A kibbutz (Hebrew: קִבּוּץ / קיבוץ, lit. "gathering,
clustering"; regular plural kibbutzim קִבּוּצִים /
קיבוצים) is a collective community in
Israel that was
traditionally based on agriculture. The first kibbutz, established in
1909, was Degania. Today, farming has been partly supplanted by
other economic branches, including industrial plants and high-tech
enterprises. Kibbutzim began as utopian communities, a combination
of socialism and Zionism. In recent decades, some kibbutzim have
been privatized and changes have been made in the communal lifestyle.
A member of a kibbutz is called a kibbutznik (Hebrew:
קִבּוּצְנִיק / קיבוצניק; plural kibbutznikim
In 2010, there were 270 kibbutzim in Israel. Their factories and farms
account for 9% of Israel's industrial output, worth US$8 billion, and
40% of its agricultural output, worth over $1.7 billion. Some
kibbutzim had also developed substantial high-tech and military
industries. For example, in 2010,
Kibbutz Sasa, containing some 200
members, generated $850 million in annual revenue from its
1.1 The first kibbutzim
1.2 During the British Mandate
1.3 Development of kibbutz movements
2 After the establishment of the state
2.1 Decline and restructuring
3 Ideology of the kibbutz movement
4.1.1 Child rearing
4.1.2 Higher education
4.2 Gender equality
4.3 Social life
5 Psychological aspects
5.1 Emotional involvement
5.2 Private property
5.3 Group pressure to conform
7 Types of kibbutzim
8 Legal reforms
10 See also
12 External links
The first kibbutzim
Second Aliyah workers eating lunch in the fields of Migdal.
The kibbutzim were founded by members of the
Bilu movement who
emigrated to Palestine. Like the members of the
First Aliyah who came
before them and established agricultural villages, most members of the
Second Aliyah planned to become farmers; almost the sole career
available in the agrarian economy of Ottoman Palestine. The first
kibbutz was Degania Alef, founded in 1909.
Joseph Baratz, one of the pioneers of the kibbutz movement, wrote a
book about his experiences.
"We were happy enough working on the land, but we knew more and more
certainly that the ways of the old settlements were not for us. This
was not the way we hoped to settle the country—this old way with
Jews on top and Arabs working for them; anyway, we thought that there
shouldn't be employers and employed at all. There must be a better
Though Baratz and others wanted to farm the land themselves, becoming
independent farmers was not a realistic option in 1909. As Arthur
Ruppin, a proponent of Jewish agricultural colonization of the
Trans-Jordan would later say, "The question was not whether group
settlement was preferable to individual settlement; it was rather one
of either group settlement or no settlement at all."
Ottoman Palestine was a harsh environment. The Galilee was swampy, the
Judaean Mountains rocky, and the south of the country, the Negev, was
a desert. To make things more challenging, most of the settlers had no
prior farming experience. The sanitary conditions were also poor.
Malaria, typhus and cholera were rampant. Bedouins would raid farms
and settled areas. Sabotage of irrigation canals and burning of crops
were also common. Living collectively was simply the
most logical way to be secure in an unwelcoming land. On top of safety
considerations, establishing a farm was a capital-intensive project;
collectively, the founders of the kibbutzim had the resources to
establish something lasting, while independently they did not.
Finally, the land had been purchased by the greater Jewish community.
From around the world, Jews dropped coins into Jewish National Fund
"Blue Boxes" for land purchases in Palestine. In 1909, Baratz, nine
other men, and two women established themselves at the southern end of
Sea of Galilee
Sea of Galilee near the Arab village of Umm Juni/Juniya. These
teenagers had hitherto worked as day laborers converting wetlands for
human development, as masons, or as hands at the older Jewish
settlements. Their dream was now to work for themselves, building up
the land. They called their community "Kvutzat Degania" (lit.
"collective of wheat" or "community of cereal grains"), now Degania
The founders of Degania endured backbreaking labor: "The body is
crushed, the legs fail, the head hurts, the sun burns and weakens,"
wrote one of the pioneers.  At times, half of the kibbutz members
could not report for work and many left. Despite the difficulties, by
1914, Degania had fifty members. Other kibbutzim were founded around
Sea of Galilee
Sea of Galilee and the nearby Jezreel Valley.
During the British Mandate
The fall of the
Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I, followed by
the arrival of the British, brought with it benefits for the Jewish
community of Palestine and its kibbutzim. The Ottoman authorities had
made immigration to Palestine difficult and restricted land purchases.
Rising antisemitism forced many Jews to flee Eastern Europe. To escape
the pogroms, tens of thousands of Russian Jews immigrated to Palestine
in the early 1920s, in a wave of immigration that was called the Third
Zionist Jewish youth movements flourished in the 1920s, from
right-wing movements like
Betar to left-wing socialist groups such as
Dror, Brit Haolim, Qadima, HabBonim (now Habonim Dror), and Hashomer
Hatzair. In contrast to those who came as part of the Second Aliyah,
these youth group members had some agricultural training before
embarking. Members of the
Second Aliyah and
Third Aliyah were also
less likely to be Russian, since emigration from Russia was closed off
after the Russian Revolution. European Jews who settled on kibbutzim
between the World Wars were from other countries in Eastern Europe,
In the early days, communal meetings were limited to practical
matters, but in the 1920s and 1930s, they became more informal.
Instead of meeting in the dining room, the group would sit around a
campfire. Rather than reading minutes, the session would begin with a
group dance. Remembering her youth on a kibbutz on the shores of the
Kinneret, one woman said: "Oh, how beautiful it was when we all took
part in the discussions, [they were] nights of searching for one
another—that is what I call those hallowed nights. During the
moments of silence, it seemed to me that from each heart a spark would
burst forth, and the sparks would unite in one great flame penetrating
the heavens.... At the center of our camp a fire burns, and under the
weight of the hora the earth groans a rhythmic groan, accompanied by
Kibbutzim founded in the 1920s tended to be larger than the kibbutzim
like Degania that were founded prior to World War I. Degania had had
twelve members at its founding. Eyn Harod, founded only a decade
later, began with 215 members.
Kibbutzim grew and flourished in the 1930s and 1940s. In 1922, there
were 700 people living on kibbutzim in Palestine. By 1927, the number
had risen to 2,000. When World War II erupted, 24,105 people were
living on 79 kibbutzim, comprising 5% of the Jewish population of
Mandate Palestine. In 1950, the figures went up to 65,000,
accounting for 7.5% of the population. In 1989, the kibbutz population
peaked at 129,000. By 2010, the number decreased to about 100,000; the
number of kibbutzim in
Israel was 270.
Development of kibbutz movements
In 1927, the United
Kibbutz Movement was established. Several Hashomer
Hatzair kibbutzim banded together to form
Kibbutz Artzi. In 1936,
Socialist League of Palestine was founded, and served as an urban ally
Kibbutz HaArtzi. In 1946, Ha
Kibbutz HaArtzi and the Socialist
League combined to form the
Hashomer Hatzair Workers Party of
Palestine which in 1948, merged with
Ahdut HaAvoda to form the
First building in
Kibbutz Kiryat Anavim, a dairy barn
In 1928, Degania and other small kibbutzim formed Hever Hakvutzot
("The Kvutzot Association"). Kvutzot were deliberately small, not
exceeding 200 members, in the belief that this was imperative for
maintaining trust. Kvutzot did not have youth-group affiliations in
Europe. Kibbutzim affiliated with the United
Kibbutz Movement took in
as many members as they could.
Givat Brenner eventually came to have
more than 1500 members. Artzi kibbutzim were also more devoted to
gender equality than other kibbutzim. Women called their husbands ishi
("my man") rather than the customary Hebrew word for husband ba'ali
(lit. "my master"). The children slept in children's houses and
visited their parents only a few hours a day.
There were also differences in religion.
Kibbutz Artzi and United
Kibbutz Movement kibbutzim were secular, even staunchly atheistic,
proudly trying to be "monasteries without God". Most mainstream
kibbutznikim also disdained the
Orthodox Judaism of their parents, but
they wanted their new communities to have Jewish characteristics
nonetheless. Friday nights were still
Shabbat with a white tablecloth
and fine food and work was not done on Saturday if it could be
avoided. Only late some kibbutzim adopted
Yom Kippur as the day to
discuss fears for the future of the kibbutz. Kibbutzim also had
collective Bar and Bat Mitzvahs for their children.
Kibbutznikim did not pray several times a day, but would mark holidays
like Shavuot, Sukkot, and
Passover with dances, meals, and
celebrations. One Jewish holiday, Tu BiShvat, the "birthday of the
trees" was substantially revived by kibbutzim. All in all, holidays
with some kind of agricultural component, like
Passover and Sukkot,
were the most significant for kibbutzim.
Religious kibbutzim were established in clusters before the
establishment of the State, creating the Religious
The first religious kibbutz was Ein Tzurim, founded in 1946.
Arab opposition increased as the
Balfour Declaration and the wave of
Jewish settlers to Palestine began to tilt the demographic balance of
the area. There were bloody anti-Arab and anti-Jewish riots in
Jerusalem in 1921 and in Hebron in 1929. In the late 1930s,
Arab-Jewish violence became virtually constant; the 1936–39 Arab
revolt in Palestine is also known as the "Great Uprising" in
A member of
Kibbutz Ma'abarot on guard duty, 1936
Kibbutzim began to assume a more prominent military role. Rifles were
purchased or manufactured and kibbutz members drilled and practiced
shooting. Yigal Allon, an Israeli soldier and statesman, explained the
role of kibbutzim in the military activities of the Yishuv:
The planning and development of pioneering Zionist were from the start
at least partly determined by politico-strategic needs. The choice of
the location of the settlements, for instance, was influenced not only
by considerations of economic viability but also and even chiefly by
the needs of local defense, overall settlement strategy, and by the
role such blocks of settlements might play in some future, perhaps
decisive all-out struggle. Accordingly, land was purchased, or more
often reclaimed, in remote parts of the country.
Kibbutzim also played a role in defining the borders of the Jewish
state-to-be. By the late 1930s, when it appeared that Palestine would
be partitioned between Arabs and Jews, kibbutzim were established in
outlying areas to ensure that the land would be incorporated into the
Jewish state. In 1946, on the day after Yom Kippur, eleven new "Tower
and Stockade" kibbutzim were hurriedly established in the northern
part of the
Negev to give
Israel a better claim to this arid, but
strategically important, region. The Marxist faction of the kibbutz
Kibbutz Artzi, favoured a one-state solution over partition,
but advocated free Jewish immigration, which the Arabs opposed.
Kibbutzniks fought in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, emerging from the
conflict with enhanced prestige in the nascent State of Israel.
Kibbutz Degania were instrumental in stopping the Syrian
tank advance into the Galilee with Molotov cocktails. Maagan Michael
manufactured the bullets for the
Sten guns that won the war. Maagan
Michael's clandestine ammunition factory was later separated from the
kibbutz and grew into
After the establishment of the state
Kibbutz children with the Givati brigade
The establishment of
Israel and the flood of Jewish refugees from
Europe and the
Arab world presented challenges and opportunities for
kibbutzim. The immigrant tide offered kibbutzim a chance to expand
through new members and inexpensive labour, but it also meant that
Ashkenazi kibbutzim would have to adapt to Jews whose background was
far different from their own. Until the 1950s, nearly all kibbutzniks
were from Eastern Europe, culturally different from the Jews of
Morocco, Tunisia, and Iraq. Many kibbutzim hired
Mizrahi Jews as
labourers but were less inclined to grant them membership.[citation
Ideological disputes were also widespread.
Israel had been initially
recognized by both the
United States and the Soviet Union. For the
first three years of its existence,
Israel was in the Non-Aligned
David Ben-Gurion gradually began to take sides with the
West. The question of which side of the
Israel should choose
created fissures in the kibbutz movement. Dining halls segregated
according to politics and a few kibbutzim even had Marxist members
leave. The disillusionment particularly set in after the Slánský
trial in which an envoy of
Hashomer Hatzair in Prague was tried.
Another controversy involved the Reparations Agreement between Israel
and West Germany. Should kibbutz members turn over income that was the
product of a very personal loss? If Holocaust survivors were allowed
to keep their reparation money, what would that mean for the principle
of equality? Eventually, many kibbutzim made this one concession to
inequality by letting Holocaust survivors keep all or a percentage of
their reparations. Reparations that were turned over to the collective
were used for building expansion and even recreational activities.
Kibbutzniks enjoyed a steady and gradual improvement in their standard
of living in the first few decades after independence. In the 1960s,
the kibbutzim standard of living improved faster than Israel's general
population. Most kibbutz swimming pools date from the 1960s.[citation
Collecting bales of hay on
Kibbutz Gan Shmuel, 1950s
Kibbutzim also continued to play an outsize role in Israel's defence
apparatus. In the 1950s and 1960s many kibbutzim were in fact founded
Israel Defense Forces group called Nahal. Many of these 1950s
Nahal kibbutzim were founded on the precarious and porous
borders of the state. In the Six-Day War, when
Israel lost 800
soldiers, 200 of them were from kibbutzim. The prestige that
kibbutzniks enjoyed in
Israel in the 1960s was reflected in the
Knesset. When only 4% of Israelis were kibbutzniks, kibbutzniks made
up 15% of Israel's parliament.
As late as the 1970s, kibbutzim seemed to be thriving in every way.
Kibbutzniks performed working class, or even peasant class,
occupations, yet enjoyed a middle class lifestyle.
Decline and restructuring
With time, the kibbutz members' sense of identification with the
kibbutz and its goals decreased. This process originated both from
personal frustrations among the kibbutz members as a result of
internal processes and from the growing stratification and inequality
due to the growth of capitalistic practices. Over the years, some
kibbutz members established professional careers outside the kibbutz,
accumulating power, privileges and prestige. The balance between
individual values and values of the kibbutz began to tip, and work
motivation was affected. An emphasis was placed on social compensation
to encourage productivity. These processes occurred in parallel with a
severe economic crisis.
The privatization processes and the adoption of non-cooperative
beliefs in all of the Israeli society, affected the moral and
structural support of kibbutzim, and with the years penetrated the new
generations of the kibbutzim.
The kibbutzim were built on the attempt to create a permanent and
institutionalized framework, which would be able to set a pattern of
conduct that would successfully handle the implementation of shared
values. The attempt to place such a regular pattern required
creativity in the adoption of kibbutz practices to its growth and
changing kibbutz system and encompassing society, but kibbutz
leadership suppressed innovators and critical thinkers, causing either
failures to deal with changes or adoption of capitalist solutions that
negated kibbutz basic principles.
The kibbutzim had rural patterns of settlements, while over the years
the Israeli society began adopting urban patterns of settlements. The
lack of match between the patterns of the kibbutz society and the
majority of the Israeli society, appealed the strong linkage between
the kibbutzim with the entire Israeli society, a principle that did
not allow the continuation of the collaborative model (because of the
internal weakening and the loss of the all-Israeli legitimacy).
The kibbutzim were established during the pioneer period and were the
fulfilment of the Zionist vision, during that period of time every
member was required to give the maximum from himself for the good of
the collective: the kibbutz and the state. In addition, as a group it
was easier to deal with the common problems of the individuals—which
allowed the recruitment of a large number of people for maintaining
the safety of the community at that time, and therefore this way of
life was suited for the Zionist goals more than other forms of life at
The original concept of the kibbutzim was based to a large extent on
self-sacrifice of its members for the sake of abstract foundations and
not on the cancellation of work, and therefore after the pioneer
period the linkage between the kibbutz members decreased, due to the
decline in the pioneering spirit and the decline in the importance of
the self-sacrifice values.
When the kibbutz was perceived as an initiator for values and national
objectives, it was very much appreciated in the Israeli society and it
was easier for the members to identify themselves with the kibbutz,
its function and its significance. With the decrease of its
appreciation and the minimizing of the social significances in the
Israeli society, the kibbutz identity weakened.
The kibbutzim were not capable of dealing with the increase in the
standard of living in order to keep the communal values relevant,
which eventually led to the changes in patterns of life of many
members, undermining the relevancy of the communal framework, which
was not adapted to this.
The globalization processes and the kibbutz failure to block them
exposed the kibbutz society to a different type of culture. For
example, after kibbutz members were allowed to have television sets in
their own homes, the kibbutz members were exposed to "the good life"
in which people were compensated for their work and could buy
themselves different luxurious items. The kibbutzim were not capable
of dealing with these processes.
The collapse of the Communist bloc resulted in the weakening of
Socialist beliefs around the world, including in the kibbutz society.
During the 1980s, following the peak of the kibbutzim crisis, many
people started leaving their kibbutzim, and there was considerable
tension due to the economic situation. In order to cope with the
situation, some kibbutzim began to change in various ways.
The changes that occurred could be divided into three main types:
Extensive privatization of the kibbutz services—in fact, such
privatization had been introduced over the past two decades in many
kibbutzim. Most of these privatization processes, however, were made
in matters that were considered relatively minor. Currently, many
kibbutzim that have privatized (some of them with subsidies) have also
privatized the education and health systems, which were once
considered untouchable.
"Differential wage"—one famous characteristic of the kibbutzim was
that each kibbutz member received an equal budget according to his or
her needs, regardless of what job they held. In many kibbutzim,
members are now paid differentially based on the work they do.
"Association of properties"—refers to the transfer of some of the
properties belonging to the kibbutz, in its capacity as a cooperative
commonality, to the ownership of individual kibbutz members. This is
actually true privatization (unlike the services privatization). These
assets include the homes where the members live and a sort of a
"stock" in the manufacturing component of the kibbutz. This change
allows kibbutz members to sell and bequeath both types of properties,
within certain limitations.
Since the mid-1990s, the number of kibbutzim making significant
changes in their lifestyle continued to grow, while the resistance to
these changes gradually decreased, with only a few dozen kibbutzim
still functioning under more traditional models. It is important to
note, however, that each kibbutz has undergone different processes of
change. There are many people, outside and inside the kibbutzim, who
claim these changes bring the end of the kibbutz concept. Among the
communities that had recently officially ceased being kibbutzim are
Megiddo in the Jezreel Valley, HagGoshrim in the Upper Galilee, Beyt
Nir in the Negev, etc.
These processes have created the "renewing kibbutz" (הקיבוץ
המתחדש )—a kibbutz settlement pattern not fully based on the
original values of the kibbutz. Kibbutzim continuing under the
original kibbutz values are associated with the "collaborative model"
New compensation models
There are now three kibbutz compensation models. 1) The traditional
collective kibbutz/kibbutz shitufi, in which members are compensated
equally, regardless of what work each member does; 2) the mixed model
kibbutz/kibbutz meshulav, in which each member is given a small
percentage of his salary along with a basic component given equally to
all kibbutz members; and 3) the renewing kibbutz/kibbutz mithadesh, in
which a member's income consists solely of his individual income from
his work and sometimes includes income from other kibbutz sources.
According to a survey conducted by the
University of Haifa
University of Haifa 188 of all
kibbutzim (72%) are now converted to the "renewing kibbutz" model,
which could be described as more individualistic kibbutz. Dr. Shlomo
Getz, head of the Institute for the Research of the
Kibbutz and the
Cooperative Idea believes that by the end of 2012, there will be more
kibbutzim switching to some alternative model.
Ideology of the kibbutz movement
Cotton fields of kibbutz Shamir, ca. 1958
First Aliyah immigrants were largely religious, but those of the
Second Aliyah were mainly secular. A Jewish work ethic thus replaced
religious practice. Berl Katznelson, a Labor Zionist leader
articulated this when he said "Everywhere the Jewish labourer goes,
the divine presence goes with him."
In the contemporary
Yiddish anti-Zionist literature that was
circulating around Eastern Europe, Palestine was mocked as dos
gepeygerte land, "the country that had died". Kibbutz
members found immense gratification in bringing the land back to life
by planting trees, draining swamps, and countless other hard-graft
activities to make the land (invariably wetlands) productive.[citation
needed] In soliciting donations, kibbutzim and other Zionist
settlement activities presented themselves as "making the desert
The first kibbutzim were founded in the upper Jordan Valley, the
Jezreel Valley and the
Sharon coastal plain. The land was available
for purchase because it was marshy and malaria-infested. The Zionists
believed that the Arab population would be grateful for the economic
benefits that developing the land would bring. Their
approach was that the enemies of the Arab peasants were the Arab
landowners (called effendis), not fellow Jewish farmers.[citation
needed] The first kibbutzniks hoped to be more than farmers. They
sought to create a new type of society where all would be equal and
free from exploitation.
Kibbutz members were not classic Marxists though their system
partially resembled Communism.
Karl Marx and
Friedrich Engels both
shared a disdain for conventional formulations of the nation state and
Leninists were hostile to Zionism. Nevertheless, in the late 1930s,
two kibbutz leaders, Tabenkin and Yaari, initially attracted to
anarchist ideas, pushed their movements to reverence of Stalin's
dictatorship and of Stalin whom many called Shemesh HaAmim ("The Sun
of the Nations").
USSR voted at the UN for establishment of Israel. When it became
Israel would not turn Communist Stalin became hostile to
Israel and the
USSR served diplomatic and military interests in the
Arab world. This caused major crises and mass exit in both Kibbutz
Kibbutz Artzi kibbutzim, especially after the 1952 Rudolf
Slánský Prague show trials in which most of the accused and executed
party functionaries were Jews and the 1953
Doctors' plot in Moscow of
mostly Jews. Nonetheless many kibbutzim cancelled
when Stalin collapsed on March 1, 1953. Despite Communist atrocities
and increasing state antisemitism in the
USSR and its satellites many
in the far left kibbutz movement, like Hashomer HaTzair (The Young
Guard) viewed Stalin with awe and leader of the "peace camp". The
Al HaMishmar (On the Watch) presented this view.
Kibbutzim were run as collective enterprises within Israel's partly
free market system. Internally kibbutzim also practiced active
democracy, with elections held for kibbutz functions and full
participation in national elections in which the members generally
voted along the lines of the kibbutz movement ideology. Jewish
religious practices were banned or discouraged in many far left
Kibbutzim were not the only contemporary communal enterprises: pre-war
Palestine also saw the development of communal villages called
moshavim. In a moshav, marketing and major farm purchases were
collective, but other aspects of life were private.
In 2009, most votes from kibbutzim went to Kadima, Labor, and
Temporary dining room at Gan Shmuel, 1953
The principle of equality was taken extremely seriously up until the
1970s. Kibbutzniks did not individually own tools, or even clothing.
Gifts and income received from outside were turned over to the common
treasury. If a member received a gift in services—like a visit to a
relative or a trip abroad paid for by a parent—there could be
arguments at members' meetings about the propriety of accepting such a
gift. Up until recently, members ate meals together in the
communal dining hall. This was seen as an important aspect of communal
Kibbutz Gan Shmuel, 1998
When the first children were born at the kibbutz there were inevitably
some ethical dilemmas that needed to be solved. One of these was that
the kibbutz was striving for equality, including the equality of the
sexes. Women were only seen as separate because they gave birth to
children, automatically tying them to the domestic sphere. In order to
liberate women and promote gender equality, they could not be tied to
solely domestic duties and child care giving. The
Kibbutz wanted to
give women the opportunity to continue their work in the agricultural
sector and industrial sector. As such, "
Communal education is the
first step towards woman's liberation." Chayuta Bussel
Along with gender equality, the issue of parenting under the communal
way of life was a concern. The parental tendency is to view the child
as a personal possession and to dominate them. The founding members of
the kibbutz agreed that this was not conducive to community life. They
also thought it was selfish of parents to want to control their
children and that this did not give room for the child to grow as
their own person.
To solve these issues the founders created the communal children's
houses, where the children would spend most of their time; learning,
playing and sleeping. Parents spent 3 to 4 hours a day in the
afternoon with their children after work and before dinner.
Collective child rearing was also a way to escape the patriarchal
society that the founders came from. Children would not be dependent
on their fathers economically, socially, legally or otherwise and this
would eliminate the father's authority and uproot the patriarchy.
In the children's houses, trained nurses and teachers were the care
givers. It was felt that relationships of the children and their
parents would be better because parents would not have to be the sole
disciplinarians. Children grew up in the community environment and
grew up with children who were born in the same year as them. The
financial responsibility of the children was shared by the community.
The founders of the
Kibbutz sought a dynamic education for their
children, that can be summed up in this statement from the founders of
From formal education to knowledge acquired from life, From the book
to the physical work. From a discipline based on blind obedience to a
regime of activity and creation in an atmosphere of freedom.
The adults in the community did their best to make the children's
house into a children's home. They fully furnished them to accommodate
every age group. "It is surrounded by a courtyard, well equipped for
the growing child's needs, with flowers and bushes, hiding places, and
Under Freud's influence, the importance of the early years of
childhood development were understood by the
Kibbutz and much emphasis
was put on fostering the child's sense of individuality, creativity,
and basic trust. In practice transmission of family traditions and
views was replaced by indoctrination into kibbutz and kibbutz movement
views and also resulted in much uniformity vs. individuality.
Significantly, this method of child rearing was not only
"collectivization" of children, but a near complete conscious break
with a cornerstone of Jewish life: focus on family, especially the
Although, for many of the original founders of the Kibbutz, the
arrival of children was a sobering experience: "When we saw our first
children in the playpen, hitting one another, or grabbing toys just
for themselves, we were overcome with anxiety. What did it mean that
even an education in communal life couldn't uproot these egotistical
tendencies? The utopia of our initial social conception was slowly,
Kibbutz communal child rearing and collective education
From the 1920s until the 1970s, most kibbutzim had a system whereby
the children would sleep in communal children's homes, called 'Beit
Yeladim' (בית ילדים), instead of in their parents' apartments.
Although the children were not raised directly by their parents, they
knew who their parents were and formed close bonds with them.
Throughout the morning, parents looked forward to the end of the work
day when they could go to the children's house and pick up the
children to play with them and dote on them.
Children's societies were one of the features of kibbutz life that
most interested outsiders. In the heyday of children's societies,
parents would only spend two hours a day, typically in the afternoon,
with their children. In
Kibbutz Artzi parents were explicitly
forbidden to put their children to bed at night. As children got
older, parents could go for days on end without seeing their
offspring, other than through chance encounters somewhere in the
Some children who went through children's societies said they loved
the experience, others remain ambivalent. One vocal group maintains
that growing up without one's parents was very difficult. Years later,
a kibbutz member described her childhood in a children's society:
"Allowed to suckle every four hours, left to cry and develop our
lungs, we grew up without the basic security needed for survival.
Sitting on the potty at regular intervals next to other children doing
the same, we were educated to be the same; but we were, for all that,
different.... At night the grownups leave and turn off all the lights.
You know you will wet the bed because it is too frightening to go to
Examples of children raised under the
Kibbutz system of equality are
given by Yosef Criden. When an aunt from a nearby city comes to visit
her niece or nephew and brings a box of chocolate as a present for
them, the child will excitedly open it up and eat a few of the
chocolates. Then the child will go over to the rest of the group and
give the rest of the chocolates to their peers. This is the ideology
instilled in the children, to value the self but also to always think
about others. Another example Yosef gives is that when his son, who
was born and raised on a kibbutz, went into the army, he and his
fellow bunk mates asked their supervising officer for a box. They
wanted to keep the box in the middle of the room and whenever they
would get care packages, they would put the items into the box and
share them communally. They did not want to be like most of the units
of officers from towns and cities, where each officer would hide their
packages under their beds.
In a 1977 study, Fox compared the separation effects
experienced by kibbutz children when removed from their mother,
compared with removal from their caregiver (called a metapelet in
Hebrew). He found that the child showed separation distress in both
situations but, when reunited, children were significantly more
attached to their mothers than to the metapelet. The children
protested subsequent separation from their mothers when the metapelet
was reintroduced to them. However, kibbutzim children shared high
bonding with their parents as compared to those who were sent to
boarding schools, because children in a kibbutz spent three to four
hours with their parents every day.
In another study by Scharf, the group brought up in a communal
environment within a kibbutz showed less ability in coping with
imagined situations of separation than those who were brought up with
their families. This has far reaching implications for child
attachment adaptability and therefore institutions like kibbutzim.
These interesting kibbutz techniques are controversial with or without
A mixture of criticism and nostalgia by some 20 adults born in
Kibbutzim in the 1930s was documented in the 2007 film Children of the
Sun. The film raised much controversy and brought about a flood of
reactions in favor and against the practices of child raising in
Kibbutzim in those early years of the Kibbutz. Interviews were
interlaced with original footage.
In the beginning, higher education was not valued as very important to
Kibbutz as most of the work was in agriculture. As the kibbutz
changed and moved towards manufacturing and industry, more young
people went to universities and colleges to pursue higher education.
The total percentage of members studying at universities among kibbutz
students rose from 38 percent in 1978 to 54 percent [in 1990].
Kibbutz paid college tuition in full, but in the 1980s
with the kibbutz crisis, some began to pay a smaller share of tuition
The role of gender equality on the kibbutz is very complex and has
gone through cycles since the founding of the first kibbutzim. Since
there were many different kibbutzim, women had different experiences
at each particular one. Some say that women were and are completely
equal to men on the kibbutz while others insist there has always been
A woman working in the orange grove of kibbutz Na'an
In the early days of the movement, kibbutzim tended to be
male-dominated with significantly more male members. Nevertheless,
women performed many of the same tasks as men. Both men and women
worked in the fields, performed guard duty, and heavy labor.
However, mostly women filled the traditional female roles, such as
cooking, sewing, and cleaning.
In the first couple of decades there was no traditional marriage in
the kibbutz. If a man and woman wanted to get married, they went to
the housing office and requested a room together. Not having
traditional marriage was seen as a way to dissolve the patriarchy and
give women their own standing without depending on a man (economically
or socially) and was also viewed as a positive thing for the community
as a whole, as communal life was the main aspect of the kibbutz.
When the first children were born at the kibbutz, the founders were
worried that this would tie the women to domestic service. They
thought that the only difference between a man and a woman was that
women gave birth and thus were automatically tied to the children and
domestic duties. The communal dining and laundry were already a part
of the kibbutz from the start. Of course they were implemented for
reasons of living communally, but also to emancipate women from these
duties so they were free to work in other sectors. With the arrival of
the children, it was decided that they would be raised communally and
sleep communally to free women to work in other fields. The desire to
liberate women from traditional maternal duties was an ideological
underpinning of the children's society system. Women were "emancipated
from the yoke of domestic service" in that their children were taken
care of, and the laundry and cooking was done communally.
Interestingly, women born on kibbutzim were much less reluctant to
perform traditional female roles. Eventually most women gravitated
towards the service sector. The second generation of women who were
born on the kibbutz eventually got rid of the children's houses and
the Societies of Children. Most found that although they had a
positive experience growing up in the children's house, wanted their
own children at home with them.
The documentary 'Full Circle' summarizes the change in the women's
view of equality on the kibbutz. The original
Utopian goal of the
founders was complete gender equality. Children lived in the
children's houses. Freed from domestic duties, women participated in
the industrial, agricultural and economic sectors alongside men.
However, in the 1960s, while the rest of the
Western world demanded
equality of the sexes and embraced feminism, the second generation of
kibbutz born women began to return to more traditional gender roles.
They rejected the ideal achieved by their grandparents and returned to
domestic duties such as cooking, cleaning and taking care of children.
Today, most women do not participate in the economic and industrial
sectors of the kibbutz. They even embraced traditional marriage.
Another example of the change in the original egalitarian nature of
the kibbutz is that the founders of the kibbutz did not use the
traditional Hebrew word for husband, ba'al (בעל, BAH-al), because
the word is otherwise used to mean "master" or "owner" and implies
that the wife is submissive to her dominant spouse. The granddaughters
of the founders use ba'al for husband to their grandmother's
disgust.[neutrality is disputed] The granddaughters insist the
grandparents are too caught up with terminology. The original
egalitarian principles of gender equality have been compromised.
Statistical data proves that the majority of women work in the service
and domestic sectors while men work in the production sector.
According to data from the 1940s, gender equality existed neither in
the domain of work nor in the area of politics in the kibbutzim of the
time. For instance, in 1948, in eight kibbutzim of the Ihud, a kibbutz
federation with a pragmatic socialist orientation, 78.3 percent of the
women worked in services (services for adults, child care, education)
as compared with 16.7 percent of the men. That same year, 15.2 percent
of the women worked in production as distinct from 58.2 percent of the
men. The situation was the same in political life.
By 1979, only 9 percent of the women were engaged in some type of
farming activity. "[In 1979] only 12 percent of the female labor force
is permanently assigned to productive branches, compared to 50 percent
in 1920." Females comprise 84 percent of the service workers and the
Also, although there was a "masculinization of women" at one point,
there was no corresponding "feminization" of men. Women may have
worked the fields, but men did not work in childcare.
The dining hall in
Kibbutz Merom Golan, ca. 1968–1972
Gan Shmuel on Shavuot, 1959
Along with property and ideology, social lives were also held in
common. As an example, most kibbutz dining halls exclusively utilized
benches, not as an issue of cost or convenience, but because benches
were construed as another way of expressing communal values. In the
beginning, some kibbutzim husbands and wives were discouraged from
sitting together, as marriage was an expressed form of exclusivity. In
Kibbutz Community and Nation Building, Paula Rayman reports that
Kibbutz Har refused to buy teakettles for its members in the 1950s;
the issue being not the cost but that couples owning teakettles would
mean more time spent together in their apartments, rather than with
the community in the dining hall.
In the beginning, members were not allowed individual items, like
teakettles and everything was strictly communal. Starting around the
1950s and 1960s, people were entitled to individual property, like
teakettles, books, radios etc. According to Criden and Gelb "The
equality problem only becomes serious when there are gross deviations
from basic principles." Having a few books was fine, but having a
private car was unacceptable. Items like cars were communally owned
and had to be requested in advance by members or used for work related
Communal life proved hard for some. Every kibbutz saw some new members
quit after a few years. Since kibbutzniks had no individual bank
accounts, any purchase not made at the kibbutz canteen had to be
approved by a committee, a potentially humiliating and time-wasting
experience. Kibbutzim also had their share of members who were not
hard workers, or who abused common property; there would always be
resentment against these "parasites". Although according to Criden and
Gelb, the vast majority of people on kibbutzim are not free-loaders.
They state that their chief weapon against free-loaders is public
opinion. People who do not pull their own weight in the community are
frowned upon and their opinions are not taken seriously by the
community and they are not given any responsibility. Finally,
kibbutzim, as small, isolated communities, tended to be places of
gossip, exacerbated by lack of privacy and the regimented work and
Although major decisions about the future of the kibbutz were made by
consensus or by voting, day-to-day decisions about where people would
work were made by elected leaders. Typically, kibbutzniks would learn
their assignments by consulting the duty sheet at the dining hall.
Kibbutz memoirs from the Pioneer era report that kibbutz meetings
varied from heated arguments to free-flowing philosophical
discussions, whereas memoirs and accounts from kibbutz observers from
the 1950s and 1960s report that kibbutz meetings were businesslike but
Kibbutzim attempted to rotate people into different jobs. One week a
person might work in planting, the next with livestock, the week after
in the kibbutz factory and the following week in the laundry. Even
managers would have to work in menial jobs. Through rotation,
people took part in every kind of work, but it interfered with any
process of specialization.
Aversion to sex was not part of the kibbutz ideology; to this end,
teenagers were not segregated at night in children's societies, yet
many visitors to kibbutzim were astonished at how conservative the
communities tended to be. In Children of the Dream, Bruno Bettelheim
quoted a kibbutz friend, "at a time when the American girls preen
themselves, and try to show off as much as possible sexually, our
girls cover themselves up and refuse to wear clothing that might show
their breasts or in any other fashion be revealing."
rates were and are extremely low. Unfortunately from the point of
view of the adults in the community, marriage rates among communally
raised children were equally low. This conservatism on the part of
kibbutz children has been attributed to the Westermarck effect—a
form of reverse sexual imprinting whereby even unrelated children, if
raised together from an early age, tend to reject each other as
potential partners. The children who grew up together in the
children's houses considered their peers brothers and sisters and had
close lasting bonds with each other.
From the beginning, kibbutzim had a reputation as culture-friendly and
nurturing of the arts. Many kibbutzniks became writers, actors, or
artists. Kibbutzim typically offer theatre companies, choirs,
orchestras, athletic leagues, and special-interest classes. In 1953
Givat Brenner staged the play My Glorious Brothers, about the Maccabee
revolt, building a real village on a hilltop as a set, planting real
trees, and performing for 40,000 people. Following kibbutz work
practices of the time, all the actors were members of the kibbutz, and
all performed as part of their work assignments.
Although there have been sensational crimes on kibbutzim, overall the
crime rate is lower than the national average by a significant
Three researchers who wrote about psychological life on kibbutzim were
Melford E. Spiro (1958),
Bruno Bettelheim (1969) and Michael Baizerman
(1963). All concluded that a kibbutz upbringing led to individuals'
having greater difficulty in making strong emotional commitments
thereafter, such as falling in love or forming a lasting friendship.
On the other hand, they appear to find it easier to have a large
number of less-involved friendships, and a more active social life.
Some researchers came to the conclusion that children growing up in
these tightly knit communities tended to see the other children around
them as ersatz siblings and preferred to seek mates outside the
community when they reached maturity. Some theorize that living
amongst one another on a daily basis virtually from birth on produced
an extreme version of the Westermarck effect, which diminished teenage
kibbutzniks' sexual attraction to one another. Partly as a result of
not finding a mate from within the kibbutz, youth often abandon
kibbutz life as adults.
The era of independent
Israel kibbutzim attracted interest from
sociologists and psychologists who attempted to answer the question:
What are the effects of life without private property? What are the
effects of life being brought up apart from one's parents?
Bettelheim suggested that the lack of private property was the cause
of the lack of emotions in kibbutzniks. He wrote, "nowhere more than
in the kibbutz did I realize the degree to which private property, in
the deep layers of the mind, relates to private emotions. If one is
absent, the other tends to be absent as well". (See primitivism and
primitive communism for a general discussion of these concepts).
Group pressure to conform
Kibbutz life, group pressure to conform is particularly
strong. It is a subject of debate within the kibbutz movement
as to how successful kibbutz education was in developing the talents
of gifted children. Several kibbutz-raised children look back and say
that the communal system stifled ambition; others[who?] say that
bright children were nonetheless encouraged. Bruno
Bettelheim had predicted that kibbutz education would yield
mediocrity: "[kibbutz children] will not be leaders or philosophers,
will not achieve anything in science or art." However, it has been
noted that although kibbutzim comprise only 5% of the Israeli
population, surprisingly large numbers of kibbutzniks become teachers,
lawyers, doctors, and political leaders.
In the 1990s, a journalist tracked down the children Bettelheim had
interviewed back in the 1960s at "
Kibbutz Atid" (now called Kibbutz
Ramat Yohanan). The journalist found that the children were highly
accomplished in academia, business, music, and the military.
"Bettelheim got it totally wrong."
Kibbutzim in the early days tried to be self-sufficient in all
agricultural goods, from eggs to dairy to fruits to meats, but
realized this was not possible. Land was generally provided by the
Jewish National Fund. Later, they became dependent on government
Even before the establishment of the State of Israel, kibbutzim began
to branch out from agriculture into manufacturing.
Alef opened a factory for diamond cutting tools that came to have a
gross turnover of several US million dollars a year.
has a factory for drip irrigation equipment.
Netafim is a
multinational corporation that grosses over $300 million a year.
Maagan Michael branched out from making bullets to making plastics and
medical tools, and running an ulpan. These enterprises bring in over
US$100 million a year. A great wave of kibbutz industrialization came
in the 1960s, and as of 2012[update] only 15% of kibbutz members
worked in agriculture.
Hiring seasonal workers was always a point of controversy in the
kibbutz movement. During harvest time, when hands were needed,
labourers were sought outside the kibbutz. The founders of the kibbutz
movement wanted to redeem the Jewish nation through manual labour, and
hiring non-Jews to do hard tasks was not consistent with that idea. In
Kibbutz Degania vainly searched for Jewish masons to build
their homes, but could not find Jewish stonemasons, and hired Arabs.
In the 1970s kibbutzim frequently hired Arab labourers. Since the
1990s teams of foreign workers were brought in, many from Thailand and
Kibbutzim have branched out into tourism, among them Kiryat Anavim,
Lavi and Nahsholim. Many kibbutzim rent out homes or run guesthouses.
Several kibbutzim, such as
Lotan and Kfar Ruppin, operate
bird-watching vacations and eco tours. These tours showcase their
development of sustainable technologies such as mud huts and
Today, some Kibbutzim operate major industrial ventures. For example,
Kibbutz Sasa, containing some 200 members, generated $850
million in annual revenue from its military-plastics industry.
Kibbutz Ketura is leading Israel's development of solar technology,
becoming a popular eco tourism attraction. 
Types of kibbutzim
There are three kibbutz movements:
Kibbutz Movement, which constitutes an umbrella organization of
two separate movements and ideologies: the United
founded in 1979 as a merger of two older movements: the United Kibbutz
and Union of Kvutzot and Kibbutzim, and
Kibbutz Artzi Hashomer Hatzair
Religious Kibbutz Movement Hapoel HaMizrachi,
Poalei Agudat Yisrael
Many kibbutzim were initially established by
Nahal groups affiliated
with Israeli youth movements, among them HaNoar HaOved VeHaLomed,
Hashomer Hatzair and HaMachanot HaOlim.
Following many changes the kibbutzim went through during the years and
following the appeal made to Israeli High Court of Justice by the
Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition in 2001 in which the state was
required to redefine the exact definition of a kibbutz in order to
define the rightful benefits the kibbutzim members should be granted
by law. The reactivated legal definition was given to the Industry,
Trade and Labour Minister of
Israel on the December 15, 2005
(תקנות סיווג הקיבוצים). According to this
classification there are three types of kibbutzim:
Kibbutz Shitufi (קיבוץ שיתופי): a kibbutz still preserving
a cooperative system.
Kibbutz MitChadesh (קיבוץ מתחדש): a community with a number
of cooperative systems in its intentions (guaranteed minimal income
within the community, partnership in the ownership of the production
means, partnership in the ownership of the lands, etc.).
Urban kibbutz (קיבוץ עירוני): a community existing within
an existing settlement (city). Since the 1970s around 100 urban
kibbutzim have been founded within existing Israeli cities. They have
no enterprises of their own and all of their members work in the
non-kibbutz sector. Examples include Tamuz in Beit Shemesh (near
Jerusalem); Horesh in Kiryat Yovel, Jerusalem; Beit Yisrael in Gilo,
Migvan in Sderot.
Some kibbutzim have been involved in legal actions related to their
status as kibbutzim.
Kibbutz Glil Yam, near Herzliya, petitioned the
court regarding privatization. In 1999, eight members of kibbutz Beit
Oren applied to the High Court of Justice to order the registrar of
cooperative societies to declassify
Beit Oren as a kibbutz and
reclassify it as a different kind of cooperative society. The
petitioners argued that the
Kibbutz had dramatically changed its life
style, having implemented differential salaries, closing the communal
dining room, and privatizing the educational system and other
services. These changes did not fit the legal definition of a kibbutz,
and in particular, the principle of equality in consumption.
Consequently, the registrar of cooperative societies, who has the
authority to register and classify cooperative societies, should
change the classification of kibbutz Beit Oren. The kibbutz responded
that it still maintained the basic principles of a kibbutz, but the
changes made were vital to prevent a financial collapse and to improve
the economic situation.
This case resulted in the Government establishing the "Ben-Rafael
Committee" chaired by
Tel Aviv University
Tel Aviv University professor Eliezer Ben-Rafael
to recommend a new legal definitions that will suit the development of
the kibbutz, and to submit an opinion on the allocation of apartments
to kibbutz members. The committee submitted a detailed report with two
new legal classifications to the settlements known today as kibbutzim.
The first classification was named 'communal kibbutz', identical to
the traditional definition of a kibbutz. The second classification was
called the 'renewing kibbutz' and included developments and changes in
lifestyle, provided that the basic principles of mutual guarantee and
equality are preserved. In light of the above, the committee
recommended that instead of the current legal definition of kibbutz,
two different determinations will be created, as follows, a) communal
kibbutz: a society for settlement, being a separate settlement,
organized on the basis of collective ownership of possession, of
self-employment, and of equality and cooperation in production,
consumption and education, b) renewing kibbutz: a society for
settlement, being a separate settlement, organized on the basis of
collective partnership in possession, of self-employment, and of
equality and cooperation in production, consumption and education,
that maintains mutual guarantee among its members, and its articles of
association includes, some or all of the following:
relative wages according to the individual contribution or to
seniority allocation of apartments
allocation of productive means to its members, excluding land, water
productive quotas, provided that the cooperative society will maintain
control over the productive means and that the articles of association
restrict the negotiability of allocated productive means.
The recommendations were accepted by Cabinet of
Israel in 2004.
In his history of Palestine under the British Mandate, One Palestine,
Complete, "New Historian"
Tom Segev wrote of the kibbutz movement:
The kibbutz was an original social creation, yet always a marginal
phenomenon. By the end of the 1920s no more than 4,000 people,
children included, lived on some thirty kibbutzim, and they amounted
to a mere 2.5% of Palestine's Jewish population. The most important
service the kibbutzim provided to the Jewish national struggle was
military, not economic or social. They were guardians of Zionist land,
and their patterns of settlement would to a great extent determine the
country's borders. The kibbutzim also had a powerful effect on the
As against this characterization, numerous students found kibbutzim
played major role in agricultural innovation that advanced the Israeli
agriculture to leading the world in some sectors, for instance
irrigation. In later era many of their factories led Israeli efforts
to gain economic independence by production for export, while their
political involvement was of major importance up to 1948. The Kibbutz
Kibbutz Artzi menaced Ben-Gurion's dominance of Yishuv
politics in the 1940s, but they failed gaining wide public support in
Israeli elections ever since 1949 because of reverence of Stalin's
dictatorship, which most Israelis denounced. Kibbutzim have been
criticized for falling short of living up to their own ideals. Most
kibbutzim are not self-sufficient and have to employ non-kibbutz
members as farm workers (or later factory workers). What was
particularly controversial was the employment of Arab labourers while
excluding them from the possibility of joining the
Kibbutz as full
Some kibbutzim have been criticized for "abandoning" socialist
principles and turning to capitalist projects in order to make the
kibbutz more self-sufficient economically.
Kibbutz Shamir owns an
optical products company that is listed on the
NASDAQ stock exchange.
Numerous kibbutzim have moved away from farming and developed parts of
their property for commercial and industrial purposes, building
shopping malls and factories on kibbutz land that serve and employ non
kibbutz members while the kibbutz retains a profit from land rentals
or sales. Conversely, kibbutzim that have not engaged in this sort of
development have also been criticized for becoming dependent on state
subsidies to survive.
Nonetheless, kibbutzniks played a role in yishuv society and then
Israeli society, far out of proportion to their population, and many
kibbutzniks have served
Israel in positions of leadership. The
invention of the
Tower and Stockade
Tower and Stockade system by which 52 settlements
from 1938 to 1947 largely decided the borders of
Israel in the UN 29
November 1947 decision, is attributed to kibbutz member Shlomo
The establishment of the
Palmach underground army in 1942, which won
the yishuv crucial military struggle against Palestinian Arabs from 30
November 1947 up to 15 May 1948 that made possible the establishment
of the Israeli state, was due to efforts by Tabenkin and other Kibbutz
Meuchad leaders. One of them,
Yigal Allon and
Kibbutz Artzi member
Shimon Avidan were the two most important commanders who won the 1948
war, and numerous kibbutz members were Cabinet Ministers who largely
shaped Israeli politics from 1955 to 1977. Kibbutz-born Ehud Barak
was Prime Minister from 1999 to 2001, and
David Ben-Gurion lived most
of his life in Tel Aviv, but joined
Sde Boker in the Negev
after resigning as Prime Minister in 1953. He remained a member after
his return to office in 1955.
Kibbutzim also contributed greatly to the growing Hebrew culture
movement. The poet Rachel rhapsodized on the landscape from viewpoints
from various Galilee kibbutzim in the 1920s and 1930s. The kibbutz
dream of "making the desert bloom" became part of the Israeli dream as
Agriculture in Israel
List of kibbutzim
Jewish land purchase in Palestine
Jewish Agency for Israel
List of Films about the Kibbutz
Barkai in the
Wadi Ara region
^ "Adult children of the dream", The Jerusalem Post, June 5, 2010
^ Peres, Judy. In 50 years, kibbutz movement has undergone many
changes. Archived 2007-10-17 at the Wayback Machine. Chicago Tribune,
9 May 1998.
^ Sheldon Goldenberg and Gerda R. Wekerle (September 1972). "From
utopia to total institution in a single generation: the kibbutz and
Bruderhof". International Review of Modern Sociology. 2 (2):
224–232. JSTOR 41420450.
Kibbutz reinvents itself after 100 years of history, Taipei Times,
November 16, 2010
^ a b Bulletproof Innovation: Kibbutz-Owned Plasan Sasa's Ikea-Style,
Flat-Pack Armor Kits By Nadav Shemer, Fast Company,
^ Gavron, Daniel (2000). The Kibbutz: Awakening from Utopia. Rowman
& Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8476-9526-3.
^ Baratz, Joseph. A Village by the Jordan: The Story of Degania. Tel
Aviv: Ichud Habonim, 1956, p. 52.
^ Rayman, Paula. The
Kibbutz Community and Nation Building. Princeton
University Press, 1981. p. 12
^ Gavron, Daniel (2000). The Kibbutz: Awakening from Utopia. Rowman
& Littlefield. p. 21. ISBN 978-0-8476-9526-3.
^ Gavron, Daniel. The Kibbutz: Awakening from
Utopia Rowman &
Littlefield, Lanham, 2000, p. 45
Kibbutz in Historical Perspective", Mark A. Raider
^ Esty Aharonovitz (17 June 2010). מה קורה לוותיקי
החברים אחרי שהקיבוץ הופרט? לא משהו טוב
[What happens after kibbutz members veterans privatized? Not something
good]. Haaretz (in Hebrew). Retrieved 14 January 2014.
^ quoted in Rayman, pp. 27–28.
^ Bettelheim, Bruno. The Children of the Dream, Simon & Schuster,
2001, p. 15.
^ Shapira, Reuven (2005). "Academic Capital or Scientific Progress? A
critique of studies of kibbutz stratification". Journal of
Anthropological Research. 61 (3): 357–380. JSTOR 3631324.
^ Shapira, Reuven (2001). "
Communal decline: The vanishing of
high-moral leaders and the decay of democratic, high-trust kibbutz
cultures". Sociological Inquiry. 71 (1): 13–38.
^ Reuven Shapira - Transforming
Kibbutz Research, Cleveland: New World
Publishing, 2008, Chaps. 12–17.
^ Carmeli Y. and Applbaum K. [Eds.] 2004. Consumption and Market
Society in Israel. Berg Publishers: Oxford
^ a b "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2011-07-13.
Kibbutz changes, 27.1.2010
^ Segev, Tom. One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs under the
British Mandate. Metropolitan Books, 2000, p. 255.
^ See James Horrox, A Living Revolution: Anarchism in the Kibbutz
Movement, Oakland: AK Press 2009. Ch. 3
^ Doron Shiner (11 February 2009). "How They Voted: See Israel
election results by city/sector". Haaretz. Retrieved 14 January
^ a b c Spiro, Melford E.
Kibbutz Venture in Utopia. New York:
Schocken, 1963. Print.
^ a b c d Rothman, Paul, dir. Full Circle: The Ideal of a Sexually
Society on the Kibbutz. 1995. Filmmakers Library, 1995.
^ a b Spiro, Melford E. (1970). Kibbutz: Venture in
Utopia (4th ed.).
New York: Schocken. ISBN 0-8052-0063-0.
^ a b c Criden, Yosef; Gelb, Saadia (1974). The
New York: Schocken. ISBN 0-8052-0511-X.
^ Golan, S. (1956). "Upbringing in the Family, in Institutions and the
Kibbutz". Sugiot. Tel Aviv: SifriatPoalim. p. 308. H.
^ Segev, Tom (2000). One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs under the
British Mandate. Metropolitan Books. p. 254.
^ Gavron, Daniel (2000). The Kibbutz: Awakening from Utopia. Lanham:
Rowman & Littlefield. p. 168. ISBN 0-8476-9526-3.
^ Scharf, M. (2001). "A 'Natural Experiment' in Childrearing Ecologies
and Adolescents' Attachment and Separation Representations". Child
Development. 72 (1): 236–251. doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00276.
^ Rosner, Menachem, et al. The Second Generation Continuity and Change
in the Kibbutz. Westport: Greenwood, 1990. Print.
^ Tiger and Shepher, 1975; Spiro, 1979; Palgi et al., 1983
^ See balanced job complex for related job rotations.
^ Bettelheim, Bruno. The Children of the Dream, Simon & Schuster,
2001, p. 243.
^ Gavron, Daniel. The Kibbutz: Awakening from Utopia. Lanham, Md.:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2000. ISBN 978-0-8476-9526-3 p. 160.
^ Tom Douglas (1983) Groups: Understanding People Gathered Together
^ Noam Chomsky (2003) Understanding Power ch. 6 p. 197
^ Gavron, Daniel. The Kibbutz: Awakening from Utopia, Rowman &
Littlefield, Lanham, 2000, p. 166.
Communal Scene in Israel". Archived from the original on
October 10, 2007. Retrieved 2012-12-13. CS1 maint: BOT:
original-url status unknown (link)
^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2016-11-13. Retrieved
^ The Jewish Advocate, 7 March 2008
^ Official Website Beit Yisrael
^ Freid, Stephanie (30 April 1993). "All for One". Jerusalem Post.
Retrieved 10 August 2016.
^ Brinkley, Joel (5 March 1989). "Debts Make Israelis Rethink an
Ideal: The Kibbutz". New York Times. Retrieved 10 August 2016.
^ Wagner, Mati (30 March 2004). "Kibbutzim to Adopt Capitalism".
Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 10 August 2016.
^ Segev, Tom. One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs under the
British Mandate. Metropolitan Books, 2000, p. 252.
^ a b Henry Near. The
Kibbutz Movement: A History. Vol. II - London:
Littman Library, 1997.
^ Rotbard, Sharon. Wall and Tower—The Mold of Israeli Adrikalut In:
Territories, KW - Institute for Contemporary Art, Berlin, 2003, p.
162., ISBN 3-88375-734-9
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Kibbutzim.
Official website of the
Kibbutz at GoIsrael.gov.il
Kibbutz at Curlie (based on DMOZ)
List of Kibbutzim at Kibbutzim.net
Photographing the Children of the Kibbutz
Cooperative settlements in Israel
List of kibbutzim
Mishkei Herut Beitar
Poalei Agudat Yisrael
Ihud HaKvutzot VeHaKibbutzim
Communal child rearing and collective education
Jewish land purchase in Palestine
Administrative jurisdiction types of Israel
BNF: cb11954213r (d