Jalal-ud-din Khalji (r. 1290-1296; died 19 July 1296) was the founder
Sultan of the
Khalji dynasty that ruled the Delhi Sultanate
from 1290 to 1320.
Jalal-ud-din was originally named Firuz, and started his career as an
officer of the Mamluk dynasty, and rose to an important position under
Sultan Muizzuddin Qaiqabad. After Qaiqabad was paralyzed, a group of
nobles appointed his infant son
Shamsuddin Kayumars as the new Sultan,
and tried to kill Jalal-ud-din. Instead, Jalal-ud-din had them killed,
and became the regent. A few months later, he deposed Kayumars, and
became the new Sultan.
As a Sultan, he repulsed a Mongol invasion, and allowed many Mongols
to settle in
India after their conversion to Islam. He captured
Jhain from the Chahamana king Hammira, although he was
unable to capture the Chahamana capital Ranthambore. During his reign,
his nephew Ali Gurshasp raided Bhilsa in 1293 and
Devagiri in 1296.
Jalal-ud-din, who was around 70 years old at the time of his
ascension, was known as a mild-mannered, humble and kind monarch to
the general public. During the first year of his reign, he ruled from
Kilokhri to avoid confrontations with the old Turkic nobles of the
imperial capital Delhi. Several nobles considered him as a weak ruler,
and unsuccessfully attempted to overthrow him at different times. He
meted out lenient punishments to the rebels, except in case of a
dervish Sidi Maula, who was executed for allegedly conspiring to
dethrone him. Jalal-ud-din was ultimately assassinated by his nephew
Ali Gurshasp, who subsequently ascended the throne as Alauddin Khalji.
1 Early life
2 As a regent of Kayumars
3 Ascension to the throne
4 Malik Chajju's revolt
5 Mongol invasion
6 Ranthambore campaign
6.1 Siege of Mandawar
6.2 Siege of Jhain
6.3 Siege of Ranthambore
7 Conspiracies against Jalal-ud-din
7.1 Conspiracy of Tajuddin Kuchi
7.2 Alleged conspiracy of Sidi Maula
8 Ali Gurshasp's conspiracy
10 Cultural activities
11 In popular culture
Jalal-ud-din was an ethnic Turk of Khalji ancestry. His ancestors had
Turkestan to present-day Afghanistan, where they had
lived in Helmand and Laghman for over 200 years, adopting some Afghan
customs in the process. Because of this, when his family migrated to
India, the Turkic nobles of Delhi believed them to be Afghans.
Before his ascension to the throne, Jalal-ud-din was known as Malik
Firuz. He and his brother Shihabuddin (the father of Alauddin Khalji)
served the Delhi
Sultan Balban for several years. He rose to the
position of sar-i-jandar (chief of the royal bodyguards), and was
later appointed as the governor of the frontier province of Samana. As
the governor of Samana, he distinguished himself in the Sultanate's
conflicts with the Mongol invaders.
After Balban's death in 1287, Delhi's kotwal Malik al-Umara Fakhruddin
enthroned his Balban's teenage grandson
Muiz ud din Qaiqabad
Muiz ud din Qaiqabad (or
Kayqubad) with the title Muizzuddin. Qaiqabad was a weak ruler, and
the administration was actually run by his officer Malik
Nizamuddin. After Nizamuddin was poisoned by some rival
officers, Qaiqabad summoned Jalal-ud-din from Samana to Delhi, gave
him the title "Shaista Khan", appointed him as the ariz-i-mumalik, and
made him the governor of Baran.
By this time, Qaiqabad's health had deteriorated, and two rival
factions of nobles vied for the power in Delhi. One faction, led by
Malik Aytemur Surkha, sought to maintain the power of the old Turkic
nobility, and wanted to retain Balban's family on the throne. The
other faction, led by Jalal-ud-din, supported the rise of the new
As a regent of Kayumars
When Qaiqabad was incurably paralyzed, Malik Surkha and his associate
Malik Kachhan appointed his infant son Kayumars (or Kayumarth) on the
throne with the title Shamsuddin II. The two nobles then conspired to
kill their rival nobles, including Jalal-ud-din (then Malik Firuz). At
this time, Jalal-ud-din was conducting an inspection of the royal army
at Bhugal Pahari (Baharpur according to Ziauddin Barani). His nephew
Malik Ahmad Chap, who held the office of naib-i amir-i hajib, informed
him about the conspiracy. Jalal-ud-din then moved his quarters to
Ghiyaspur, and summoned his relatives from Baran on the pretext of
preparing for an impending Mongol invasion. Other officers on Surkha's
hit list also joined the Khaljis.
Shortly after, Jalal-ud-din received an order summoning him to the
royal court in Delhi, and realized that this was part of a plot to
kill him. He excused himself on the pretext of conducting an
inspection of the army at Kannauj. Kachhan then personally marched
from Delhi to Kannauj, and told Jalal-ud-din that his presence was
sought in Delhi immediately. Jalal-ud-din pretended not knowing
anything about the conspiracy, and requested Kachhan to rest in a
tent, while he finished the inspection. In the tent, Jalal-ud-din had
Kachhan beheaded, and had his body thrown into the Yamuna River,
starting a war between the two rival factions.
Jalal-ud-din's sons marched to Delhi, entered the royal palace, and
brought the titular
Sultan Kayumars to Jalal-ud-din's camp. Malik
Surkha and his associates tried to retrieve Kayumars, but were
captured and killed. Jalal-ud-din's men also abducted some sons of
Malik al-Umara Fakhruddin, the kotwal of Delhi, and therefore,
Fakhruddin dissuaded the people of Delhi from trying to retrieve
After eliminating the officers of the rival faction, Jalal-ud-din
continued to acknowledge Kayumars as the
Sultan of Delhi. He became
the governor of Bhatinda,
Multan provinces. Initially, he
offered Kayumars' regency to Balban's nephew Malik Chajju and
Fakhruddin. However, Malik Chajju preferred to be the governor of
Kara-Manikpur, and Fakhruddin also rejected the officer. Therefore,
Jalal-ud-din himself became the regent.
Qaiqabad died on 1 February 1290: according to Yahya Sirhindi he died
of starvation after being neglected, but another account states that
he was murdered on Jalal-ud-din's orders by an officer whose father
had been executed by him. Kayumars' titular reign (1290) lasted for
around 3 months, before he was deposed by Jalal-ud-din.
Ascension to the throne
Extent of the
Delhi Sultanate at the time of Jalal-ud-din Khalji's
Jalal-ud-din (known as Malik Firuz until this point), ascended the
throne of Delhi in June 1290, at the unfinished Kilokhri (also
Kilughari or Kailugarhi) Palace near Delhi. At the time of his
ascension, Jalal-ud-din was very unpopular. He had little support
among the old Turkic nobles, who wrongly believed him to be of
non-Turkic ancestry. In addition, he was an old man of around 70
years, and his mild nature was seen as unsuitable for the position.
Because of his unpopularity, he decided not to move to Balban's palace
at Delhi, and lived at Kilokhri for around one year. He finished the
palace, and turned Kilokhri into an important town.
Jalal-ud-din avoided making any radical changes to the administrative
set-up, and retained the old Turkic nobles in the offices that they
held during Balban's reign. For example, Fakhruddin was retained
as the kotwal of Delhi, Khwaja Khatir was retained as the wazir, and
Balban's nephew Malik Chajju was retained as the governor of
Kara-Manikpur. The surviving members of Balban's royal family
moved to Kara under Chajju's governship.
At the same time, Jalal-ud-din appointed his relatives and associates
to the important offices. He appointed his brother Yaghrash Khan as
the head of the army ministry (ariz-i-mamalik), and his nephew Ahmad
Chap as naib-i barbek. He gave his eldest son Mahmud the title
Khan-i-Khan; the next two sons were given the titles Arkali Khan and
Qadr Khan. He also appointed his nephews Ali Gurshasp (later
Sultan Alauddin) and Almas Beg as Amir-i-Tuzuk (equivalent to Master
of ceremonies) and Akhur-beg (equivalent to Master of the Horse)
Gradually, Jalal-ud-din overcame the initial hostility that he had
faced from the citizens of Delhi. He gained reputation as a humble and
kind-hearted monarch, as opposed to the preceding despots like Balban.
After entering Delhi, he had the royal entrance to the Red Palace
dismounted, and refused to sit on the king's seat in the royal
audience-hall, saying that the crown had been forced upon him because
of the malicious intents of Surkha and Kachhan.
Malik Chajju's revolt
While the general public admired Jalal-ud-din as a kind-hearted and
sincere person, a section of nobles despised him as a weak ruler. In
August 1290, Balban's nephew Malik Chajju Kashli Khan, who now headed
the former royal family, staged a revolt against Jalal-ud-din at Kara.
Chajju seems to have opted for the governship of the easternmost
Kara-Manikpur to remain away from imperial control, and
possibly, because he hoped to seek support from his cousin Bughra Khan
(father of Qaiqabad), who had become an independent ruler of the
Bengal region in 1287.
Chajju styled himself as
Sultan Mughisuddin, and declared his
independence. As a mark of his sovereignty, he issued his own coins,
and had the khutba read in his name. Ali Hatim Khan, the governor
of Awadh, as well as other older nobles appointed in the eastern
region, supported him. Chajju was also supported by a number of
Hindu chiefs of the Gangetic plains, who had not paid their tribute
for some years, and who swore allegiance to Balban's family. Under
these circumstances, Jalal-ud-din's loyal officers in the Ganga-Yamuna
Doab region started withdrawing from the region.
Chajju was confident that he enjoyed more support than Jalal-ud-din,
who was yet to find favour among the old nobles of Delhi and its
neighbouring areas. Therefore, he marched towards Delhi along the left
bank of the Ganges River, and then the Ramganga River. He probably
planned to enter Delhi from Amroha area. At Badaun, his supporters
Malik Bahadur and Alp Ghazi joined him with their troops.
Jalal-ud-din set out to crush the revolt after appointing his eldest
son, who held the title Khan-i Khanan, in-charge of Delhi. He led his
Badaun via Koil (modern Aligarh). The vanguard of his
army, led by his second eldest son Arkali Khan, marched ahead of the
rest of the army, and spotted Chajju's army on the other side of the
Ramganga River. Chajju's soldiers had seized all the boats, so Arkali
Khan's contingent could not cross the river. At night, Arkali Khan
sent a raiding party to Chajju's camp on rafts and skiffs. The raids
caused panic among Chajju's soldiers, who deserted their camp, and
moved northwards. Arkali Khan plundered the deserted camp for two
days, and then pursued the enemy. He came across Chajju's army at a
Ramganga river crossing, and fought an indecisive battle. Meanwhile,
Jalal-ud-din's army crossed the Ganges river at Bhojpur (near
Farrukhabad), and engaged Chajju's supporters in another battle.
At night, an agent of Chajju's
Hindu supporter Bhim Deva (Biram Deva
Kotla according to Tarikh-i Mubarak Shahi) informed him that
Jalal-ud-din would attack his army from rear. Chajju then secretly
left the camp with some of his followers. In the morning, Arkali Khan
crossed the river, and easily defeated the remaining army of Chajju.
Chajju's supporters Alp Ghazi and Bhim Deva were killed, while Malik
Masud and Malik Muhammad Balban were captured. The rest of Chajju's
army then surrendered. Chajju himself took shelter in a walled
village, but the village headman turned him over to Jalal-ud-din's
Aakali Khan then joined Jalal-ud-din, and the combined imperial army
marched to the eastern districts to punish the chiefs who had
supported Chajju. Some chiefs, such as that of Rupal, surrendered and
saved themselves by offering heavy tributes. Others, such as that
of Kahsun, faced plundering raids. The
Hindu rebels were executed, and
the Muslim rebels of Indian origin were sold as slaves.
Jalal-ud-din treated the Turkic Muslim rebels kindly, despite
objections by his nephew Ahmad Chhap. When the imprisoned rebel nobles
were brought to his camp in chains, he disapproved of their
mistreatment. He ordered them to be released, dressed well and
entertained. He invited the high-ranking rebel nobles, such as Amir
Ali Sarjandar, to a feast. Even Malik Chajju, who was captured a few
days later, was sent to an honourable confinement at
Multan instead of
being executed; his associates were released. Jalal-ud-din openly
praised the rebels for their loyalty to their deceased master
Balban. When Ahmad Chhap objected to such leniency, Jalal-ud-din
declared that he was incapable of being tyrannical, and argued that
the pardoned nobles would be grateful to him and remain loyal to
Mongol invasions of India
Sometime after Chajju's revolt, the Mongols invaded the north-west
frontier of the Delhi Sultanate. The invasion was led by Abdullah, who
was a grandson of Hallu (Hulagu Khan) according to Ziauddin Barani,
and a son of "the prince of Khurasan" according to Yahya's Tarikh-i
The frontier provinces of Dipalpur, Multan, and Samana were governed
by Jalal-ud-din's son Arkali Khan. Jalal-ud-din personally led an army
to repulse the invaders. The two armies faced each other at a place
named Bar-ram, and their vanguards engaged in some skirmishes. The
skirmishes ended with advantage for the Delhi forces, and the Mongols
agreed to retreat. Jalal-ud-din called Abdullah his son after
exchanging friendly greetings.
A group of Mongols, led by Ulghu (another grandson of Hulagu), decided
to embrace Islam, and sought Jalal-ud-din's permission to settle in
India. In the Delhi Sultanate, the Mongols were regarded as
hardened criminals, who had been involved in murders and highway
robbery. Despite this, Jalal-ud-din accepted their regrets, and
allowed them to settle in the lower Ganges plain, on the Lakhnauti
(Bengal) frontier of his kingdom. He also provided the new
settlers with accommodation, allowances and social ranks. These
Mongols came to be known as "New Muslims".
The Chahamana king Hammira-deva ruled a kingdom centred around
Ranthambore, located to the south-west of Delhi. Hammira's
expansionist policy had threatened the Ajmer and
Haryana frontiers of
the Delhi Sultanate, which prompted Jalal-ud-din to invade his
Siege of Mandawar
Jalal-ud-din marched via
Rewari and Narnaul to reach the Alwar
frontier of Hammira's kingdom. He first besieged fortress of Mandawar
(called "Mandor" by
Ziauddin Barani and Yahya Sirhindi). Mandawar
was once a part of the Delhi Sultanate, but had been lost to the
Chahamanas in the preceding years; Jalal-ud-din recaptured it in
1292. After this victory, he raided the countryside, obtaining a
large number of cattle.
According to Yahya's Tarikh-i Mubarak Shahi, the siege of Mandawar
lasted for four months. However, historian A. B. M. Habibullah
believes that this was the duration of the entire Ranthambore
campaign, including the sieges of Mandawar,
Jhain and Ranthambore.
Jalal-ud-din's eldest son, Khan-i Khanan, died on the eve of the
Siege of Jhain
In 1291, Jalal-ud-din marched across the
Karauli region to Jhain,
a town that guarded the approaches to the Chahamana capital
Ranthambore. A reconnaissance party of the Delhi army, led by Qara
Bahadur, defeated a Chahamana contingent. Jalal-ud-din then sent a
larger detachment to besiege the
Jhain fort. When the invaders reached
within two farsangs of the fort, a Chahamana army led by Gardan Saini
came out of the fort and engaged them in a battle. The Delhi army
emerged victorious, and Gardan Saini was killed in action. The
invaders then pursued the retreating Chahamana soldiers across
Chambal, Kunwari and Banas rivers. The remaining Chahamana contingents
Jhain then evacuated the fort, and retreated to
Following this victory, the invaders engaged in plunder, and
Jhain fort. Jalal-ud-din, an iconoclast, broke the
non-Islamic idols, although he admired their sculpture and
The Miftah al-Futuh, written by his courtier Amir Khusrau, claims that
thousands of defenders were killed in the siege of Jhain, while the
Delhi army lost only one Turkic soldier.
Siege of Ranthambore
After conquering Jhain, Jalal-ud-din ordered his army to besiege the
Ranthambore Fort, which was situated on a steep hill, and was reputed
to be impregnable. He issued orders for the construction of siege
engines such as maghrabis (catapults), sabats, gargajes, and a pasheb
(mound to reach the hilltop). According to the Delhi chronicler
Ziauddin Barani, he abandoned the siege when he came out to inspect
the progress of the construction, and realized the ensuing siege would
cost many Muslim lives. Barani states that Jalal-ud-din declared he
would not risk the hair of a single Muslim for "ten such forts".
Jalal-ud-din's nephew Ahmad Chap opposed this decision saying that it
would embolden the Hindus, and asked him to emulate the earlier Muslim
kings such as Mahmud and Sanjar, "whose undoubted piety never limited
their kingly action." But Jalal-ud-din argued that the comparisons to
Mahmud and Sanjar were unfair, because their dominions did not include
"a single idolater".
Conspiracies against Jalal-ud-din
A coin of Jalal-ud-din Khalji
Conspiracy of Tajuddin Kuchi
Several of Jalal-ud-din's courtiers believed that he was a weak king,
who could not inspire the necessary fear among his subjects and the
enemies of the Sultanate. During the Ranthambore campaign, some of his
closest associates met at the house of Malik Tajuddin Kuchi. In a
drunken stupor, they talked about killing Jalal-ud-din and raising
Tajuddin to throne.
When Jalal-ud-din came to know about this, he summoned the erring
courtiers to a private conference. But instead of punishing them, he
shamed them by daring them to kill him with his own sword. The
courtiers asked for forgiveness, attributing their behavior to alcohol
intoxication, with Nusrat Sabbah making a "clever and flattering
confession". The meeting ended with wine-drinking and poetry
recitals by Jalal-ud-din.
Alleged conspiracy of Sidi Maula
Jalal-ud-din was lenient towards his detractors, and even the most
persistent detractors were only banished to their iqtas for one year.
The only instance in which he meted out more severe punishments was
during the alleged conspiracy of Sidi Maula.
Sidi Maula was a foreign-born religious leader, who belonged to a sect
of unorthodox Muslim dervishes. He owned a huge khanqah, and had been
reputed for his vast charities since the reign of Qaiqabad. His
institution attracted most of the dispossed Balban-era amirs and
officers. His followers also included Jalal-ud-din's nobles, including
Qazi Jalal Kashani and the now-deceased crown prince Khan-i
Sidi Maula allegedly planned to kill Jalal-ud-din to become khalifa,
although these allegations were never proven. According to a
near-contemporary account, the allegations were first made by the
jealous dervishes of a rival sect. It was alleged that Sidi Maula had
asked Hathya Paik and Niranjan
Kotwal to assassinate Jalal-ud-din on a
Friday. These two were Balban-era
Hindu officers (pahilwans or
wrestlers, according to Ziauddin Barani). Malik Ulghu, the Mongol
commander who had entered Jalal-ud-din's service, reported the
allegations to Arkali Khan, while Jalal-ud-din was busy besieging
Mandawar. Arkali Khan, who disliked the associates of his elder
brother Khan-i Khanan, accepted the allegations as true, and arrested
the alleged conspirators.
When Jalal-ud-din returned to Delhi, the alleged conspirators were
brought before him, and pleaded not guilty. The orthodox Muslim ulama,
who were unable to present any concrete evidence against the accused,
suggested a trial by fire. When Jalal-ud-din was convinced that the
accused were guilty, he ordered the
Hindu conspirators Hathya and
Niranjan to be executed. He then banished Qazi Jalal Kashani and the
Balban-era officers who followed Sidi Maula. Next, Jalal-ud-din turned
to Sidi Maula, and lost his composure when Sidi Maula repeatedly
denied his involvement in the conspiracy. An annoyed Jalal-ud-din
asked a group of qalandars to knife Sidi Maula. Arkali Khan later had
the wounded Sidi Maula crushed under the feet of an elephant.
Sidi Maula's execution was followed by a severe dust storm, and a
drought resulting from the failure of seasonal rains. These conditions
resulted in a severe famine, during which the prices of foodgrains
became exorbitant, and a number of people committed suicide by jumping
into the Yamuna River. Sidi Maula's admirers considered these
unfortunate events as proof of his innocence.
Ali Gurshasp's conspiracy
After deposing Malik Chajju, Jalal-ud-din had appointed his nephew Ali
Sultan Alauddin Khalji) as the governor of Kara. Ali's
father had died when he was young, and Jalal-ud-din had brought him
and his brother Almas Beg (later Ulugh Khan) up. Jalal-ud-din had also
married his daughters to Ali and Almas. Ali's domestic life was
miserable, as he was not on good terms with his wife and his
mother-in-law, and he wanted to end his dependence on Jalal-ud-din's
family. At Kara, the former supporters of Malik Chajju instigated him
to overthrow Jalal-ud-din.
To raise money for a coup against Jalal-ud-din, Ali raided Bhilsa in
1293. Bhilsa was a temple town in the
Paramara kingdom of Malwa, which
had already been weakened by Vaghela, Chahamana, and Yadava
invasions. As a result of this raid, he obtained a large number of
cattle and precious metals. During his stay in Bhilsa, he came to
know about the immense wealth of the southern Yadava kingdom, as well
as the routes leading to their capital Devagiri. He shrewdly
surrendered the loot from Bhilsa to Jalal-ud-din to win the Sultan's
confidence, but withheld the information on the Yadava kingdom.
Pleased with the loot, Jalal-ud-din gave Ali the office of Ariz-i
Mamalik, which was once held by Ali's father. He also granted Ali the
Awadh in addition to that of Kara-Manikpur. He also
granted Ali's request to use the surplus revenue for enlisting
additional troops to raid the other wealthy but weakly-defended
territories beyond Chanderi.
Over the next few years, Ali secretly planned a raid on Devagiri. In
1296, he set out for
Devagiri with an 8,000-strong cavalry. He left
the administration of Kara to Alaul Mulk, who misled Jalal-ud-din's
administration in Delhi about Ali's real destination. At Devagiri,
Ali collected a large amount of wealth. When Jalal-ud-din heard
about Ali's success at Devagiri, he was pleased at the prospect of a
vast treasure coming to him. He moved to Gwalior, hoping that Ali
would come there to meet him enroute to Kara. However, Ali marched
directly towards Kara. Jalal-ud-din's councillors, such as Ahmad Chap,
advised him to intercept Ali at Kara, but Jalal-ud-din trusted his
nephew, and returned to Delhi. In Delhi, Ali's brother Almas Beg
Sultan of Ali's loyalty.
After reaching Kara, Ali sent Jalal-ud-din a detailed report on the
raid, and expressed concern that his enemies may have poisoned
Jalal-ud-din's mind against him. He asked for a signed letter of
pardon, which Jalal-ud-din dispatched immediately. At Kara,
Jalal-ud-din's messengers were astonished when they learned about
Ali's military strength and his plans to dethrone Jalal-ud-din. Ali
detained them, and prevented them from communicating with Delhi.
Meanwhile, Almas Beg convinced Jalal-ud-din that Ali always carried
poison in his handkerchief and would commit suicide out of guilt, if
not personally pardoned by Jalal-ud-din. A gullible Jalal-ud-din,
concerned about his beloved nephew, asked Almas to visit Kara and
dissuade Ali from committing suicide, promising to visit Kara himself
In July 1296, Jalal-ud-din marched to Kara with a large army to meet
Ali during the holy month of Ramadan. He directed his commander Ahmad
Chap to take the major part of the army to Kara by land, while he
himself journeyed down the
Ganges River with 1,000 soldiers. When
Jalal-ud-din's entourage came close to Kara, Ali sent Almas Beg to
meet him. Almas Beg convinced Jalal-ud-din to leave behind his
soldiers, saying that their presence would frighten Ali into
committing suicide. Jalal-ud-din boarded a boat with a few of his
companions, who were made to unbuckle their weapons. As they rode the
boat, they saw Ali's armed troops stationed along the riverbank.
Almas told them that these troops had been summoned to accord a worthy
reception to Jalal-ud-din. Jalal-ud-din complained about Ali's
lack of courtesy in not coming to greet him at this point.
However, Almas convinced him of Ali's loyalty by saying that Ali was
busy arranging a presentation of the loot from
Devagiri and a feast
Satisfied by this explanation, Jalal-ud-din continued his journey to
Quran on the boat. When he landed at Kara, Ali's
retinue greeted him, and Ali ceremmoniusly threw himself at his feet.
Jalal-ud-din lovingly raised Ali, gave him a kiss on cheek, and chided
him for doubting his uncle's affection. At this point, Ali
signaled his follower Muhammad Salim, who struck Jalal-ud-din with his
sword twice. Jalal-ud-din survived the first blow, and ran towards
his boat, but the second blow killed him. Ali raised the royal canopy
over his head, and proclaimed himself the new Sultan.
Jalal-ud-din's head was put on a spear and paraded across Ali's
Kara-Manikpur and Awadh. His companions on the boat
were also killed, and Ahmad Chap's army retreated to Delhi.
According to the contemporary writer Amir Khusrau, Ali ascended the
throne (as Alauddin Khalji) on 19 July 1296 (16
Ramadan 695). The
Ziauddin Barani dates Jalal-ud-din's death and Ali's
ascension to 20 July 1296, but
Amir Khusrau is more reliable.
Amir Khusrau wrote Miftah al-Futuh (1291) to
commemorate his victories.
In popular culture
Jalal-ud-din is portrayed by
Raza Murad in Sanjay Leela Bhansali's
^ a b A. L. Srivastava 1966, p. 140.
^ a b c d
K. A. Nizami
K. A. Nizami 1992, p. 308.
^ Peter Jackson 2003, p. 53.
K. A. Nizami
K. A. Nizami 1992, p. 304.
^ a b c d
K. A. Nizami
K. A. Nizami 1992, p. 309.
^ a b
K. A. Nizami
K. A. Nizami 1992, p. 310.
^ Peter Jackson 2003, p. 54.
^ a b A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 311.
^ a b A. L. Srivastava 1966, p. 141.
^ a b c A. L. Srivastava 1966, p. 142.
^ A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, pp. 311-312.
^ a b c A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 313.
^ a b S. Roy 1967, p. 12.
^ a b A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 312.
^ Kishori Saran Lal 1950, p. 41.
^ a b c A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 314.
^ a b c A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 315.
^ a b c A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 316.
^ a b c d A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 317.
^ a b c d e f g A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 318.
^ A. L. Srivastava 1966, p. 144.
^ a b A. L. Srivastava 1966, p. 143.
^ a b c d e A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 320.
^ Peter Jackson 2003, p. 132.
^ A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, pp. 318-319.
^ a b c d e A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 319.
^ A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, pp. 319-320.
^ a b c d A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 321.
^ a b c A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 322.
^ a b c A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 323.
^ a b c d e f A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 324.
^ a b c d A. L. Srivastava 1966, p. 145.
^ A. B. M. Habibullah 1992, p. 325.
^ Peter Jackson 2003, p. 50.
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