Wareru

Wareru ( mnw, ဝါရေဝ်ရောဝ်, my, ဝါရီရူး, ; also known as Wagaru; 20 March 1253 – 14 January 1307) was the founder of the Martaban Kingdom, located in present-day Myanmar (Burma). By using both diplomatic and military skills, he successfully carved out a Mon-speaking polity in Lower Burma, during the collapse of the Pagan Empire (Bagan Empire) in the 1280s. Wareru was assassinated in 1307 but his line ruled the kingdom until its fall in the mid-16th century.

Wareru, a commoner, seized the governorship of Martaban (Mottama) in 1285, and after receiving the backing of the Sukhothai Kingdom, he went on to declare independence from Pagan in 1287. In 1295–1296, he and his ally Tarabya, the self-proclaimed king of Pegu (Bago), decisively defeated a major invasion by Pagan. Wareru eliminated Tarabya soon after, and emerged as the sole ruler of three Mon-speaking provinces of Bassein, Pegu and Martaban 1296. With his domain now much enlarged, Wareru sought and received recognition by Yuan China in 1298.

Although he may have been of ethnic Mon or Shan background, Wareru's greatest legacy was the establishment of the only Mon-speaking polity left standing after the 1290s. The success of the kingdom helped foster the emergence of the Mon people as a coherent ethnicity in the 14th and 15th centuries. Furthermore, the legal code he commissioned—the '' Wareru Dhammathat''—is one of the oldest extant '' dhammathats'' (legal treatises) of Myanmar, and greatly influenced the legal codes of Burma and Siam down to the 19th century.

Early life

The future king was born Ma Gadu ( mnw, မဂဒူ; my, မဂဒူး, )(Pan Hla 2005: 6, footnote 1 and 8, footnote 1): "Ma" is an honorific for males that means "male or lineage", and roughly equivalent to Burmese "Nga" or "Maung". Gadu in Mon means long conical hat (ခမောက်ရှည် in Burmese). on 20 March 1253 in the village of Tagaw Wun (near present-day Thaton in Mon State), to poor peasants.Pan Hla 2005: 15 His ethnic background was Mon, Shan or mixed Mon and Shan.Major Mon chronicles do not highlight his ethnicity except for his ethnic Mon name of Ma Gadu although the 16th century chronicle ''Razadarit Ayedawbon'' (Pan Hla 2005: 16) mentions him an ethnic Mon in passing when he was in the service of King Ram Khamhaeng's service. (Aung-Thwin 2017: 239): In Thai sources, "his ethnic background is more ambiguous: he is sometimes Shan, and sometimes Mon."
However, British colonial period scholars—(Phayre 1967: 65) (Harvey 1925: 110) and (Hall 1960: 146)—asserted that Gadu was Shan. Htin Aung (Htin Aung 1967: 78) as well as the 1972 edition of the Burmese encyclopedia (MSK Vol. 12 1972: 333), were equivocal, saying Gadu was of mixed Shan-Mon background. Modern scholars (Michael Aung-Thwin and Matrii Aung-Thwin 2012: 128) say he was either of Mon or Shan background. (Aung-Thwin 2017: 239): "There may have been good political reasons for claiming that he was Shan by T'ai speakers, and equally good reasons for the ''Yazadarit Ayedawpon'' making him Mon." He had a younger brother Ma Gada and a younger sister Hnin U Yaing. They grew up in their native village, located about 100 km north of the provincial capital of Martaban (present-day Mottama in Mon State), then part of the Pagan Empire.Pan Hla 2005: 16

Sukhothai years

When he was about 19,(Shwe Naw 1922: 32) and (MSK Vol. 12 1972: 333): In his 20th year = age 19 1272, Gadu took over his father's side business of trading goods with the Siamese kingdom of Sukhothai to the east. He joined a convoy of about 30 merchants, and began traveling to the royal city of Sukhothai. After a short stint, he took a job at the royal elephant stables in Sukhothai, and rose through the ranks to become the Captain of the Stables by the beginning of King Ram Khamhaeng's reign, 1279. Impressed by the commoner, the new king awarded Gadu the title of Saw Di-Dan-Ri (စောဋိဋံရည်), or Saw Li-Lat-She (စောလီလပ်ရှဲ).(MSK Vol. 12 1972: 334): The title has been reported as စောဋိဋံရည် (Saw Di-Dan-Ri), စောလီလပ်ရှဲ (Saw Li-Lat-She) in Mon language chronicles. befitting an officer in his Household Corps.MSK Vol. 12 1972: 334

According to Mon and Thai chronicles, Gadu repaid by eloping with the king's daughter. By 1281/82, he had become romantically involved with Princess May Hnin Thwe-Da, (Me Nang Soy-Dao; , ; "Lady Soidao").South 2003: 69 So when the king was far away on a military expedition in the south, the couple, with a load of gold and silver, and about 270 of their retainers and troops fled to Tagaw Wun.Aung-Thwin 2017: 238 (According to George Cœdès, this was a legend.Coedes 1968: 205 Michael Aung-Thwin states that the elopement story is probably "a trope" to link the early kings of Martaban and those of Siam, and may not be historical.Aung-Thwin 2017: 237–238)

Rise to power

Chief of Donwun (1281–1285)

Back at Tagaw Wun, Gadu with his troops became the chief of the village. Over the next few years, he enlarged the village into a small town named Donwun, and built up defenses around it.Pan Hla 2005: 20 (His manpower may have been swelled by Mon-speaking refugees from Haribhunjaya, driven out by Tai king Mangrai.) By 1284/85,Chronicles report the date of assassination of Aleimma as either 643 ME (1281/82) or 646 ME (1284/85). The 16th century chronicle ''Razadarit Ayedawbon'' suggests that Wareru came to power in 646 ME (1284/85) by stating he died in 668 ME (1306/07) after having ruled for 22 years. The ''Maha Yazawin'' (1724) says he seized Martaban in 643 ME (1281/82). The ''Yazawin Thit'' chronicle (1798) gives 646 ME (1284/85). But the ''Hmannan Yazawin'' (1832) reverts to ''Maha Yazawin's'' 643 ME (1281/82).

However, the ''Maha Yazawin'' also states that King Narathihapate died in 646 ME (1284/85), about three years after Wareru seized Martaban. Since, King Narathihapate actually died in 649 ME (on 1 July 1287), ''Maha Yazawin's'' dates are off by about 3 years, and its reported date of Wareru's seizure of Martaban should be reset by three years to 646 ME (1284/85) as well.

Most scholars (Phayre 1967) (Harvey 1925) (Hall 1960) (Htin Aung 1967) simply follow the ''Maha Yazawin/Hmannan Yazawin'' date of 643 ME (1281/82), abbreviating the date as "1281". But (Aung-Thwin 2017: 238) prefers the ''Yazawin Thit'' date of 646 ME (1284/85)—it is far more probable for Pagan to be preoccupied by the Mongol invasions in 1284–85 for the first Mongol invasion into northern Burma only began in 1283. the commoner had set his sights on the governorship at Martaban itself. That a small-time chief like him would contemplate such a move is a testament to the rapidly dissipating authority of Pagan. At the time, Pagan's forces were faring badly against the Mongol invaders, and vassal rulers throughout the country had become increasingly restless. At Martaban, Gov. Aleimma himself had begun planning for a rebellion.Pan Hla 2005: 20–21

Aleimma's rebellion turned out to be Gadu's opening. When the governor asked his vassals for support, Gadu readily obliged, offering his services and his men to the governor as well as a marriage alliance between the governor and his younger sister, with the wedding to be held at Donwun. It was merely a ploy to get the governor out of Martaban. Surprisingly, Aleimma took the bait, and made a fateful trip to Donwun with a contingent of troops. On the night of the wedding, while Aleimma's guards were drunk, Gadu's men killed them, and assassinated the governor.Pan Hla 2005: 21–22 It was 11 January 1285.Furthermore, the ''Mon Yazawin'' chronicle (Shwe Naw 1922: 39) states that the marriage took place on Thursday, 6th waxing of Tabodwe 1064 ME (Wednesday, 6 January 1703), which is a typographical error. If the year were 646 ME, Thursday, 6th waxing of Tabodwe 646 ME = 11 January 1285.

Rebel ruler of Martaban (1285–1287)

Gadu went on to seize Martaban. His insurrection was one of several revolts around the country against King Narathihapate of Pagan. The king had already lost the support of his key vassals, including his own sons, who ruled key Lower Burma ports (Prome, Dala and Bassein).Yazawin Thit Vol. 1 2012: 148 Without the full support of his sons, the king did not have enough troops to quell rebellions everywhere. In the south, the king's army never got past Pegu (Bago), which was headed by another warlord Akhamaman, and failed both times to take the town in 1285–86.Pan Hla 2005: 28–29

Meanwhile, Gadu consolidated his control of the Martaban province. He first rebuilt the fortifications of Martaban,Pan Hla 2005: 23 and then conquered Kampalani, (believed to be a small Shan state in present-day Kayin State) whose chief had refused to submit.Pan Hla 2005: 26–27 After Kampalani, all other chiefs fell in line. Gadu was still concerned about Pagan, and sought the backing of his father-in-law. By 1287, a diplomatic mission led by his minister Laik-Gi had successfully secured Ram Khamhaeng's support.Pan Hla 2005: 24–25 The king of Sukhothai acknowledged Gadu as a vassal king, and awarded the royal title of "Chao Fa Rua" ( th, เจ้าฟ้ารั่ว, "Lord Fa Rua", ))Coedes 1968: 206 also reported in Mon and Burmese as "Binnya Waru" ( my, ဗညား ဝါရူး, ))Pan Hla 2005: 24 and Smim Warow ( mnw, သ္ငီ ဝါရောဝ်).Schmidt 1906: 114

On 30 January 1287,Accession date by scholarship (Yazawin Thit Vol. 1 2012: 148, footnote 8): Thursday, Full moon of Tabodwe 648 ME = 30 January 1287 Gadu declared himself king of Martaban.The kingdom he founded would later be known as Hanthawaddy Kingdom after the capital was moved to Hanthawaddy Pegu in 1369/70. In 1287, he did not yet control Pegu, and his realm was technically the Martaban Kingdom. He held the coronation ceremony 5 April 1287.Pan Hla 2005: 25 His royal style later became known in Mon as Wareru.Pan Hla 2005: 26 The declaration did not elicit any action by Pagan, which was amidst its death throes. The empire formally fell on 1 July 1287 when the king was assassinated by one of his sons Prince Thihathu of Prome.Yazawin Thit Vol. 1 2012: 149, footnote 3 Two years of interregnum followed.Htin Aung 1967: 74

King of Martaban

Early reign (1287–1293)

In the beginning, Wareru was just one of several petty strongmen that had sprouted across the former empire. His realm covered approximately modern day Mon State and southern Kayin State. To his east was his overlord Sukhothai. To his south lay the Pagan province of Tavoy (Dawei), which too was in revolt.Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 359 To his north were Pegu, and Dala, ruled by Akhamaman and Prince Kyawswa respectively.

Situated on the upper Tenasserim coast, Martaban was an island of stability during the interregnum. The multi-party war among the sons of the fallen king in Lower Burma never reached Martaban. The closest it came to was in 1287–1288 when Prince Thihathu the patricide laid siege to Pegu. Even when Prince Kyawswa eventually emerged as king of Pagan on 30 May 1289,Than Tun 1959: 119 the new king had no real army, and posed no threat to Pegu or Martaban. Indeed, Wareru's immediate concern was not Kyawswa but Tarabya, who had gained control of both Pegu and Dala and their surrounding districts.Royal chronicles (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 253) and (Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 359) say that Tarabya was in charge of all 32 districts of Pegu at Kyawswa's accession.

Nevertheless, the peace between the two neighboring strongmen held. Each was focused on consolidating his region. At Martaban, 1290/91,The chronicle ''Mon Yazawin'' (Shwe Naw 1922: 39) says the law book was compiled after Wareru had completed three years of reign and two years before he received a white elephant from the king of Sukhothai; the narrative points to late 1290 or early 1291. (Huxley 1990: 45) dates the ''dhammathat'' to 1272 when Huxley says Wagaru areruwas king. Huxley's date is most likely a typographical error since all the chronicles and historians say Wareru became the strongman of Martaban only in the 1280s; Huxley may have meant 1292. Wareru commissioned a '' dhammathat'' (customary law book) to be compiled in Mon, the main language of his nascent kingdom. He appointed a royal commission, which returned with the legal treatise that came to be known as '' Wareru Dhammathat'' and ''Wagaru Dhammathat'' ("Code of Wareru/Wagaru").Htin Aung 1967: 79 (The compilation was part of a wider regional pattern in which the former lands of the empire as well as its neighboring states produced legal texts modeled after Pagan's, between 1275 and 1317.(Huxley 2005: 62): Between 1275 and 1317, five Tai kingdoms—three of which were part of the Pagan Empire; the other two in present-day Thailand—produced or used law texts modeled after Pagan's texts.)

Alliance with Pegu and victory over Pagan (1293–1296)

But Pagan was not completely out of the picture yet. It still claimed its former lands. A truce of sorts between King Kyawswa and his three generals was reached in February 1293. Around the same time, 1293,The ''Razadarit Ayedawbon'' (Pan Hla 2005: 28–30) says Tarabya came to power seven years after 647 ME (1285/86)—meaning he came to power 654 ME (1292/93)—and proceeded to set up an alliance with Wareru by giving each other their daughter. However, (Harvey 1925: 110) says the alliance by the exchange of daughters took place in 1287. But Harvey's date is unlikely since Wareru eloped with his wife-to-be only 1281, which means the daughter would have just been at most 6 years old, and since the chronicles say she bore him two children soon after. (Htin Aung 1967: 79) says the alliance took place in 1287 but does not mention the exchange of daughters. Wareru and Tarabya entered into an alliance as a precaution against a Pagan invasion. In marriages of state, Tarabya married Wareru's daughter May Hnin Theindya while Wareru married Tarabya's daughter Shin Saw Hla.Pan Hla 2005: 30Phayre 1873: 41

Still in 1293, Wareru received assurance from Sukhothai of its continued support. King Ram Khamhaeng even sent a white elephant as a symbol of royal recognition to his son-in-law although this open recognition may have forced Pagan's hand to act.Htin Aung 1967: 79 In the dry season of 1295–1296 (also reported as 1293–1294),The ''Razadarit'' (Pan Hla 2005: 30–35) includes two seemingly separate invasions by Pagan—the first around or after 654 ME (1292/93), and the second in 655 ME (1293/94). But the narratives are disjointed, and may refer to the same event. The first narrative says the 1292/93 invasion took place during the reign of King Narathihapate, which cannot be true since the king had been dead since 1287. The second narrative says the king of Ngawdaw dentified_as_districts_near_Pinle,_the_fief_of_Thihathu.html" ;"title="Pinle.html" ;"title="dentified as districts near Pinle">dentified as districts near Pinle, the fief of Thihathu">Pinle.html" ;"title="dentified as districts near Pinle">dentified as districts near Pinle, the fief of Thihathu, per (Harvey 1925: 111, footnote 2)] invaded in 1293/94.
Furthermore, the standard chronicles do not mention any campaigns to the south during Kyawswa's reign. But the ''Yazawin Thit'' chronicle (Yazawin Thit Vol. 1 2012: 150) does mention one campaign to Dala in 658 ME (28 March 1296 to 28 March 1297), which is supported by a contemporary inscription, (SMK Vol. 3 1983: 196, lines 1, 18–19), dated 14th waxing of Thantu (Thadingyut) 658 ME (12 September 1296). The inscription states that King Kyawswa gave rewards to Gen. Ananda Zeya Pakyan for having captured Dala in 658 ME (1296/97). Since the inscription was inscribed on 12 September 1296, during the rainy season, the capture of Dala most probably took place earlier in the year 658 ME (28 March 1296 to May 1296) before the rainy season began.
The colonial period scholarship (Harvey 1925: 111) and (Htin Aung 1967: 79) say Pagan was driven back in 1293–1294. But (Aung-Thwin 2017: 25) accepts the inscription's 1296 date. a sizable Pagan army led by generals Yazathingyan of Mekkhaya and Thihathu of Pinle (not Prince Thihathu of Prome, the patricide) invaded to retake the entire southern coast. The Pagan army captured Dala and laid siege to Pegu. The city was starving when Wareru's troops from Martaban arrived and broke the siege. The combined Martaban–Pegu forces went on to dislodge the Pagan army from Dala, and drive the invaders out of the Irrawaddy delta.Pan Hla 2005: 30, 35Harvey 1925: 111

The victory proved decisive. At Pagan, the devastating defeat broke the tenuous truce between Kyawswa and his three brother viceroy-generals. Kyawswa would seek Mongol protection in January 1297, only to be overthrown by the brothers in the following December.Than Tun 1959: 119, 121–122 The brothers would be preoccupied with the inevitable Mongol reprisal until 1303.Than Tun 1964: 278Harvey 1925: 78 In all, neither Pagan nor its successor states would attempt a large scale invasion of the south until 1385.See (Phayre 1967: 65–68) and (Harvey 1925: 111–113) for summaries of the history of Ramanya to 1385.

Break with Pegu (1296)

With Pagan out of the picture, the rivalry between Tarabya and Wareru came back to the fore. The immediate point of contention was the control of the newly won Irrawaddy delta. By late 1296,Both ''Slapat'' (Phayre 1873: 42–43) and ''Razadarit'' (Pan Hla 2005: 30–31, 35) say that the two rulers set up an alliance by giving each other their daughter, fought the Pagan invasion, and fought each other ''right'' after their victory over Pagan. But the chronicles themselves say that Tarabya and Theindya, Wareru's daughter, had two sons, who later murdered Wareru. This means: (1) the alliance and marriages of state took place at least two years before the Pagan invasion, and the alliance broke up right after the invasion; or (2) the alliance and marriages of state took place right before the invasion 1295/96, and the alliance broke up over two years after the invasion (1297 or after). the relationship had deteriorated to the point of war. The two sides met at the border, and the two lords agreed to fight in single combat on their war elephants. Wareru defeated Tarabya in combat but spared Tarabya's life at the intercession of the monks. He brought Tarabya, Theindya and their two young children to Martaban. But Tarabya was found plotting an attempt on Wareru's life, and was executed.Harvey 1925: 110Pan Hla 2005: 32

Consolidation of Mon-speaking regions

Wareru was now king of three Mon-speaking regions of Lower Burma. He had reconstituted a major portion of Pagan's Lower Burma holdings: the Irrawaddy delta (present-day Ayeyarwady Region) in the west to the Pegu province (Yangon Region and southern Bago Region in the middle to the Martaban province (Mon State and southern Kayin State) on the upper Tenasserim coast. But he did not control other former Pagan territories farther south such as Tavoy (Dawei), Mergui (Myeik) and Tenasserim (Taninthayi). If he had designs on the southern territories, he did not act upon them. After all, his overlord Sukhothai itself had designs on the Tenasserim coast.Htin Aung 1967: 80 (Wareru's grandnephews Saw O (r. 1311–1323) and Saw Zein (r. 1323–1330) would later occupy the lower Tenasserim coast briefly in the 1320s.Pan Hla 2005: 38–40)

Wareru's immediate acts were to consolidate his rule across the newly won territories. He appointed his trusted minister Laik-Gi governor of Pegu,Pan Hla 2005: 31 and his brother-in-law Min Bala governor of Myaungmya in the Irrawaddy delta. Because he did not have a male heir, his younger brother Gada became the de facto heir.Pan Hla 2005: 36

Recognition by Yuan China (1298)

By 1298, Wareru felt strong enough that he sent a diplomatic mission to Yuan China to receive recognition directly from the Mongol Emperor. It was a bold gesture as his nominal overlord Ram Khamhaeng himself was a Mongol vassal. The Martaban mission passed through Pagan, where they were briefly arrested in March–April.Than Tun 1959: 120 By then, King Kyawswa of Pagan had been deposed by the three generals from Myinsaing. At any rate, the Martaban mission eventually made it to the emperor's court, and received the emperor's recognition in June/July 1298. The Mongols knew that Wareru was then a vassal of Ram Khamhaeng, and recognized Wareru anyway because they did not want a strong state to emerge in Southeast Asia, even of Tais.Htin Aung 1967: 82

Wareru was now a full-fledged king, on par with Ram Khamhaeng. The Sukhothai king may not have liked Wareru's move but he did not challenge the Mongols' decision.

Last years

After receiving Mongol recognition, Wareru reigned for another 8 and a half years. Based on the chronicles' lack of coverage, the years apparently were uneventful. Then in January 1307, the king was assassinated by his two grandsons—the two sons of Tarabya. Despite his having raised them, the boys held a grudge against their grandfather for the father's death. On one Saturday in January 1307, they repeatedly stabbed their unsuspecting grandfather to death. The boys were caught, and executed.Phayre 1967: 65Pan Hla 2005: 36 The king was only 53. Because he left no male heir, his younger brother Gada succeeded with the title of Hkun Law.

Legacy

Wareru's greatest legacy was the establishment of a Mon-speaking kingdom, which enabled the preservation and continuation of Mon culture.South 2003: 70 Despite its fragility—after Wareru, the polity devolved into a loose confederation until the 1380s—the Kingdom of Martaban became the only remaining Mon-speaking polity from the 1290s onwards. The older Mon kingdoms of Dvaravati and Haripunjaya (in present-day Thailand) had been subsumed into Tai states of Sukhothai and Lan Na by the end of the 13th century.South 2003: 70–71 Wareru's kingdom would not only survive but also thrive to become the wealthiest state of all post-Pagan kingdoms well into the 16th century. The success and longevity of the kingdom aided the emergence of "Mons as a coherent ethnicity" in the 14th and 15th centuries.Lieberman 2003: 130–131

His second legacy was the law treatise '' Wareru Dhammathat'' (also known as Code of Wareru). The Code was the basic law of the Mon-speaking kingdom until the mid-16th century when it was adopted by the conquering First Toungoo Empire.Harvey 1925: 171 Translated into Burmese, Pali and Siamese, it became the basic law of the empire.Abbott 2000: 297Htin Aung 1967: 127 The Code was adapted into the later ''dhammathats'' of the successor states of the empire, including Ayutthaya SiamLingat 1950: 23, 28 and Restored Toungoo Burma.

Historiography

Various chronicles agree on the general outline of the king's life but tend to differ on the actual dates.

Notes

References

Bibliography

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{{Authority control

Hanthawaddy dynasty
1253 births
1307 deaths
Burmese people of Mon descent
Burmese people of Shan descent
14th-century Burmese monarchs
13th-century Burmese monarchs