HOME
The Info List - Early Slavs





Pontic Steppe

Domestication of the horse Kurgan Kurgan
Kurgan
culture Steppe cultures

Bug-Dniester Sredny Stog Dnieper-Donets Samara Khvalynsk Yamna

Mikhaylovka culture

Caucasus

Maykop

East-Asia

Afanasevo

Eastern Europe

Usatovo Cernavodă Cucuteni

Northern Europe

Corded ware

Baden Middle Dnieper

Bronze Age

Pontic Steppe

Chariot Yamna Catacomb Multi-cordoned ware Poltavka Srubna

Northern/Eastern Steppe

Abashevo culture Andronovo Sintashta

Europe

Globular Amphora Corded ware Beaker Unetice Trzciniec Nordic Bronze Age Terramare Tumulus Urnfield Lusatian

South-Asia

BMAC Yaz Gandhara grave

Iron Age

Steppe

Chernoles

Europe

Thraco-Cimmerian Hallstatt Jastorf

Caucasus

Colchian

India

Painted Grey Ware Northern Black Polished Ware

Peoples and societies

Bronze Age

Anatolians Armenians Mycenaean Greeks Indo-Iranians

Iron Age

Indo-Aryans

Indo-Aryans

Iranians

Iranians

Scythians Persians Medes

Europe

Celts

Gauls Celtiberians Insular Celts

Hellenic peoples Italic peoples Germanic peoples Paleo-Balkans/Anatolia:

Thracians Dacians Illyrians Phrygians

Middle Ages

East-Asia

Tocharians

Europe

Balts Slavs Albanians Medieval Europe

Indo-Aryan

Medieval India

Iranian

Greater Persia

Religion and mythology

Reconstructed

Proto-Indo-European religion Proto-Indo-Iranian religion

Historical

Hittite

Indian

Vedic

Hinduism

Buddhism Jainism

Iranian

Persian

Zoroastrianism

Kurdish

Yazidism Yarsanism

Scythian

Ossetian

Others

Armenian

Europe

Paleo-Balkans Greek Roman Celtic

Irish Scottish Breton Welsh Cornish

Germanic

Anglo-Saxon Continental Norse

Baltic

Latvian Lithuanian

Slavic Albanian

Practices

Fire-sacrifice Horse sacrifice Sati Winter solstice/Yule

Indo-European studies

Scholars

Marija Gimbutas J.P. Mallory

Institutes

Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European

Publications

Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture The Horse, the Wheel and Language Journal of Indo-European Studies Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch Indo-European Etymological Dictionary

v t e

The early Slavs
Slavs
were a diverse group of tribal societies who lived during the Migration Period
Migration Period
and Early Middle Ages
Middle Ages
(approximately the fifth to the tenth centuries) in Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe
and established the foundations for the Slavic nations through the Slavic states of the High Middle Ages.[1][need quotation to verify] The first written use of the name "Slavs" dates to the sixth century, when the Slavic tribes inhabited a large portion of Central and Eastern Europe. By that century, native Iranian ethnic groups (the Scythians, Sarmatians, and Alans) had been absorbed by the region's Slavic population.[2][3][4][5] Over the next two centuries, the Slavs expanded southwest toward the Balkans
Balkans
and the Alps and northeast towards the Volga River.[6] Beginning in the ninth century, the Slavs
Slavs
gradually converted to Christianity (both Byzantine Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism). By the 12th century, they were the core population of a number of medieval Christian states: the East Slavs
Slavs
in Kievan Rus', the South Slavs
Slavs
in Bulgaria, Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia and the West Slavs
Slavs
in Poland, the Holy Roman Empire
Holy Roman Empire
(Pomerania, Bohemia, Moravia) and the Kingdom of Hungary (Nitria).

Contents

1 Overview

1.1 Archeological 1.2 Historiographic 1.3 Linguistic

1.3.1 Ethnonyms

2 Homeland 3 Linguistics 4 Historiography 5 Archaeology 6 Ethnogenesis 7 Appearance 8 Society

8.1 Settlements 8.2 Tribal and territorial organization 8.3 Warfare 8.4 Religion 8.5 Marriage

9 Later history

9.1 Christianisation 9.2 Medieval states

10 Slavic studies 11 See also 12 References 13 Sources

Overview[edit] The meaning of "Slav" depends on the context in which it is used. The word can refer to a culture (or cultures) living north of the River Danube, east of the River Elbe, and west of the River Vistula
River Vistula
during the 530s CE.[7] "Slav" is also an identifier for the ethnic group shared by these cultures,[8] and denotes any language with linguistic ties to the modern Slavic language family (which may have no connection to a common culture or shared ethnicity). [9] Despite these concepts of "Slav", it is unclear whether any of the descriptions add to an accurate representation of the group's history; historians such as George Vernadsky, Florin Curta, and Michael Karpovich have questioned how, why, and to what degree, the Slavs
Slavs
were a cohesive society between the sixth and ninth centuries.[10] [11] When discussing evidence used to construct a history of the Slavs, the information falls into three avenues of research: archeological, historiographic, and linguistic. One possible meaning of name "Slav" could be extrapolated from its Slavic form "Sloven" (Slovenian, Serbian) meaning "the one who talks". This compares to Slavic names for Germanic people (such as the Proto-Slavic term Němьcь, i.e. "foreigner", "a mute one", or "the one whom we do not understand"). Archeological[edit]

Svetovid, a Slavic deity of war, fertility and abundance.

Archaeologically, early Slavic physical evidence ranges from hill forts, ceramic pots and fragments to abodes. However, archaeologists face difficulties distinguishing Slavic and non-Slavic findings. [12] Historiographic[edit] Although a number of sources describe the Slavs, there are several problems with using the texts to build upon available knowledge of the early Slavs. Useful historical information about the Slavs
Slavs
from them is cryptic or does not identify their source.[13] The works tend to discuss the Slavs
Slavs
only in terms of their effects on surrounding empires, particularly the Byzantines and the Franks. The variety of names referring to the Slavs, such as Antes, Sclaveni, and Venethi, and the regions they may have occupied make it difficult to establish geographical boundaries of major settlement. Place names have changed, or no longer survive, and most texts are second-hand accounts or describe an encounter with Slavs
Slavs
years, decades, or centuries after it occurred. Earlier texts contextualize the Slavs' early history and development, but those written long after an event are less reliable. The history of the early Slavs
Slavs
is inseparable from political agendas underlying much 19th- and 20th-century archaeological, linguistic, and historiographic research. According to Florin Curta, the creation of such a history "was a function of both ethnic formation and ethnic identification".[14] The process was blurred by a number of interests, including those of Pan-Slavic
Pan-Slavic
researchers in Central and Eastern Europe during the 18th and 19th centuries, [15] European nations strengthening their legitimacy after World War II,[16] [17] and a contemporary politicization of historical, archaeological, and linguistic discourse.[18] Linguistic[edit] Main article: Early Slavic language Linguistic study of Slavic history has focused on three main areas:

place names the names of flora and fauna "lexical and structural similarities and differences between Slavic and other languages".[19]

Ethnonyms[edit] Non-Slavic peoples labelled their Slav neighbors as Antes, Sclaveni, and Venethi
Venethi
in texts written during and after the 500s. The concept of ethnicity during this period was fluid; more than one ethnicity could be ascribed to a group, depending on the circumstances of the encounter. Note for example Michal Parczewski's map: this map of Slavic settlement during the 6th century relative to their neighbors, drawn from written fragments, omits source information which contradicted Parczewski's conclusions. [20] The association by archaeologists of pot and burial styles with ethnonyms and the selective use of historical materials assumes some connection between language and ethnicity. Ethnic identification can be subjective, especially in a region where many tribal groups identified themselves as distinct from one another. [21][22] Homeland[edit]

Bronze Age
Bronze Age
archaeological cultures associated with early Balto-Slavic languages: Trzciniec, Sosnica and Komarov

Archaeological map of eastern and central Europe at the beginning of the Iron Age, including the Balto-Slavic Lusatian, Milograd
Milograd
and Chernoles cultures

The Slavic languages, with about 300 million speakers in 2006, are a major branch of the Indo-European language family.[23] All known Slavic languages
Slavic languages
share a number of features (including much of their vocabulary), which suggests that they evolved from mutually intelligible dialects spoken in a "relatively restricted core area".[24] Although the former common language (known as Proto- or Common Slavic) is not attested in written sources, it can be reconstructed by studying its daughter languages.[25][26] The similarities among the daughter languages indicate that Common Slavic was spoken during recorded history, with its division into daughter languages beginning in the 9th century AD.[24][25] The Proto-Slavic homeland is the area of Slavic settlement in Central and Eastern Europe
Eastern Europe
during the first millennium AD, with its precise location debated by archaeologists, ethnographers and historians.[27][28] Theories attempting to place Slavic origin in the Near East
Near East
have been discarded.[27] None of the proposed homelands reaches the Volga River
Volga River
in the east, over the Dinaric Alps
Dinaric Alps
in the southwest or the Balkan Mountains
Balkan Mountains
in the south, or past Bohemia
Bohemia
in the west.[29][30] Frederik Kortlandt
Frederik Kortlandt
has suggested that the number of candidates for Slavic homeland may rise from a tendency among historians to date "proto-languages farther back in time than is warranted by the linguistic evidence"; although all spoken languages change gradually over time, in the absence of written records that change can be identified by historians only after a population has expanded and separated long enough to develop daughter languages.[31] The existence of an "original home" is sometimes rejected as arbitrary,[32] because the earliest origin sources "always speak of origins and beginnings in a manner which presupposes earlier origins and beginnings".[33] According to historical records, the Slavic homeland would have been somewhere in central Europe, possibly along the southern shore of the Baltic Sea. The Prague-Penkov-Kolochin complex of cultures during the sixth and seventh centuries AD is generally accepted to reflect the expansion of Slavic speakers at the time.[34] Core candidates are cultures within the territories of modern Belarus, Poland, and Ukraine. According to Polish historian Gerard Labuda, the ethnogenesis of Slavic people is the Trzciniec culture[35] from about 1700 to 1200 BC. The Milograd culture
Milograd culture
hypothesis posits that the pre-Proto-Slavs (or Balto-Slavs) originated in the seventh century BC–first century AD culture of northern Ukraine
Ukraine
and southern Belarus. According to the Chernoles culture
Chernoles culture
theory, the pre-Proto- Slavs
Slavs
originated in the 1025–700 BC culture of northern Ukraine
Ukraine
and the third century BC–first century AD Zarubintsy culture. According to the Lusatian culture hypothesis, they were present in north-eastern Central Europe in the 1300–500 BC culture and the second century BC–fourth century AD Przeworsk culture. The Danube
Danube
basin hypothesis, postulated by Oleg Trubachyov[36] and supported by Florin Curta and Nestor's Chronicle, theorizes that the Slavs
Slavs
originated in central and southeastern Europe. The latest attempt of locating the place of Slavic origin using genetics, after studying paternal lineages of all existing modern Slavic populations, placed the earliest known homeland of Slavs
Slavs
within the area of the middle Dnieper
Dnieper
basin in nowadays Ukraine.[37] Linguistics[edit] Further information: History of Proto-Slavic

Slavic language distribution, with the Prague-Penkov-Kolochin complex in pink and the area of Slavic river names in red[38]

Proto-Slavic began to evolve from Proto-Indo-European,[39] the reconstructed language from which a number of languages spoken in Eurasia originated.[25] [40][41] Slavic languages
Slavic languages
share a number of features with Baltic languages
Baltic languages
(including the use of genitive case for the objects of negative sentences, Proto-Indo-European kʷ and other labialized velars), which may indicate a common Proto-Balto-Slavic phase in the development of the two of the Indo-European linguistic branches.[40][41] Frederik Kortlandt
Frederik Kortlandt
places the territory of this common language near the Indo-European homeland: "The Indo-Europeans who remained after the migrations became speakers of Balto-Slavic".[42] However, "geographical contiguity, parallel development and interaction" may explain the existence of these language-group characteristics.[41] Proto-Slavic developed into a separate language during the first half of the second millennium BC.[39] The Proto-Slavic vocabulary, inherited by its daughter languages, described its speakers' physical and social environment, feelings and needs.[43] Proto-Slavic had words for family connections, including svekry ("husband's mother"), and zъly ("sister-in-law").[44] Inherited Common Slavic vocabulary lacks detailed terminology for physical surface features peculiar to mountains or the steppe, the sea, coastal features, littoral flora or fauna, or saltwater fish.[45] Proto-Slavic hydronyms have been preserved between the source of the Vistula
Vistula
and the middle basin of the Dnieper.[46] Its northern regions adjoin territory where river names of Baltic origin (Daugava, Nemunas and others) abound.[47][48] On the south and east, it borders the area of Iranian river names (including the Dniester, the Dnieper
Dnieper
and the Don).[49] A connection between Proto-Slavic and Iranian languages
Iranian languages
is also demonstrated by the earliest layer of loanwords in the former;[43] the Proto-Slavic words for god (*bogъ), demon (*divъ), house (*xata), axe (*toporъ) and dog (*sobaka) are of Scythian origin.[50] The Iranian dialects of the Scythians
Scythians
and Sarmatians influenced Slavic vocabulary during the millennium-long contact between them and early Proto-Slavic.[51] A longer, more intensive connection between Proto-Slavic and the Germanic languages
Germanic languages
can be assumed from the number of Germanic loanwords, such as *duma ("thought"), *kupiti ("to buy"), *mĕčь ("sword"), *šelmъ ("helmet"), and *xъlmъ ("hill").[52] The Common Slavic words for beech, larch and yew were also borrowed from Germanic, which led Polish botanist Józef Rostafiński to place the Slavic homeland in the Pripet Marshes
Pripet Marshes
(where the plants were missing).[53] Germanic languages
Germanic languages
were a mediator between Common Slavic and other languages; the Proto-Slavic word for emperor (*cĕsar'ь) was transmitted from Latin
Latin
through a Germanic idiom, and the Common Slavic word for church (*crъky) came from Greek.[52] Common Slavic dialects before the fourth century AD cannot be detected; all daughter languages emerged from later variants.[54] Tonal word stress (a ninth-century change) is present in all Slavic languages, and Proto-Slavic reflects the language probably spoken at the end of the first millennium.[54] Historiography[edit] Further information: Sclaveni, Maurice's Balkan campaigns, Strategicon of Maurice, and Limes Saxoniae

Southeastern Europe in 520, showing the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
under Justin I and the Ostrogothic Kingdom
Ostrogothic Kingdom
with Migration Period
Migration Period
peoples along their borders

Jordanes, Procopius
Procopius
and other late Roman authors provide the probable earliest references to southern Slavs
Slavs
in the second half of the sixth century.[55] Jordanes
Jordanes
completed his Gothic History (an abridgement of Cassiodorus' longer work) in Constantinople
Constantinople
in 550 or 551.[56][57] He also used additional sources: books, maps or oral tradition.[58] Jordanes
Jordanes
wrote that Venethi, Sclavenes and Antes were ethnonyms referring to the same group.[59] His claim was accepted more than a millennium later by Wawrzyniec Surowiecki, Pavel Jozef Šafárik
Pavel Jozef Šafárik
and other historians,[60] who searched the Slavic Urheimat
Urheimat
in the lands where the Venethi
Venethi
(a people named in Tacitus's Germania)[61] lived during the last decades of the first century AD.[62] Pliny the Elder wrote that the territory extending from the Vistula
Vistula
to Aeningia (probably Feningia, or Finland), was inhabited by the Sarmati, Wends, Scirii
Scirii
and Hirri.[63] Procopius
Procopius
completed his three works on Emperor Justinian I's reign (Buildings, History of the Wars, and Secret History) during the 550s.[64][65] Each book contains detailed information on raids by Sclavenes and Antes on the Eastern Roman Empire,[66] and the History of the Wars has a comprehensive description of their beliefs, customs, and dwellings.[67][68] Although not an eyewitness, Procopius
Procopius
had contacts among the Sclavene mercenaries fighting on the Roman side in Italy.[67] Agreeing with Jordanes's report, Procopius
Procopius
wrote that the Sclavenes and Antes spoke the same languages but traced their common origin not to the Venethi
Venethi
but to a people he called "Sporoi".[69] Sporoi ("seeds" in Greek; compare "spores") is equivalent to the Latin
Latin
semnones and germani ("germs" or "seedlings"). German linguist Jacob Grimm
Jacob Grimm
believed that Suebi
Suebi
meant "Slav".[70] Jordanes
Jordanes
and Procopius
Procopius
called the Suebi "Suavi". The end of the Bavarian Geographer's list of Slavic tribes contains a note, "Suevi are not born, they are sown (seminati)".[71] The language spoken by Tacitus' Suevi is unknown. In his description of the emigration (c. 512) of the Heruli
Heruli
to Scandinavia, Procopius places the Slavs
Slavs
in Central Europe. A similar description of the Sclavenes and Antes is found in the Strategikon of Maurice, a military handbook written between 592 and 602 and attributed to the Byzantine emperor.[72] Its author, an experienced officer, participated in the Eastern Roman campaigns against the Sclavenes on the lower Danube
Danube
at the end of the century.[73] A military staff member was also the source of Theophylact Simocatta's narrative of the same campaigns.[74] Although Martin of Braga
Martin of Braga
was the first Western author to refer to a people known as "Sclavus" before 580, Jonas of Bobbio included the earliest lengthy record of the nearby Slavs
Slavs
in his Life of Saint Columbanus (written between 639 and 643).[75] Jonas referred to the Slavs
Slavs
as "Veneti", noting that they were also known as "Sclavi".[76] Western authors, including Fredegar
Fredegar
and Boniface, preserved the term "Venethi".[77] The Franks
Franks
(in the Life of Saint Martinus, the Chronicle of Fredegar
Fredegar
and Gregory of Tours), Lombards (Paul the Deacon) and Anglo-Saxons (Widsith) referred to Slavs
Slavs
in the Elbe-Saale region and Pomerania
Pomerania
as "Wenden" or "Winden" (see Wends). The Franks and Bavarians of Styria and Carinthia called their Slavic neighbours "Windische". The unknown author of the Chronicle of Fredegar
Fredegar
used the word "Venedi" (and variants) to refer to a group of Slavs
Slavs
who were subjugated by the Avars.[76] In the chronicle, "Venedi" formed a state which emerged from a revolt[76] led by the Frankish merchant Samo
Samo
against the Avars around 623.[78] A change in terminology, the appearance of Slavic tribal names instead of the collective "Sclavenes" and "Antes", occurred at the end of the century;[79] the first tribal names were recorded in the second book of the Miracles of Saint Demetrius, around 690.[80] According to Florin Curta, the change indicates pre-existing differences among Slavic groups; although "Sclavene" may have originally been the ethnonym of a particular ethnic group, it became "a purely Byzantine construct ... an umbrella term for various groups living north of the Danube
Danube
frontier, which were neither 'Antes', nor 'Huns' or 'Avars'."[81] The unknown "Bavarian Geographer" listed Slavic tribes in the Frankish Empire
Frankish Empire
around 840,[66] and a detailed description of 10th-century tribes in the Balkan Peninsula was compiled under the auspices of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in Constantinople
Constantinople
around 950.[82] Archaeology[edit]

Seventh-century Slavic cultures (the Prague-Penkov-Kolochin complex). The Prague and Mogilla cultures reflect the separation of the early Western Slavs
Slavs
(the Sukow-Dziedzice group in the northwest may be the earliest Slavic expansion to the Baltic Sea); the Kolochin culture represents the early East Slavs; the Penkovka culture
Penkovka culture
and its south-westward extension, the Ipoteşti-Cândeşti culture, demonstrate early Slavic expansion into the Balkans
Balkans
(which would later result in the separation of the South Slavs, associated with the Antes people of Byzantine historiography). In the Carpathian basin, the Eurasian Avars began to be Slavicized during the Slavic settlement of the Eastern Alps.

Sixth-century Slavic artifacts from Bohemia, Moravia
Moravia
and Slovakia
Slovakia
in the Prague National Museum

In the archaeological literature, attempts have been made to assign an early-Slavic character to several cultures in a number of time periods and regions[83] The Prague-Korchak cultural horizon encompasses postulated early-Slavic cultures from the Elbe to the Dniester, in contrast with the Dniester-to- Dnieper
Dnieper
Penkovka culture. "Prague culture" refers to western Slavic material grouped around Bohemia, Moravia
Moravia
and western Slovakia, distinct from the Mogilla (southern Poland) and Korchak (central Ukraine
Ukraine
and southern Belarus) groups further east. The Prague and Mogilla groups are seen as the archaeological reflection of sixth-century western Slavs.[84] The second-to-fifth-century Chernyakhov culture
Chernyakhov culture
encompassed modern Ukraine, Moldova
Moldova
and Wallachia. Chernyakov finds include polished black-pottery vessels, fine metal ornaments and iron tools.[85] Soviet scholars, such as Boris Rybakov, saw it as the archaeological reflection of the proto-Slavs.[86] The Chernyakov zone is now seen as representing the cultural interaction of several peoples, one of which was rooted in Scytho- Sarmatian
Sarmatian
traditions, modified by Germanic elements introduced by the Goths.[85][87] The semi-subterranean dwelling with a corner hearth later became typical of early Slavic sites,[88] with Volodymir Baran calling it a Slavic "ethnic badge".[88] In the Carpathian foothills of Podolia, at the northwestern fringes of the Chernyakov zone, the Slavs
Slavs
gradually became a culturally-unified people; the multi-ethnic environment of the Chernyakhov zone presented a "need for self-identification in order to manifest their differentiation from other groups".[89] The Przeworsk culture, northwest of the Chernyakov zone, extended from the Dniester
Dniester
to the Tisza
Tisza
valley and north to the Vistula
Vistula
and Oder.[90] It was an amalgam of local cultures, most with roots in earlier traditions modified by influences from the (Celtic) La Tène culture, (Germanic) Jastorf culture
Jastorf culture
beyond the Oder
Oder
and the Bell-Grave culture of the Polish plain. The Venethi
Venethi
may have played a part; other groups included the Vandals, Burgundians
Burgundians
and Sarmatians.[90] East of the Przeworsk zone was the Zarubinets culture, sometimes considered part of the Przeworsk complex.[91] Early Slavic hydronyms are found in the area occupied by the Zarubinets culture,[91] and Irena Rusinova proposed that the most prototypical examples of Prague-type pottery later originated there.[88] The Zarubinets culture is identified as proto-Slavic[92] or an ethnically-mixed community which became Slavicized.[93] With increasing age, the confidence with which archaeological connections can be made to known historic groups lessens.[94] The Chernoles culture
Chernoles culture
has been seen as a stage in the evolution of the Slavs,[95] and Marija Gimbutas
Marija Gimbutas
identified it as the proto-Slavic homeland.[96] According to many pre-historians, ethnic labels are inappropriate for European Iron Age
Iron Age
peoples.[97] The Globular Amphora culture
Globular Amphora culture
stretched from the middle Dnieper
Dnieper
to the Elbe during the late fourth and early third millennia BC. It has been suggested as the locus of a Germano-Balto-Slavic continuum (the Germanic substrate hypothesis), but the identification of its bearers as Indo-Europeans is uncertain. The area of this culture contains a number of tumuli, typical of Indo-Europeans. The eighth-to-third-century BC Chernoles culture, sometimes associated with Herodotus' " Scythian
Scythian
farmers", is "sometimes portrayed as either a state in the development of the Slavic languages
Slavic languages
or at least some form of late Indo-European ancestral to the evolution of the Slavic stock."[98] The Milograd culture
Milograd culture
(700 BC–100 AD), centered roughly in present-day Belarus
Belarus
and north of the Chernoles culture, has also been proposed as ancestral for the Slavs
Slavs
or the Balts. The ethnic composition of the Przeworsk culture
Przeworsk culture
(second century BC–fourth century AD), associated with the Lugii) of central and southern Poland, northern Slovakia
Slovakia
and Ukraine, including the Zarubintsy culture (second century BC–second century AD and connected with the Bastarnae
Bastarnae
tribe) and the Oksywie culture
Oksywie culture
are other candidates.[citation needed] Southern Ukraine
Ukraine
is known to have been inhabited by Scythian
Scythian
and Sarmatian
Sarmatian
tribes before the Goths. Early Slavic stone stelae found in the middle Dniester
Dniester
region are markedly different from the Scythian and Sarmatian
Sarmatian
stelae of the Crimea. The Wielbark culture
Wielbark culture
displaced the eastern Oksywie culture
Oksywie culture
during the first century AD. Although the second-to-fifth-century Chernyakhov culture triggered the decline of the late Sarmatian
Sarmatian
culture from the second to fourth centuries, the western part of the Przeworsk culture remained intact until the fourth century and the Kiev culture flourished from the second to the fifth centuries. The latter is recognized as the predecessor of the sixth- and seventh-century Prague-Korchak and Pen'kovo cultures, the first archaeological cultures identified as Slavic. Although Proto-Slavic probably reached its final stage in the Kiev area, there is disagreement in the scientific community about the Kiev culture's predecessors; some scholars trace it from the Ruthenian Milograd
Milograd
culture, others from the Ukrainian Chernoles and Zarubintsy cultures and still others from the Polish Przeworsk culture. Ethnogenesis[edit] The Slavic population of eastern Europe expanded during the sixth century, bringing their customs and language. Although there is no consensus about their homeland, scholars generally looked north of the Carpathians. Russian archaeologist Valentin Sedov, using the Herderian concept of nationhood,[99] proposed that the Venethi
Venethi
were the proto-Slavic bearers of the Przeworsk culture. Their expansion began during the second century AD, and they occupied a large area of eastern Europe between the Vistula
Vistula
and the middle Dnieper. The Venethi slowly expanded south and east by the fourth century, assimilating the neighbouring Zarubinec culture (which Sedov considered partly Baltic) and continuing southeast to become part of the Chernyakhov culture. The Antes separated themselves from the Venethi
Venethi
by 300 (followed by the Sclaveni
Sclaveni
by 500) in the areas of the Penkovka and Prague-Korchak cultures, respectively.[100] In 2003, Walter Pohl wrote:

The hypothesis of an ancient Slavic people that spread through migration had always appealed Slav nationalists, and is still widely held, but there is little sound evidence to recommend it. Most of all, it fails to make plausible why a regional and hitherto virtually unknown group could take over almost the whole of eastern and east central Europe in a relatively short period from c. 500 to c. 650 A.D.[101]

During the seventh century BC, the Chernoles culture
Chernoles culture
was loosely governed by the Scythians
Scythians
via trade. There was limited interaction between the Slavs, who were tribute-paying Scythian
Scythian
ploughmen, and the nomads. Their homeland in the forest steppe enabled them to preserve their language, except for phonetic and some lexical constituents (Satemisation) and their patrilineal, agricultural customs.[102] After a millennium, when the Hunnic Empire collapsed, an eastern-Slavic culture re-emerged and spread rapidly in south- and central-eastern Europe. According to Marija Gimbutas, "Neither Bulgars nor Avars colonized the Balkan Peninsula; after storming Thrace, Illyria
Illyria
and Greece
Greece
they went back to their territory north of the Danube. It was the Slavs
Slavs
who did the colonizing ... entire families or even whole tribes infiltrated lands. As an agricultural people, they constantly sought an outlet for the population surplus. Suppressed for over a millennium by foreign rule of Scythians, Sarmatians
Sarmatians
and Goths, they had been restricted to a small territory; now the barriers were down and they poured out".[103] In addition to their growth, the depopulation of eastern Europe (due, in part, to Germanic migration) and the lack of imperial defences encouraged Slavic expansion.[104] With processual archaeology during the 1960s, scholars began to believe that "there was no need to explain culture change exclusively in terms of migration and population replacement".[105] According to historical linguist Johanna Nichols, "Ethnic spreads can involve either the spread of a language to speakers of other languages or the spread of a population. Massive population spread or demographic replacement has probably been a rarity in human history ... [T]here is no reason to assume that the Slavic expansion was a primarily demographic event. Some migration took place, but the parsimonious assumption is the Slavic expansion was primarily a linguistic spread".[106] Colin Renfrew proposed elite-dominance and system-collapse theories to explain language replacement.[citation needed] Dolukhanov suggested that their experience with nomads enabled the Slavs
Slavs
political and military experience, becoming a "dominant force and establishing a new socio-political network in the entire area of central and southeastern Europe".[107] According to Paul Barford, "The spartan and egalitarian (Slavic) culture ... clearly had something attractive for great numbers of the populations living over considerable areas of central Europe", resulting in their assimilation. "The analysis of Slav material culture (especially South Slavs) and results of anthropological investigations, as well as the loan-words in philological studies, clearly demonstrate the contribution of the previous populations of these territories in the make-up of some of the Slav populations".[108] Byzantine chroniclers noted that Roman prisoners captured by the Sclavenes could soon become free members of Slavic society if they wished.[108] Horace Lunt attributed Slavic spread to the "success and mobility of the Slavic 'special border guards' of the Avar khanate",[109] (military elites, who used it as a lingua franca in the Avar Khanate. According to Lunt, only as a lingua franca could Slavic supplant other languages and dialects whilst remaining relatively uniform. Although it explains the formation of regional Slavic groups in the Balkans, eastern Alps and the Morava- Danube
Danube
basin, Lunt's theory does not account for Slavic spread to the Baltic region
Baltic region
and the territory of the Eastern Slavs
Slavs
(areas with no historical links to the Avar Khanate):[110]

Dugout canoe
Dugout canoe
found in Bulgaria

A concept related to elite dominance is system collapse, where a power vacuum created by the fall of the Hun and Roman Empires allows a minority group to impose their customs and language.[111] Paul Barford suggested that Slavic groups might have existed in a wide area of central-eastern Europe (in the Chernyakov and Zarubintsy-Przeworsk cultural zones) before the documented Slavic migrations from the sixth to the ninth centuries. Serving as auxiliaries in the Sarmatian, Goth and Hun armies, small numbers of Slavic speakers might have reached the Balkans
Balkans
before the sixth century:[112] These scattered groups were centers for the creation of a Slavic cultural identity under favorable conditions, assimilating or conveying their culture and language. A similar idea has been proposed by Florin Curta. Seeing no clear evidence for a migration from Polesia
Polesia
or elsewhere north, Curta suggests that southeastern Europe saw the development of a "broad area of common economic and cultural traditions ... Whether living within the same region or widely scattered, adherence to this style helped to integrate isolated individuals within a group whose social boundaries criss-crossed those of local communities".[113] "During the early 600s, however, at the time of the general collapse of the Byzantine administration in the Balkans, access to and manipulation of such (Slavic) artifacts may have been strategies for creating a new sense of identity for local elites". Curta suggests that the chief impetus for this identity originated in the Danubian frontier. Scholars acknowledge that an attempt to define a localized Slavic homeland may be simplistic. Although proto-Slavic may have developed in a localized area, Slavic ethnogenesis occurred in a large area, from the Oder
Oder
in the west to the Dnieper
Dnieper
in the east and south to the Danube.[113][114] It was a complex process, fueled by changes in the barbaricum and the Roman Empire. Despite cultural uniformity, Slavic development seems to have been less politically consolidated than that of the Germanic peoples. According to Patrick Geary, Slavic expansion was a decentralized-but-forceful process which assimilated a large population with small groups of "soldier-farmers" who had common traditions and language: "Without kings or large–scale chieftains to bribe or defeat, the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
had little hope of either destroying them or co-opting them into the imperial system".[115] Walter Pohl agrees: "Avars and Bulgars conformed to the rules of the game established by the Romans. They built up a concentration of military power that was paid, in the last resort, from Roman tax revenues. Therefore they paradoxically depended on the functioning of the Byzantine state. The Slavs
Slavs
managed to keep up their agriculture (and a rather efficient kind of agriculture, by the standards of the time), even in times when they took their part in plundering Roman provinces. The booty they won apparently did not (at least initially) create a new military class with the greed for more and a contempt for peasant's work, as it did with the Germans. Thus the Slavic model proved an attractive alternative ... which proved practically indestructible. Slav traditions, language, and culture shaped, or at least influenced, innumerable local and regional communities: a surprising similarity that developed without any central institution to promote it. These regional ethnogeneses inspired by Slavic tradition incorporated considerable remnants of Roman or Germanic population ready enough to give up ethnic identities that had lost their cohesion".[116] Appearance[edit] Barford cited Procopius
Procopius
as writing that the Slavs
Slavs
"are tall and especially strong, their skin is not very white, and their hair is neither blond nor black, but all have reddish hair. They are neither dishonourable nor spiteful, but simple in their ways, like the Huns (Avars)".[117] "Some of them do not have either a tunic or cloak, but only wear a kind of breeches pulled up to the groin." Modern Slavic people are among the least red-haired in Europe with a usual frequency of less than a percent.[118] Anthropological investigation of prehistoric Slavic sites appears to support the historical literature, suggesting that the early Slavs were dolicocephalic and fair-haired.[119] However, Biological anthropology (especially the cranial index) has been devalued. According to Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza, anthropological observations are as likely to reflect socio-economic, nutritional or environmental factors as genetic differences.[120] Society[edit] Early Slavic society was a typical, decentralized tribal society of Iron Age
Iron Age
Europe, organised into local chiefdoms. A slow consolidation occurred between the seventh and ninth centuries. During this period, the previously-uniform Slavic cultural area evolved into discrete zones. Slavic groups were influenced by neighbouring cultures like Byzantium, the Khazars, the Vikings and the Carolingians, influencing their neighbours in return.[121] Differences in status gradually developed in the chiefdoms, leading to the development of centralized socio-political organizations. The first centralized organizations may have been temporary pan-tribal warrior associations. The greatest evidence for this is in the Danubian area, where barbarian groups organized around military chiefs to raid Byzantine territory and defend themselves against the Pannonian Avars.[122] Social stratification
Social stratification
gradually developed in the form of fortified, hereditary chiefdoms, first seen in the West Slavs areas. The chief was supported by a retinue of warriors who owed their position to him. As chiefdoms became powerful and expanded, centres of subsidiary power ruled by lesser chiefs were created; the line between powerful chiefdoms and centralized medieval states is blurred. By the mid-ninth century, the Slavic elite was sophisticated. They wore luxurious clothing, rode horses, hunted with falcons and travelled with retinues of soldiers.[123] Settlements[edit]

Reconstruction of Slavic Grod of Raddusch (Sorbian: Raduš), in modern Brandenburg, Germany

Early Slavic settlements were no larger than 0.5 to 2 hectares (1.2 to 4.9 acres). Settlements were often temporary, perhaps reflecting their itinerant form of agriculture,[124] and were often along rivers. They were characterized by sunken buildings, known as Grubenhäuser in German or poluzemlianki in Russian. Built over a rectangular pit, they varied from 4 to 20 m2 (43 to 215 sq ft) in area and could accommodate a typical nuclear family. Each house had a stone or clay oven in a corner (a defining feature of Eastern European dwellings), and a settlement had a population of fifty to seventy.[125] Settlements had a central, open area, where communal activities and ceremonies were conducted, and were divided into production and settlement zones.[126] Strongholds appeared during the ninth century, especially the Western Slavic territories, and were often found in the centre of a group of settlements. The South Slavs
Slavs
did not form enclosed strongholds; they lived in open, rural settlements adopted from the social models of the indigenous populations they encountered. Tribal and territorial organization[edit] Settlements were not uniformly distributed; they are found in clusters, separated by areas of lower settlement density.[127] The clusters resulted from the expansion of single settlements, and these "settlement cells" were linked by familial or clan relationships. Settlement cells were the basis of the simplest form of territorial organization, known as a župa in South Slavic and opole in Polish. According to the Primary Chronicle, "The men of the Polanie
Polanie
lived each with his own clan in his own place". Several župas, encompassing individual clan territories, formed the known tribes: "The complex processes initiated by the Slav expansion and subsequent demographic and ethnic consolidation culminated in the formation of tribal groups, which later coalesced to create state which form the framework of the ethnic make-up of modern eastern Europe".[128] The root of many tribal names denotes the territory which they inhabited, such as the Milczanie
Milczanie
(who lived in areas with měl - loess), Moravians (along the Morava), Diokletians (near the former Roman city of Doclea) and Severiani
Severiani
(northerners). Other names have more general meanings, such as the Polanes(pola; field) and Drevlyans (drevo; tree). Others appear to have a non-Slavic (possibly Iranian) root, such as the Antes, Serbs
Serbs
and Croats. Some geographically-distant tribes appear to share names. The Dregoviti
Dregoviti
appear north of the Pripyat River
Pripyat River
and in the Vardar valley, the Croats
Croats
in Galicia and northern Dalmatia
Dalmatia
and the Obodrites
Obodrites
near Lübeck
Lübeck
and their further south in Pannonia. The root Slav was retained in the modern names of the Slovenes, Slovaks, Slavonians. There is little evidence of migratory links between tribes sharing the same name. The common names may reflect names given the tribes by historians or a common tongue as a distinction between Slavs
Slavs
(slovo; word, letter) and others; Nemci (mutes) is a Slavic name for "Germans". In 1998, Walter Pohl wrote:

Apparently ethnicity operated on at least two levels: the "common Slavic" identity, and the identity of single Slavic groups, tribes, or peoples of different sizes that gradually developed, very often taking their name from the territory they lived in. These regional ethnogeneses inspired by Slavic tradition incorporated considerable remnants of Roman and Germanic population ready enough to give up ethnic identities that had lost their cohesion.[129]

The first historical Slavic state was founded by Samo
Samo
in the first half of the 7th century, a short-lived tribal union that included parts of Central Europe. By the 9th century, the states of Obotrites, Great Moravia, Carantania, Pannonia, Croatia, Serbia had emerged. Bulgaria, a non-Slavic creation, became Slavicized by the 10th century. Warfare[edit] Early barbarian warrior bands, typically numbering two hundred or less, were intended for fast penetration into enemy territory and an equally-quick withdrawal. In Wars VII.14, 25, Procopius
Procopius
wrote that the Slavs
Slavs
"fight on foot, advancing on the enemy; in their hands they carry small shields and spears, but they never wear body armour". According to the Strategikon, the Slavs
Slavs
favoured ambush and guerrilla tactics and often attacked their enemy's flank: "They are armed with short spears; each man carries two, one of them with a large shield". Sources also mention the use of cavalry. Theophylact Simocatta
Theophylact Simocatta
wrote that the Slavs
Slavs
"dismounted from their horses in order to cool themselves" during a raid,[130] and Procopius
Procopius
wrote that Slav and "Hun" horsemen were Byzantine mercenaries.[131] In their dealings with Sarmatians
Sarmatians
and Huns
Huns
the Slavs
Slavs
may have become skilled horsemen, explaining their expansion.[132] According to the Strategikon (XI.4.I-45), the Slavs
Slavs
were a hospitable people who did not keep prisoners indefinitely "but lay down a certain period after which they can decide for themselves if they want to return to their former homelands after paying a ransom, or to stay amongst the Slavs
Slavs
as free men and friends". Religion[edit]

Further information: Christianization
Christianization
of the Slavs, Slavic mythology, Saints Cyril and Methodius, and List of Slavic mythological figures

A procession with an effigy of Marzanna
Marzanna
(Morena) in Slovakia, early 20th century. In Slavic folklore the goddess is associated with seasonal rites.

Little is known about Slavic religion before the Christianization
Christianization
of Kievan Rus’; After Christianization, Slavic authorities destroyed many records of the old religion. Some evidence remains in apocryphal and devotional texts,[133] the etymology of Slavic religious terms[134] and the Primary Chronicle.[135] Early Slavic religion was relatively uniform:[136] animistic, anthropomorphic[137] and inspired by nature.[138] The Slavs
Slavs
developed cults around natural objects, such as springs, trees or stones, out of respect for the spirit (or demon) within.[139] Slavic pre-Christian religion was originally polytheistic, with no organized pantheon.[140] Although the earliest Slavs
Slavs
seemed to have a weak concept of God, the concept evolved[141] into a form of monotheism where a "supreme god [ruled] in heaven over the others".[142] There is no evidence of a belief in fate[143] or predestination.[144] Pre-Christian Slavic spirits and demons could be entities in their own right or spirits of the dead, associated with home or nature. Forest spirits, entities in their own right, were venerated as the counterparts of home spirits (usually related to ancestors).[145] Demons and spirits were good or evil, suggesting that the Slavs
Slavs
had a dualistic cosmology, and were revered with sacrifices and gifts.[146] Slavic pre-Christianity was syncretistic,[147] combined and shared with other religions (including Germanic paganism).[148] Linguistic evidence indicates that part of Slavic pre-Christianity developed when the Balts
Balts
and Slavs
Slavs
shared a common language;[149] pre-Christian Slavic beliefs contained elements also found in Baltic religions. After the Slavic and Baltic languages
Baltic languages
diverged, the early Slavs interacted with Iranian peoples
Iranian peoples
and incorporated elements of Iranian spirituality. Early Iranian and Slavic supreme gods were considered givers of wealth, unlike the supreme thunder gods of other European religions. Slavs
Slavs
and Iranians had demons, with names from similar linguistic roots (Iranian Daêva and Slavic Divŭ) and a concept of dualism: good and evil.[142][150] Although evidence of pre-Christian Slavic worship is scarce (suggesting that Slavic pre-Christianity was aniconic), religious sites and idols are most plentiful in Ukraine
Ukraine
and Poland. Slavic temples and indoor places of worship are rare; outdoor places of worship are more common, especially in Kievan Rus'. These outdoor cultic sites were often on hills and included ringed ditches.[151] Indoor shrines existed: "Early Russian sources ... refer to pagan shrines or altars known as kapishcha;" these were small, enclosed structures with an altar inside. One was found in Kiev, surrounded by the bones of sacrificed animals.[152] Pagan temples were documented as destroyed during Christianization.[153] Records of pre-Christian Slavic priests, like the pagan temples, appeared later.[153] Although no early evidence of Slavic pre-Christian priests has been found, the prevalence of sorcerers and magicians after Christianization
Christianization
suggests that the pre-Christian Slavs had religious leaders.[154] Slavic pagan priests were believed to commune with the gods, predict the future[144] and prepare for religious rituals. The pagan priests, or magicians (known as volkhvy by the Rus' people),[135] resisted Christianity[155] after Christianization. The Primary Chronicle
Primary Chronicle
describes a campaign against Christianity in 1071, during a famine. The volkhvy were well-received nearly 100 years after Christianization, suggesting that pagan priests had an esteemed position in 1071 and in pre-Christian times.[156] Although the Slavic funeral pyre was seen as a means of freeing the soul from the body in a rapid, visible and public manner,[157][not in citation given] archaeological evidence suggests that the South Slavs quickly adopted the burial practices of their post-Roman Balkan neighbours. Marriage[edit] Capturing wives and exogamy was a tradition among early tribes and continued up to the modern era, although on some occasions in Bohemia and the Ukraine
Ukraine
men did not chose the spouse but women.[158]For fornication the sentence among Pagan Slavs
Slavs
was described as capital punishment by travelers, Ibn-Fadlan: “Men and women go to the river and bathe together naked … but they do not fornicate and if anyone would be guilty of it, no matter who is he and she … he and she would be pinked by pole-axe … then they hang out each part both of them on a tree”, Gardizi: “If someone makes fornication, he or she would be killed, without accepting any apologies”[159] Later history[edit] Christianisation[edit]

The Taking of Arkona in 1169, King Valdemar and Bishop Absalon, depicting Absalon
Absalon
toppling the god Svetovid
Svetovid
at Arkona, by Laurits Tuxen

Christianization
Christianization
began in the ninth century, and was not complete until the second half of the twelfth. The Christianization
Christianization
of Bulgaria resulted from Boris I's shifting political alliances with the kingdom of the East Franks
Franks
and the Byzantine Empire
Byzantine Empire
and his reception by the Pope. Because of Bulgaria's strategic position, the Greek East and the Latin
Latin
West wanted its people to adhere to their liturgies and ally with them politically. After overtures from each side, Boris aligned with Constantinople. Through Byzantium, he secured an autocephalous Bulgarian national church. Although there is some evidence of early Christianization
Christianization
of the East Slavs, Kievan Rus'
Kievan Rus'
remained largely pagan (or relapsed into paganism) before the baptism of Vladimir the Great
Vladimir the Great
in the 980s. The Christianization
Christianization
of Poland
Poland
began with the baptism of Mieszko I in 966. Slavic paganism persisted into the 12th century in Pomerania, which began to be Christianized after the creation of the Duchy of Pomerania as part of the Holy Roman Empire
Holy Roman Empire
in 1121; the process was mostly completed with the Wendish Crusade
Wendish Crusade
of 1147. The final stronghold of Slavic paganism were the Rani, with a temple to their god Svetovid
Svetovid
on Cape Arkona
Cape Arkona
which was taken in a campaign by Valdemar I of Denmark
Valdemar I of Denmark
in 1168. Medieval states[edit]

Page from the 10th-century Kiev Missal, an Old Church Slavonic manuscript written in Glagolitic script

After Christianisation, the Slavs
Slavs
established a number of kingdoms (or feudal principalities) which persisted through the High Middle Ages. After the 1054 death of Yaroslav the Wise, the East Slavs
Slavs
fragmented into a number of principalities from which Muscovy
Muscovy
would emerge after 1300 as the most powerful. The western principalities of the former Kievan Rus'
Kievan Rus'
became parts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The South Slavs
Slavs
consolidated the Grand Principality of Serbia
Grand Principality of Serbia
and the Bulgarian Empire. The Kingdom of Croatia was composed of present-day Croatia (without most of Istria
Istria
and some Dalmatian coastal cities) and parts of modern-day Bosnia and Herzegovina. The West Slavs
Slavs
were distributed among Poland, the Kingdom of Hungary
Kingdom of Hungary
( Slovakia
Slovakia
as a vassal) and the Holy Roman Empire
Holy Roman Empire
( Bohemia
Bohemia
and Moravia
Moravia
as vassals). Slavic studies[edit] The debate between proponents of autochthonism and allochthonism began in 1745, when Johann Christoph de Jordan published De Originibus Slavicis. The 19th-century Slovak philologist and poet Pavel Jozef Šafárik, whose theory was founded on Jordanes' Getica, has influenced generations of scholars. Jordanes
Jordanes
equated the Sclavenes, the Antes and the Venethi
Venethi
(or Venedi), based on earlier sources such as Pliny the Elder, Tacitus
Tacitus
and Ptolemy. Šafárik's legacy was his vision of a Slavic history and the use of linguistics for its study.[10] Polish scholar Tadeusz Wojciechowski (1839–1919) was the first to use place names in the study of Slavic history, followed by A. L. Pogodin and botanist J. Rostafinski. The first scholar to introduce archaeological data into the discourse about the early Slavs, Lubor Niederle (1865–1944), endorsed Rostafinski's theory in his multi-volume Antiquities of the Slavs. Vykentyi V. Khvoika (1850–1914), a Ukrainian archaeologist of Czech origin, linked the Slavs
Slavs
with the Neolithic Cucuteni culture. A. A. Spicyn (1858–1931) attributed finds of silver and bronze in central and southern Ukraine
Ukraine
to the Antes. Czech archaeologist Ivan Borkovsky (1897–1976) postulated the existence of a Slavic "Prague type" of pottery. Boris Rybakov
Boris Rybakov
has linked Spicyn's "Antian antiquities" with Chernyakhov-culture remains excavated by Khvoika, theorizing that the former should be attributed to the Slavs.[10] The debate became politically charged during the 19th century (particularly in connection with the partitions of Poland
Poland
and the German Drang nach Osten), and the question of whether Germanic or Slavic peoples were indigenous east of the Oder
Oder
was used to pursue German and Polish claims to the region. See also[edit]

Slavs Lech, Čech, and Rus List of medieval Slavic tribes

References[edit]

^ Barford (2001, p. vii, Preface) ^ Brzezinski, Richard; Mielczarek, Mariusz (2002). The Sarmatians, 600 BC-AD 450. Osprey Publishing. p. 39. [...] Indeed, it is now accepted that the Sarmatians
Sarmatians
merged in with pre-Slavic populations.  ^ Adams, Douglas Q. (1997). Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. Taylor & Francis. p. 523. [...] In their Ukrainian and Polish homeland the Slavs
Slavs
were intermixed and at times overlain by Germanic speakers (the Goths) and by Iranian speakers (Scythians, Sarmatians, Alans) in a shifting array of tribal and national configurations.  ^ Atkinson, Dorothy; Dallin, Alexander; Warshofsky Lapidus, Gail, eds. (1977). Women in Russia. Stanford University Press. p. 3. [...] Ancient accounts link the Amazons with the Scythians
Scythians
and the Sarmatians, who successively dominated the south of Russia for a millennium extending back to the seventh century B.C. The descendants of these peoples were absorbed by the Slavs
Slavs
who came to be known as Russians.  ^ Slovene Studies. 9–11. Society for Slovene Studies. 1987. p. 36. [...] For example, the ancient Scythians, Sarmatians (amongst others), and many other attested but now extinct peoples were assimilated in the course of history by Proto-Slavs.  ^ "[B]etween the sixth and seventh centuries, large parts of Europe came to be controlled by Slavs, a process less understood and documented than that of the Germanic ethnogenesis in the west. Yet the effects of Slavicization were far more profound". Geary (2003, p. 144) ^ Curta 2001, pp. 335–337. ^ Curta 2001, pp. 6–35. ^ Paul M. Barford, 2004. Identity And Material Culture Did The Early Slavs
Slavs
Follow The Rules Or Did They Make Up Their Own? East Central Europe 31, no. 1:102–103 ^ a b c Curta 2001. ^ Pots, Slavs
Slavs
and 'Imagined Communities': Slavic Archaeologies And The History of The Early Slavs. European Journal of Archaeology 4, no. 3:367–384; George Verdansky and Michael Karpovich, Ancient Russia, vol. 1 of History of Russia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1943 ^ Brather, Sebastian (2004). "The Archaeology of the Northwestern Slavs
Slavs
(Seventh To Ninth Centuries)". East Central Europe. 31 (1): 78–81. doi:10.1163/187633004x00116.  ^ Curta 2001, pp. 36–38. ^ Curta 2001, p. 335. ^ Barford, Identity and Material Culture, p. 99. ^ Curta 2001, pp. 358–375. ^ Barford, Identity and Material Culture, 99–101, Pots, Slavs
Slavs
and 'Imagined Communities': Slavic Archaeologies And The History of The Early Slavs. European Journal of Archaeology 4, no. 3:370, Pavel M. Dolukhanov, The Early Slavs
Slavs
(New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 1996), 7 ^ Barford, Identity and Material Culture, pp. 100, 102 ^ Barford, Identity And Material Culture, 103 ^ Barford, Identity And Material Culture, pp. 104-105 ^ Curta 2001, pp. 84–87. ^ Barford, Identity And Material Culture, pp. 105-106 ^ Sussex (2011, pp. 1–2) ^ a b Barford (2001, p. 16) ^ a b c Schenker (2008, p. 61) ^ Barford (2001, p. 17) ^ a b Barford (2001, p. 37) ^ Kobyliński (2005, pp. 525–526) ^ Kobyliński (2005, p. 526) ^ Barford (2001, p. 332) ^ F. Kortlandt, The spread of the Indo-Europeans, pp. 2-3. ^ Goffart (2006, p. 95) ^ Wolfram (2006, p. 78) ^ Peter Heather (17 December 2010). Empires and Barbarians: Migration, Development and the Birth of Europe. Pan Macmillan. pp. 389–396. ISBN 978-0-330-54021-6.  ^ Wstęp. W: Gerard Labuda: Słowiańszczyna starożytna i wczesnośredniowieczna. Poznań: WPTPN, 2003, s. 16. ISBN 8370633811 ^ Trubačev, O. N. 1985. Linguistics and Ethnogenesis of the Slavs: The Ancient Slavs
Slavs
as Evidenced by Etymology and Onomastics. Journal of Indo-European Studies (JIES), 13: 203–256. ^ Rebała K, Mikulich A, Tsybovsky I, Siváková D, Dzupinková Z, Szczerkowska-Dobosz A, Szczerkowska Z. "Y-STR variation among Slavs: evidence for the Slavic homeland in the Middle Dnieper
Dnieper
Basin". Journal of Human Genetics 52(5):406-14 · February 2007 [1] ^ Mallory & Adams (1997) ^ a b Sussex (2011, p. 19) ^ a b Schenker (2008, pp. 61–62) ^ a b c Sussex (2011, p. 22) ^ F. Kortlandt, The spread of the Indo-Europeans, p. 4. ^ a b Schenker (2008, p. 109) ^ Schenker (2008, pp. 113) ^ cf. Novotná & Blažek:2007 with references. "Classical glottochronology" conducted by Czech Slavist M. Čejka in 1974 dates the Balto-Slavic split to -910±340 BC, Sergei Starostin
Sergei Starostin
in 1994 dates it to 1210s BC, and "recalibrated glottochronology" conducted by Novotná & Blažek dates it to 1400-1340 BC. This agrees well with Trziniec-Komarov culture, localized from Silesia
Silesia
to Central Ukraine and dated to the period 1500–1200 BC. ^ Mallory (1994, p. 80) ^ Mallory (1994, pp. 82–83) ^ Barford (2001, p. 14) ^ Mallory (1994, p. 78) ^ Sussex (2011, pp. 111–112) ^ The Journal of Indo-European Studies, Number 1-2 (original from the University of California) Vol. 21 Journal of Indo-European Studies, 1993, digitalized in 2007. p 180 ^ a b Sussex (2011, p. 110) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 7–8) ^ a b Kortlandt (1990, p. 133) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 71–73) ^ Barford (2001, p. 6) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 39–40) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 40–43) ^ Curta (2001, p. 41) ^ Barford (2001, pp. 35-35) ^ Curta (2001, p. 7) ^ Kobyliński (2005, p. 527) ^ "Nec minor opinione Eningia. Quidam haec habitari ad Vistulam a Sarmatis, Venedis, Sciris, Hirris, tradunt". Plinius, IV. 27. ^ Barford (2001, pp. 6–7.) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 36–37) ^ a b Barford (2001, p. 7) ^ a b Curta (2001, p. 37) ^ Kobyliński (2005, p. 524) ^ Barford (2001, p. 36) ^ [2] ^ Metzner, Ernst Erich (2011-12-31). "Textgestützte Nachträge zu Namen und Abkunft der 'Böhmer' und 'Mährer' und der zweierlei 'Baiern' des frühen Mittelalters - Die sprachliche, politische und religiöse Grenzerfahrung und Brückenfunktion alteuropäischer Gesellschaften nördlich und südlich der Donau". In Fiala-Fürst, Ingeborg; Czmero, Jaromír. Amici amico III: Festschrift für Ludvík E. Václavek. Beiträge zur deutschmährischen Literatur (in German). 17. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci. pp. 321, 347. ISBN 9788024427041.  ^ Curta (2001, pp. 51–52) ^ Curta (2001, p. 51) ^ Curta (2001, p. 56) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 46,60) ^ a b c Curta (2001, p. 60) ^ Barford (2001, p. 29) ^ Barford (2001, p. 79) ^ Curta (2001, p. 118) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 73, 118) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 118–119, 347) ^ Barford (2001, pp. 7–8) ^ Kobyliński (2005, p. 528) ^ P M Barford (2001). The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe, chapters 2-4. ^ a b Todd (1995, p. 27) ^ Barford (2001, p. 40) ^ Mallory (1997, p. 104) ^ a b c Curta (2001, p. 284) ^ Kobyliński (2005, p. 529) ^ a b Todd (1995, p. 26) ^ a b Mallory ^ New Cambridge Medieval History, Pg 529 ^ The role of migration in the history of the Eurasian steppe: sedentary civilization vs. "barbarian" and nomad. By Andrew Villen Bell, Andrew Bell-Fialkoff. Published by Palgrave Macmillan, 2000. ISBN 0-312-21207-0.Pg 138 ^ Mallory (1997, p. 524) ^ Mallory (1997, p. 637) ^ Gimbutas (1971, p. 42) ^ Green (1996, p. 3) "Many pre-historians argue it is spurious to identify Iron Age
Iron Age
Europeans as Celts
Celts
(or other such labels)". ^ Douglas Q. Adams (January 1997). Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. Taylor & Francis. pp. 104–. ISBN 978-1-884964-98-5.  ^ Curta (2001, pp. 6–7,11) ^ Curta (2001, p. 11) ^ Pohl (2003, p. 582) ^ Magocsi (1996, p. 36) ^ Gimbutas (1971) ^ Villen, p. 582) ^ From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms: Archaeologists and Migrations, p. 264 ^ Russian Identities. A Historical Survey. N. V. Riasonovsky. Pg 10. Oxford University Press, quoting Johanna Nichols. ^ Villen, p. 139) ^ a b Barford (2001, p. 46) ^ Curta (2004, p. 133) ^ Curta (2004, p. 148) "It is possible that the expansion of the Avar khanate during the second half of the eighth century coincided with the spread of ... Slavic into the neighbouring areas of Bohemia, Moravia
Moravia
and southern Poland, (but) could hardly explain the spread of Slavic into Poland, Ukraine, Belarus
Belarus
and Russia, all regions that produced so far almost no archaeological evidence of Avar influence." ^ Renfrew 1987 ^ Barford (2001, p. 43) "An indirect piece of evidence might be the Slavic word strava, which was used to describe Attila’s funerary feast". Priscus noted that communities with a language and customs distinct from Gothic, Hun or Latin
Latin
existed in the Hun confederacy. They drank medos and could sail in boats crafted from hollowed-out trees (monoxyla). ^ a b Curta (2001, p. 309) ^ Geary (2003, p. 145) The question of origin is probably as meaningless for the Slavs
Slavs
as for other barbarian peoples ^ Geary (2003, p. 145) ^ Rosenwein (1998, p. 20) ^ Barford citing Procopius, p. 59 ^ [3], "Redhead Map of Europe" in Jacky Colliss Harvey's book "Red." ^ From Kossina to Bromley. Ethnogenesis in Slavic Archaeology. Florin Curta. Pg 206. .. the local Slavs
Slavs
of the prehistoric period, as seen from the archaeological evidence, were fair haired people with elongated skulls ^ The History and Geography of Human genes. L Luca cavalli-Sforza, P Menozzi, A Piazza. Princeton University Press. 1994. ISBN 0-691-02905-9. Page 266. ^ Barford (2001, pp. 89–90) ^ Barford (2001, p. 128) ^ Goldberg, Eric J. (2006). Struggle for Empire: Kingship and Conflict Under Louis the German, 817-876. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. pp. 83-85. ISBN 978-0-8014-3890-5. ^ Curta (2001, p. 276) ^ Curta (2001, p. 283) ^ Curta (2001, pp. 297–307) ^ Barford (2001, p. 129) ^ Barford (2001, p. 124) ^ Pohl (1998, p. 20) ^ Histories. VII. 4, II ^ Procopius. Wars V.27, 1-3 ^ Curta (2001, p. 143) ^ S.H. Cross. “Primitive Civilization of the Eastern Slavs.” American Slavic and Eastern European Review. 5 no. 1/2 (1946): 77-78. ^ Francis Dvornik. The Slavs: Their Early History and Civilization. (Boston: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1956). ^ a b Russell Zguta. “The Pagan Priests of Early Russia: Some New Insights.” Slavic Review. 33 no. 2 (1974). ^ Dvornik, 47. ^ Cross, 83-87. ^ Nikolay Andreyev. “Pagan and Christian Elements in Old Russia.” Slavic Review. 21 no. 1 (1962): 17. ^ Paul M. Barford. The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe. Ithaca: Cornell University Press (2001), p. 189. ^ Cross, 78-87. ^ Barford, 193. ^ a b Dvornik, 48. ^ Cross, 82. ^ a b Barford, 209. ^ Barford, 189-191. ^ Dvornik, 48-51. ^ Barford, 194 ^ Leeper, Allen (1933). "Germans, Avars and Slavs". Slavonic and Eastern European Review. 12 (34): 125.  ^ Dvornik 47. ^ Cross, 79. ^ Barford, 195-98. ^ Cross, 84. ^ a b Barford, 198. ^ Cross, 83. ^ Andreyev, 18. ^ Zguta, 263. ^ Curta (2001, p. 200) ^ https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Folk-Lore/Volume_1/Marriage_among_the_Early_Slavs ^ Alla Alcenko. "THE MORAL VALUES". East Slavic Paganism. 

Sources[edit]

Barford, Paul M (2001), The Early Slavs: Culture and Society in Early Medieval Eastern Europe, Cornell University Press, ISBN 0-8014-3977-9  Cohen, Abner (1974), Two-dimensional Man: An Essay on the Anthropology of Power and Symbolism in Complex Society, University of California Press  Curta, Florin (2001). The Making of the Slavs: History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube
Danube
Region, c. 500–700. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  Curta, Florin (2006). Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500–1250. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  Curta, Florin (2004), "The Slavic Lingua Franca. Linguistic Notes of an Archaeologist Turned Historian." (PDF), East Central Europe/L'Europe du Centre-Est, 31 (1): 125–148, doi:10.1163/187633004x00134, archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-07-04, retrieved 2009-07-24  Geary, Patrick (2003), Myth of Nations. The Medieval Origins of Europe, Princeton Paperbacks, ISBN 0 - 691-11481- 1  Gimbutas, Marija Alseikaitė (1971), The Slavs, Thames and Hudson, ISBN 0-500-02072-8  Goffart, Walter (2006), "Does the Distant Past Impinge on the Invasion Age Germans?", in Noble, Thomas F. X., From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms, pp. 91–109, ISBN 0-415-32741-5  Green, Miranda (1996), The Celtic world, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-14627-5  Heather, Peter (2006), The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-515954-3  Frank A. Kmietowicz (1976). Ancient Slavs. Worzalla Publishing Company.  Kobylinski, Zbigniew (2005). "The Slavs". In Fouracre, Paul. The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume 1: c.500–c.700. Cambridge University Press. pp. 524–546. ISBN 978-0-521-36291-7.  Kortlandt, Frederick (1990), "The spread of the Indo-Europeans" (PDF), Journal of Indo-European Studies, 18: 131–140  Magocsi, Paul R. (1996), A History of Ukraine, University of Toronto Press, ISBN 0-8020-7820-6  Mallory, James P. (1994), In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth, Thames and Hudson, ISBN 0-500-27616-1  Mallory, James P.; Adams, Douglas Q. (1997), Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, Taylor & Francis, ISBN 1-884964-98-2  Pohl, Walter (1998), "Conceptions of ethnicity in Early Medieval Studies", in Rosenwein, Barbara; Little, Lester K., Debating the Middle Ages: issues and readings, Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 15–24, ISBN 1-57718-008-9  Pohl, Walter (2003), "A Non- Roman Empire
Roman Empire
in Central Europe: the Avars", in Goetz, H.W.; Jarnut, Jörg; Pohl, Walter, Regna and gentes: the relationship between late antique and early medieval peoples and kingdoms in the transformation of the Roman world, BRILL, pp. 571–595, ISBN 90-04-12524-8  Paliga, Sorin. "A New Synthesis on the Slavic Glotto-and Ethnogenesis and on the Earliest Slavic-Romanian Relations in the 6th century CE".  Róna-Tas, András (1999), Hungarians and Europe in the Early Middle Ages: An Introduction to Early Hungarian History, Central European University Press, ISBN 963-9116-48-3  Schenker, Alexander M. (2008), "Proto-Slavonic", in Comrie, Bernard; Corbett, Greville G., The Slavonic Languages, Routledge, pp. 60–121, ISBN 978-0-415-28078-5  Sussex, Roland; Cubberley, Paul (2011), The Slavic Languages, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-29448-5  Wolfram, Herwig (2006), "Origo et Religio: Ethnic traditions and literature in early medieval texts", in Noble, Thomas F. X., From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms, pp. 57–74, ISBN 0-415-32741-5  Todd, Malcolm (1995), The Early Germans, Blackwell Publishing, ISBN 0 -631-19904-7  Ancient Peoples and Places The Slavs.

.