka hukniyuq (11), chunka iskayniyuq (12), iskay chunka (20), pachak (100), waranqa (1,000), hunu (1,000,000), lluna (1,000,000,000,000). Ordinal numbers. To form ordinal numbers, the word ñiqin is put after the appropriate cardinal number (iskay ñiqin = "second"). The only exception is that, in addition to huk ñiqin ("first"), the phrase ñawpaq is also used in the somewhat more restricted sense of "the initial, primordial, the oldest".
Noun roots accept suffixes that indicate person (defining of
possession, not identity), number, and case. In general, the personal
suffix precedes that of number. In the
Santiago del Estero
Examples using the word wasi (house)
Function Suffix Example (translation)
suffix indicating number plural -kuna wasikuna houses
possessive suffix 1.person singular -y, -: wasiy, wasii my house
2.person singular -yki wasiyki your house
3.person singular -n wasin his/her/its house
1.person plural (incl) -nchik wasinchik our house (incl.)
1.person plural (excl) -y-ku wasiyku our house (excl.)
2.person plural -yki-chik wasiykichik your (pl.) house
3.person plural -n-ku wasinku their house
suffixes indicating case nominative – wasi the house (subj.)
accusative -(k)ta wasita the house (obj.)
instrumental -wan wasiwan with the house, and the house
abessive -naq wasinaq without the house
dative -paq wasipaq to the house
genitive -p(a) wasip(a) of the house
causative -rayku wasirayku because of the house
benefactive -paq wasipaq for the house
locative -pi wasipi at the house
directional -man wasiman towards the house
inclusive -piwan, puwan wasipiwan, wasipuwan including the house
terminative -kama, -yaq wasikama, wasiyaq up to the house
transitive -(rin)ta wasinta through the house
ablative -manta, -piqta wasimanta, wasipiqta off/from the house
comitative -(ni)ntin wasintin along with the house
immediate -raq wasiraq first the house
intrative -pura wasipura among the houses
exclusive -lla(m) wasilla(m) only the house
comparative -naw, -hina wasinaw, wasihina than the house
Adverbs Adverbs can be formed by adding -ta or, in some cases, -lla to an adjective: allin – allinta ("good – well"), utqay – utqaylla ("quick – quickly"). They are also formed by adding suffixes to demonstratives: chay ("that") – chaypi ("there"), kay ("this") – kayman ("hither"). There are several original adverbs. For Europeans, it is striking that the adverb qhipa means both "behind" and "future" and ñawpa means "ahead, in front" and "past". Local and temporal concepts of adverbs in Quechua (as well as in Aymara) are associated to each other reversely, compared to European languages. For the speakers of Quechua, we are moving backwards into the future (we cannot see it: it is unknown), facing the past (we can see it: it is remembered). Verbs The infinitive forms (unconjugated) have the suffix -y (much'a= "kiss"; much'a-y = "to kiss"). These are the endings for the indicative:
Present Past Future Pluperfect
Ñuqa -ni -rqa-ni -saq -sqa-ni
Qam -nki -rqa-nki -nki -sqa-nki
Pay -n -rqa(-n) -nqa -sqa
Ñuqanchik -nchik -rqa-nchik -su-nchik -sqa-nchik
Ñuqayku -yku -rqa-yku -saq-ku -sqa-yku
Qamkuna -nki-chik -rqa-nki-chik -nki-chik -sqa-nki-chik
Paykuna -n-ku -rqa-(n)ku -nqa-ku -sqa-ku
The suffixes shown in the table above usually indicate the subject;
the person of the object is also indicated by a suffix (-a- for first
person and -su- for second person), which precedes the suffixes in the
table. In such cases, the plural suffixes from the table (-chik and
-ku) can be used to express the number of the object rather than the
Various suffixes are added to the stem to change the meaning. For
example, -chi is a causative and -ku is a reflexive (example: wañuy =
"to die"; wañuchiy = to kill wañuchikuy = "to commit suicide");
-naku is used for mutual action (example: marq'ay= "to hug";
marq'anakuy= "to hug each other"), and -chka is a progressive, used
for an ongoing action (e.g., mikhuy = "to eat"; mikhuchkay = "to be
Particles are indeclinable: they do not accept suffixes. They are
relatively rare, but the most common are arí ("yes") and mana ("no"),
although mana can take some suffixes, such as -n/-m (manan/manam),
-raq (manaraq, not yet) and -chu (manachu?, or not?), to intensify the
meaning. Also used are yaw ("hey", "hi"), and certain loan words from
Spanish, such as piru (from Spanish pero "but") and sinuqa (from sino
Evidential morphemes -m(i) -chr(a) -sh(i)
Meaning Direct evidence Inferred; conjecture Reported; hearsay
The parentheses around the vowels indicate that the vowel can be
dropped in when following an open vowel. For the sake of cohesiveness,
the above forms are used to discuss the evidential morphemes. However,
it should be noted that there are dialectal variations to the forms.
The variations will be presented in the following descriptions.
The following sentences provide examples of the three evidentials and
further discuss the meaning behind each of them.
-m(i) : Direct evidence and commitment
Regional variations: In
I saw them with my own eyes. -chr(a) : Inference and attenuation In Quechuan languages, not specified by the source, the inference morpheme appears as –ch(i), -ch(a), -chr(a). The –chr(a) evidential indicates that the utterance is an inference or form of conjecture. That inference relays the speaker’s non-commitment to the truth-value of the statement. It also appears in cases such as acquiescence, irony, interrogative constructions, and first person inferences. These uses constitute nonprototypical use and will be discussed later in the changes in meaning and other uses section. Wanka Quechua
I think they will probably come back. -sh(i) : Hearsay Regional variations: It can appear as –sh(i) or –s(i) depending on the dialect. With the use of this morpheme, the speaker "serves as a conduit through which information from another source passes." The information being related is hearsay or revelatory in nature. It also works to express the uncertainty of the speaker regarding the situation. However, it also appears in other constructions that are discussed in the changes in meaning section. Wanka Quechua
(I was told) Shanti borrowed it.
Hintz discusses an interesting case of evidential behavior found in
the Sihaus dialect of Ancash Quechua. The author postulates that
instead of three single evidential markers, that Quechuan language
contains three pairs of evidential markers.
Affix or clitic
It may have been noted the evidential morphemes have been referred to
as markers or morphemes. The literature seems to differ on whether or
not the evidential morphemes are acting as affixes or clitics, in some
cases, such as Wanka Quechua, enclitics. Lefebvre and Muysken (1998)
discuss this issue in terms of case but remark the line between affix
and clitic is not clear. Both terms are used interchangeably
throughout these sections.
Position in the sentence
Evidentials in the
huk-si ka-sqa huk machucha-piwan payacha
once-REP be-SD one old.man-WITH woman
Once, there were an old man and an old woman. They can, however, also occur on a focused constituent.
Pidru kunana-mi wasi-ta tuwa-sha-n
Pedro now-DIR.EV house-ACC build-PROG-3SG
It is now that Pedro is building the house. Sometimes, the affix is described as attaching to the focus, particularly in the Tarma dialect of Yaru Quechua, but this does not hold true for all varieties of Quechua. In Huanuco Quechua, the evidentials may follow any number of topics, marked by the topic marker –qa, and the element with the evidential must precede the main verb or be the main verb. However, there are exceptions to that rule, and the more topics there are in a sentence, the more likely the sentence is to deviate from the usual pattern.
Chawrana-qa puntataruu-qu trayaruptin-qa wamrata-qa mayna-shi Diosninchi-qa heqarkaykachisha syelutana-shi
so:already-TOP at:the:peak-TOP arriving-TOP child-TOP already-IND our:God-TOP had:taken:her:up to:heaven:already-IND
When she (the witch) reached the peak, God had already taken the child up into heaven. Changes in meaning and other uses Evidentials can be used to relay different meanings depending on the context and perform other functions. The following examples are restricted to Wanka Quechua. The direct evidential, -mi The direct evidential appears in wh-questions and yes/no questions. By considering the direct evidential in terms of prototypical semantics, it seems somewhat counterintuitive to have a direct evidential, basically an evidential that confirms the speaker’s certainty about a topic, in a question. However, if one focuses less on the structure and more on the situation, some sense can be made. The speaker is asking the addressee for information so the speaker assumes the speaker knows the answer. That assumption is where the direct evidential comes into play. The speaker holds a certain amount of certainty that the addressee will know the answer. The speaker interprets the addressee as being in "direct relation" to the proposed content; the situation is the same as when, in regular sentences, the speaker assumes direct relation to the proposed information.
imay-mi wankayuu-pu kuti-mu-la
when-DIR Huancayo-ABL return-AFAR-PAST
When did he come back from Huancayo? (Floyd 1999, p. 85) The direct evidential affix is also seen in yes/no questions, similar to the situation with wh-questions. Floyd describes yes/no questions as being "characterized as instructions to the addressee to assert one of the propositions of a disjunction." Once again, the burden of direct evidence is being placed on the addressee, not on the speaker. The question marker in Wanka Quechua, -chun, is derived from the negative –chu marker and the direct evidential (realized as –n in some dialects).
Is he going to Tarma? (Floyd 1999, p. 89) Inferential evidential, -chr(a) While –chr(a) is usually used in an inferential context, it has some non-prototypical uses. Mild Exhortation In these constructions the evidential works to reaffirm and encourage the addressee’s actions or thoughts.
mas kalu-kuna-kta li-la-a ni-nki-chra-ri
more far-PL-ACC go-PST-1 say-2-CONJ-EMPH
Yes, tell them, "I've gone farther." (Floyd 1999, p. 107) This example comes from a conversation between husband and wife, discussing the reactions of their family and friends after they have been gone for a while. The husband says he plans to stretch the truth and tell them about distant places to which he has gone, and his wife (in the example above) echoes and encourages his thoughts. Acquiescence With these, the evidential is used to highlight the speaker’s assessment of inevitability of an event and acceptance of it. There is a sense of resistance, diminished enthusiasm, and disinclination in these constructions.
I suppose I'll pay you then. (Floyd 1999, p. 109) This example comes from a discourse where a woman demands compensation from the man (the speaker in the example) whose pigs ruined her potatoes. He denies the pigs as being his but finally realizes he may be responsible and produces the above example. Interrogative Somewhat similar to the –mi evidential, the inferential evidential can be found in content questions. However, the salient difference between the uses of the evidentials in questions is that in the –m(i) marked questions, an answer is expected. That is not the case with –chr(a) marked questions.
ima-lla-kta-chr u-you-shrun llapa ayllu-kuna-kta-si chra-alu-l
what-LIM-ACC-CONJ give-ASP-12FUT all family-PL-ACC-EVEN arrive-ASP-SS
I wonder what we will give our families when we arrive. (Floyd 1999, p. 111) Irony Irony in language can be a somewhat complicated topic in how it functions differently in languages, and by its semantic nature, it is already somewhat vague. For these purposes, it is suffice to say that when irony takes place in Wanka Quechua, the –chr(a) marker is used.
(I suppose) That's how you learn [that is the way in which you will learn]. (Floyd 199, p. 115) This example comes from discourse between a father and daughter about her refusal to attend school. It can be interpreted as a genuine statement (perhaps one can learn by resisting school) or as an ironic statement (that is an absurd idea). Hearsay evidential, -sh(i) Aside from being used to express hearsay and revelation, this affix also has other uses. Folktales, myths, and legends Because folktales, myths, and legends are, in essence, reported speech, it follows that the hearsay marker would be used with them. Many of these types of stories are passed down through generations, furthering this aspect of reported speech. A difference between simple hearsay and folktales can be seen in the frequency of the –sh(i) marker. In normal conversation using reported speech, the marker is used less, to avoid redundancy. Riddles Riddles are somewhat similar to myths and folktales in that their nature is to be passed by word of mouth.
ima-lla-shi ayka-lla-sh juk machray-chru puñu-ya-n puka waaka
what-LIM-REP how^much-LIM-REP one cave-LOC sleep-IMPF-3 red cow
(Floyd 1999, p. 142)
Omission and overuse of evidential affixes
In certain grammatical structures, the evidential marker does not
appear at all. In all
(Only) one’s experience is reliable. Avoid unnecessary risk by assuming responsibility for information of which one is not absolutely certain. Do not be gullible. There are many folktales in which the villain is foiled by his gullibility. Assume responsibility only if it is safe to do so. Successful assumption of responsibility builds stature in the community.
Evidentials also show that being precise and stating the source of one’s information is extremely important in the language and the culture. Failure to use them correctly can lead to diminished standing in the community. Speakers are aware of the evidentials and even use proverbs to teach children the importance of being precise and truthful. Precision and information source are of the utmost importance. They are a powerful and resourceful method of human communication. Literature Although the body of literature in Quechua is not as sizable as its historical and current prominence would suggest, it is nevertheless not negligible. As in the case of the pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, there are a number of surviving Andean documents in the local language that were written down in Latin characters after the European conquest, but they express, to a great extent, the culture of pre-Conquest times. That type of Quechua literature is somewhat scantier, but nevertheless significant. It includes the so-called Huarochirí Manuscript (1598), describing the mythology and religion of the valley of Huarochirí as well as Quechua poems quoted within the Spanish-language texts of some chronicles dealing with the pre-Conquest period. There are a number of anonymous or signed Quechua dramas dating from the post-conquest period (starting from the 17th century), some of which deal with the Inca era, while most are on religious topics and of European inspiration. The most famous dramas is Ollantay and the plays describing the death of Atahualpa. For example, Juan de Espinosa Medrano wrote several dramas in the language. Poems in Quechua were also composed during the colonial period. Dramas and poems continued to be written in the 19th and especially in 20th centuries as well; in addition, in the 20th century and more recently, more prose has been published. However, few literary forms were made present in the 19th century as European influences limited literary criticism. While some of that literature consists of original compositions (poems and dramas), the bulk of 20th century Quechua literature consists of traditional folk stories and oral narratives. Johnny Payne has translated two sets of Quechua oral short stories, one into Spanish and the other into English. Many Andean musicians write and sing in their native languages, including Quechua and Aymara. Notable musical groups are Los Kjarkas, Kala Marka, J'acha Mallku, Savia Andina, Wayna Picchu, Wara and many others. In popular culture
There are several Quechua and Quechua-Spanish bloggers, as well as a
Andes Quechua People Aymara language List of English words of Quechuan origin Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift South Bolivian Quechua Oto-Manguean languages Sumak Kawsay
^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds.
Rolph, Karen Sue. Ecologically Meaningful Toponyms: Linking a lexical domain to production ecology in the Peruvian Andes. Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University, 2007. Adelaar, Willem F. H (2004-06-10). The Languages of the Andes. ISBN 9781139451123. Adelaar, Willem. The Languages of the Andes. With the collaboration of P.C. Muysken. Cambridge language survey. Cambridge University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-521-36831-5 Cerrón-Palomino, Rodolfo. Lingüística Quechua, Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos 'Bartolomé de las Casas', 2nd ed. 2003 Cole, Peter. "Imbabura Quechua", North-Holland (Lingua Descriptive Studies 5), Amsterdam 1982. Cusihuamán, Antonio, Diccionario Quechua Cuzco-Collao, Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas", 2001, ISBN 9972-691-36-5 Cusihuamán, Antonio, Gramática Quechua Cuzco-Collao, Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos "Bartolomé de Las Casas", 2001, ISBN 9972-691-37-3 Mannheim, Bruce, The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion, University of Texas Press, 1991, ISBN 0-292-74663-6 Rodríguez Champi, Albino. (2006). Quechua de Cusco. Ilustraciones fonéticas de lenguas amerindias, ed. Stephen A. Marlett. Lima: SIL International y Universidad Ricardo Palma. Lengamer.org Aikhenvald, Alexandra. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2004. Print. Floyd, Rick. The Structure of Evidential Categories in Wanka Quechua. Dallas, TX: Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1999. Print. Hintz, Diane. “The evidential system in Sihuas Quechua: personal vs. shared knowledge” The Nature of Evidentiality Conference, The Netherlands, 14–16 June 2012. SIL International. Internet. 13 April 2014. Lefebvre, Claire, and Pieter Muysken. Mixed Categories: Nominalizations in Quechua. Dordrecht, Holland: Kluwer Academic, 1988. Print. Weber, David. "Information Perspective, Profile, and Patterns in Quechua." Evidentiality: The Linguistic Coding of Epistemology. Ed. Wallace L. Chafe and Johanna Nichols. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub, 1986. 137-55. Print.
Adelaar, Willem F. H. Modeling convergence: Towards a reconstruction
of the history of Quechuan–Aymaran interaction About the origin of
Quechua, and its relation with Aymara, 2011.
Adelaar, Willem F. H. Tarma Quechua: Grammar, Texts, Dictionary.
Lisse: Peter de Ridder Press, 1977.
Bills, Garland D., Bernardo Vallejo C., and Rudolph C. Troike. An
Introduction to Spoken Bolivian Quechua.
Quechua edition of, the free encyclopedia
Wikibooks has a book on the topic of: Quechua
Wikivoyage has a travel guide for Quechua phrasebook.
Quechua lessons (www.andes.org) in Spanish and English
Quechua course Spanish to Quechua
Detailed map of the varieties of Quechua according to SIL (fedepi.org)
Quechua Collection[permanent dead link] of Patricia Dreidemie at the
Archive of the Indigenous Languages of Latin America.
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Wanka Yauyos–Chincha Yaru
Other Quechua I
Ayacucho Cusco North Bolivian Puno Santiagueño South Bolivian
Links to related articles
v t e
Languages of Bolivia
Baure Iñapari Moxo Pauna Yine
Araona Cavineño Chácobo Ese Ejja Reyesano Tacana Toromona Yaminawa
Cusco–Collao Quechua North Bolivian Quechua South Bolivian Quechua
Guarayu Sirionó Yuki
Aymara Ayoreo Chiquitano Canichana Cayubaba Chimán Chipaya Itonama Leco Kallawaya Moré Movima Pauserna Puquina Weenhayek Yuracaré
Bolivian Sign Language
Italics indicate extinct languages still recognized by the Bolivian constitution.
v t e
Languages of Peru
Amazonic Andean Coastal Equatorial (Tumbes)
Asháninka Ashéninga Axininca Caquinte Machiguenga Nanti Nomatsiguenga
Iñapari Mashco Piro Yine
Bora Minica Huitoto Murui Huitoto Nüpode Huitoto Ocaina
Aguaruna Huambisa Shiwiar
Amawaka Ese Ejja Iskonawa Kashibo Kashinawa Matsés/Pisabo Shipibo Yaminawa
Ancash Huánuco (Huallaga) Pacaraos Wanka Yaru Yauyos–Chincha
Chachapoyas Lamas Kichwa
Ayacucho Cusco Puno
Candoshi-Shapra Kulina Taushiro Ticuna Urarina Yagua
Peruvian Sign Language
v t e
Languages of Chile
Living Indigenous languages
Extinct and endangered languages
Cacán Chango Chono Kawésqar/Alacaluf Kunza Ona/Selk'nam Tehuelche Yaghan
Aymaran Chon Polynesian Araucanian Alacalufan Quechuan Indo-European
Italics indicate extinct languages
v t e
List of primary language families
Afro-Asiatic Austronesian Khoe Kx'a Niger–Congo Nilo-Saharan? Tuu Mande? Songhay? Ijaw? Ubangian? Kadu?
Bangime Hadza Jalaa Sandawe Kwadi? Laal? Shabo?
Arab BANZSL French Lasima Tanzanian Others
Europe and Asia
Afro-Asiatic Ainu Austroasiatic Austronesian Chukotko-Kamchatkan Dravidian Eskimo–Aleut Great Andamanese Hmong–Mien Hurro-Urartian Indo-European Japonic Kartvelian Koreanic Mongolic Northeast Caucasian Northwest Caucasian Ongan Sino-Tibetan Tai–Kadai Tungusic Turkic Tyrsenian Uralic Yeniseian Yukaghir Dené–Yeniseian? Altaic? Austronesian–Ongan? Austro-Tai? Sino-Austronesian? Digaro? Kho-Bwa? Siangic? Miji? Vasconic?
Basque Burushaski Elamite Hattic Kusunda Nihali Nivkh Sumerian Hruso? Miju? Puroik?
BANZSL French German Japanese Swedish Chinese Indo-Pakistani Arab Chiangmai–Bangkok Others
New Guinea and the Pacific
Arai–Samaia Arafundi Austronesian Baining Binanderean–Goilalan Border Bulaka River Central Solomons Chimbu–Wahgi Doso–Turumsa East Geelvink Bay East Strickland Eleman Engan Fas Kaure–Kosare Kiwaian Kutubuan Kwomtari Lakes Plain Lower Mamberamo Lower Sepik Madang Mairasi North Bougainville Pauwasi Piawi Ramu Senagi Sentani Sepik Skou South Bougainville Teberan Tor–Kwerba–Nimboran Torricelli Trans-Fly Trans–New Guinea Turama–Kikorian West Papuan Yam Yawa Yuat North Papuan? Northeast New Guinea? Papuan Gulf?
Abinomn Anêm? Ata? Kol Kuot Porome Taiap? Pawaia Porome Sulka? Tambora Wiru
Hawai'i Sign Language Others
Arnhem/Macro-Gunwinyguan Bunuban Darwin River Eastern Daly Eastern Tasmanian Garawan Iwaidjan Jarrakan Mirndi Northern Tasmanian Northeastern Tasmanian Nyulnyulan Pama–Nyungan Southern Daly Tangkic Wagaydyic Western Daly Western Tasmanian Worrorran Yangmanic (Wardaman)
Giimbiyu Malak-Malak Marrgu Tiwi Wagiman
Algic Alsea Caddoan Chimakuan Chinookan Chumashan Comecrudan Coosan Eskimo–Aleut Iroquoian Kalapuyan Keresan Maiduan Muskogean Na-Dene Palaihnihan Plateau Penutian Pomoan Salishan Shastan Siouan Tanoan Tsimshianic Utian Uto-Aztecan Wakashan Wintuan Yokutsan Yukian Yuman–Cochimí Dené–Yeniseian? Hokan? Penutian?
Chimariko Haida Karuk Kutenai Seri Siuslaw Takelma Timucua Waikuri Washo Yana Yuchi Zuni
Inuit (Inuiuuk) Plains Sign Talk Others
Chibchan Jicaquean Lencan Mayan Misumalpan Mixe–Zoque Oto-Manguean Tequistlatecan Totonacan Uto-Aztecan Xincan Totozoquean?
Cuitlatec Huave Tarascan/Purépecha
Plains Sign Talk Mayan Others
Arawakan Arauan Araucanian Arutani–Sape Aymaran Barbacoan Boran Borôroan Cahuapanan Cariban Catacaoan Chapacuran Charruan Chibchan Choco Chonan Guaicuruan Guajiboan Jê/Gê Harákmbut–Katukinan Jirajaran Jivaroan Kariri Katembri–Taruma Mascoian Matacoan Maxakalian Nadahup Nambikwaran Otomákoan Pano-Tacanan Peba–Yaguan Purian Quechuan Piaroa–Saliban Ticuna–Yuri Timotean Tiniguan Tucanoan Tupian Uru–Chipaya Witotoan Yabutian Yanomaman Zamucoan Zaparoan Chimuan? Esmeralda–Yaruro? Hibito–Cholón? Lule–Vilela? Macro-Jê? Tequiraca–Canichana?
Isolates (extant in 2000)
Aikanã? Alacalufan Andoque? Camsá Candoshi Chimane Chiquitano Cofán? Fulniô Guató Hodï/Joti Irantxe? Itonama Karajá Krenak Kunza Leco Maku-Auari of Roraima Movima Mura-Pirahã Nukak? Ofayé Puinave Huaorani/Waorani Trumai Urarina Warao Yamana Yuracaré
Language isolates Unclassified languages Creoles Pidgins Mixed languages Artificial languages List of sign languages
Families with more than 30 languages are in bold. Families in italics have no living members.
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