Gheorghe Chițu

Gheorghe Chițu (first name also George or Giorgiu, last name also Chițiu, Chitzu, Kițu or Kitzu; Francized as ''Georges Kitzou''"Roumanie", in ''La Justice'', 7 July 1884, p. 2 or ''Quitzou'';Pecican, p. 161 24 August 1828 – 27 October 1897) was a Wallachian, later Romanian lawyer, politician, and man of letters, whose activities were mostly centered on the region of Oltenia. The recipient of a classical education, which compensated for his middle-class background and allowed him to study at the University of Vienna, he was also deeply involved in the Wallachian Revolution of 1848 as an early adherent of "Red" liberalism. He became a propagandist and organizer for the National Party, founding ''Vocea Oltului'' gazette in 1857. Chițu was confirmed as the United Principalities' first-ever elected provincial mayor, at Craiova, where he also worked as a lawyer and prosecutor. His political radicalism and his participation in the Romanian Freemasonry were nuanced by his defense of the Romanian Orthodox Church against a reduction of its assets. Serving for almost twenty years in the Assembly of Deputies and Senate, he criticized Westernization and championed local political models, including Oltenia's Tudor Vladimirescu. His parallel work as a publicist and publisher resulted in noted collaborations with Constantin D. Aricescu, Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, and Theodor Aman; it also contributed to his being inducted into the Romanian Academy in 1879.

Chițu fluctuated between the "Reds" and the Free and Independent Faction, being drawn into conspiratorial politics against Carol of Hohenzollern. With Alexandru Candiano-Popescu and Eugeniu Carada, he had a visible contribution to a failed insurrection in 1870. Some five years later, he joined Ion C. Brătianu in setting up the National Liberal Party, which seized power by peaceful means. He served Brătianu as an Education Minister, playing a part in the modernization and standardization of teaching, but also embracing controversy with his political favoritism. Successively in the 1880s, in the newly proclaimed Kingdom of Romania, Chițu handled Finance, Justice, Internal Affairs, and again Education, earning respect for his indifference to graft and his hard stance on administrative incompetence. He also personally handled the repression of anti-Carol riots in 1884, after which, like Brătianu, he established a steady cooperation with conservatives grouped as the ''Junimea'' society.

A lifelong alcoholic, Chițu reportedly had all his teeth extracted while inebriated, and was consequently struck by paralysis. He was left incapacitated and impoverished during the final decade of his life, which he spent on his only remaining estate, at Mirila. He had by then been shunned by the Craiova voters, as well as by his former friend Hasdeu, and had lost prospects of returning to the legal profession, ending his career as a representative of rural constituencies in Olt County. Oltenians honored his memory by assigning his name to Craiova's Commercial School. Several works of public arts were commissioned, including a since-lost bust by a young Constantin Brâncuși.

Biography

Youth

Chițu was a native of Oltenia region, in what was then western Wallachia. Sources diverge as to the exact location of his birth: while official biographies have Oboga, in Romanați County (presently Olt County), his friend and son-in-law Constantin M. Ciocazan reported Craiova, the capital of Dolj County and of Oltenia itself. According to one detailed account, the family was in Oboga to escape from the ravages of a Russo-Turkish War. Craiova historian D. E. Petrescu, who relays a story ultimately originating with Grigore Tocilescu,Vintilă, p. 431 provides more context: "One can find no better proof that a man may rise from the lowest to the highest station in life, provided they display intelligence, willpower, and capacity for work. ..He was born in 1828, in a bullock cart on the outskirts of Oboga village (just north of Balș), and was baptized by his father, for lack of a priest."Petrescu, p. 72

Throughout the 19th century, Craiova's burgeoning commercial and civic elite was largely of South Slavic, Greek, or Aromanian background. The Chițus were immigrants from Macedonia; records suggest that they came to Oltenia after a stay in Transylvania, moving to Teslui and finally Craiova before Gheorghe's birth. Researcher Anastase Hâciu traces them to the Aromanian clans of Neveska, even though Chițu's political adversaries claimed that the family was Bulgarian in origin.Pipĕrușŭ, "D'ale d̦ilei", in '' Ghimpele'', Issue 21/1878, p. 2Candiano-Popescu, p. 164 The family surname is probably derived from the female name ''Paraschița'', reflecting an onomastic tradition shared between Romanians and Bulgarians ''(see Paraskeva of the Balkans)''. Chițu's father, known as Theodor or Todoru (1786–1866), was a waistcoat merchant with some knowledge of Greek literature.Grigore & Șerbu, p. 99 His shop was located on Copertarilor Street in Craiova, where Gheorghe would also own a townhouse in Podișor area. He was possibly the eldest of three sons born to Theodor and Florica (Floarea), who also had two daughters; Marin Chițu, credited by various biographers as Gheorghe's elder, was more likely born in 1830. He was known locally as a dealer of art and ''bric-à-brac''. Another one of Theodor's sons, Petre, had a controversial career as a lawyer in Oltenia, and was additionally noted for his cultural Italophilia, including his friendship with sculptor Ettore Ferrari. Petre is additionally noted for his translation of Alessandro Manzoni's historical novel, '' The Betrothed''.

Young Gheorghe attended primary school in Craiova, after which he began his studies at Ioan Maiorescu's lyceum (the ancestor of Carol I National College) in that same city. It was at this stage that he debuted as a poet, with a French-language ode to the reigning Wallachian Prince, Alexandru II Ghica. He had a hard time making ends meet, and had to support himself from tutoring less competent students, including a young Carada. As a protégé of Prince Gheorghe Bibescu, Chițu was finally sent to continue his studies at Saint Sava College in Bucharest. Upon graduation, he taught classical languages there.Dimitrie Rosetti, ''Dicționarul Contimporanilor'', p. 53. Bucharest: Editura Lito-Tipografiei "Populara", 1897 Granted a "modest scholarship" to study abroad, Chițu subsequently entered the University of Vienna law school. As noted by researcher George Mil. Demetrescu, he attended the classes and had a qualification certificate, but never took an actual graduation diploma. An active supporter of the Wallachian Revolution of 1848, Chițu joined a Revolutionaries' Club, formed around his former teacher Maiorescu. He was named Revolutionary Commissioner and director of propaganda for Oltenia, helping to raise soldiers for Gheorghe Magheru's National Guard. He wrote articles for ''Naționalul'' newspaper and may also be the author of two revolutionary manifestos that are also attributed to Maiorescu and Emanoil Quinezu.

On 18 July 1850, Chițu published in ''Vestitorul Românesc'' newspaper a piece announcing the creation of a National Theater Craiova, in its first incarnation. While still residing in the Austrian Empire, he took courses in Slavistics under Franz Miklosich and printed his own "distinctly religious and patriotic" book, ''Oracolul anului 1851'' ("An Oracle for the Year 1851"). A Vienna concert by Ludwig Wiest, which included renditions of Romanian folklore, inspired him to write a sonnet in 1853. According to bibliophile Avram Vasculescu, it is one of the finest by a Romanian,Vasculescu, pp. 9–10 while Ciocazan calls it "splendid"; it is in any case one of the first ever in the context of Romanian literature, alongside other samples by Radu Ionescu.

The revolutionary cell became inactive under the repressive regime of Barbu Dimitrie Știrbei, but was revived by Chițu, Quinezu and Elefterie Cornetti in 1853, at the height of the Crimean War. In December of that year, he went public with his enduring admiration for Magheru (who had been banished from Wallachia following the 1848 events), writing the poem ''Essilatul'' ("The Exile"), written from Magheru's perspective; it concluded with the lines:

Nationalist campaigner and Craiova mayor

Chițu practiced law in Craiova and from 1857 to 1860 edited ''Vocea Oltului'' gazette, which he founded upon his return from Austria. "One of the oldest political newspapers to appear in Craiova", it became a mouthpiece for the National Party, advocating for the unification of Wallachia and Moldavia into a single Romanian state. Ahead of the legislative election in 1857, he published an editorial equating union with social progress, and identifying its opponents exclusively with "foreigners". Another article, published on 2 July, raised alarm about the irresponsibility of separatist campaigners.Nichifor & Nichifor, p. 187 During those months, Chițu organized the Craiova Election Committee as Oltenia's strongest liberal club, wherein he served alongside Quinezu and Barbu Bălcescu. On 26 April of that year, ''Vocea Oltului'' put out a unionist platform that was later followed by all of Oltenia's liberal sections. Chițu had an additional involvement in the January 1859 election, which resulted in Alexandru Ioan Cuza's recognition as ''Domnitor'' of both countries. In February 1860, ''Vocea Oltului'' welcomed the victor as "a man respected, adored, venerated by all of Romania and Moldavia".

Historian Nicolae Iorga suggests that ''Vocea Oltului'' was the first glimpse of a "literary movement" in Craiova—but also that its cultural efforts were eventually lost to "politicking". Entering the magistracy under the resulting United Principalities, in 1862 Chițu himself became president of the Dolj County tribunal and a prosecutor at the Craiova appeals court. He resigned in 1867 in order to resume work as a lawyer, presiding as dean of the city's bar association from 1864 to 1876. A widower from his first marriage to a woman named Ioana (also known as Anica),Vintilă, p. 433 Chițu wed Alecsandrina "Luța" Sefendache (or Ștefandache) on 28 August 1858. This made him the posthumous son-in-law of ''Pitar'' Ioan Sefendache, from whom he inherited half of Vânjuleț estate. From this marriage, the young lawyer had a son, Alexandru—born in August 1861, and a daughter, Elena—born in July 1863; the couple's two other sons, Emilian and Horațiu, both died as toddlers (in 1866 and 1871, respectively).

Still an affiliate of the liberal clubs (the "Reds"), Chițu debuted in politics as the mayor of Craiova in 1863—the first ever mayor to be elected by Wallachian citizens under the law on urban communes. He was reconfirmed in 1865, and served until 1866, when he was replaced by N. C. Otetelișanu. In this position, he organized the first-ever election of a '' kehilla'' for the Sephardi Jews of Craiova ''(see History of the Jews in Romania''), which was won by Haschiel Cohen. His tenure also came with the inauguration of a modern fire department, replacing the older rattle watch (''roată'') in October 1865. In parallel, Chițu was also pitted against ''Domnitor'' Cuza's cherished policy of confiscating monastery land. As mayor, and subsequently as lawyer, he defended the estate of Madona Dudu Church, eventually winning the case with a favorable verdict at the Court of Cassation. He took no retainer for this case, noting that Madona Dudu had a mission to help the needy; his friends circulated a story according to which Chițu had refused payment for his services in obtaining reparations for a destitute widow and her son.

Chițu also returned to cultural activities—as a member of the Dolj Council, he contributed to the establishment of the People's School of Arts and Crafts in Craiova (opened in 1870). Meanwhile, in early 1865, he and Anastase Stolojan were giving public lectures in Craiova; his essays on ethnography and the Romanian lexis (specifically Latin etymology and the Christian vocabulary) appeared in Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu's review, ''Columna luĭ Traianŭ''. Between 1867 and 1888, Chițu was elected to multiple terms as Deputy and Senator, representing Craiova. His first contributions there included a critique of excessive Westernization, which took as its starting point the observation that the Principalities' government newspaper, ''Monitorul Oficial'', still ran an edition in French. In his interpellations, Chițu expressed his consternation that Romanians felt a need to report to the West on their country's inner workings. During the race of March 1869, which resulted in an electoral sweep for the conservatives (or "Whites"), Chițu had the distinction of being one of only ten "Reds" to win seats—and one of three liberals representing Dolj's 3rd College.

During his mandate, Chițu came to espouse the most optimistic version of Romanian nationalism, which discussed the possibility of forming a "Greater Romania" by somehow joining the Principalities with Transylvania—and with other Romanian-inhabited regions of Austria-Hungary. In December 1868, he supported the allocation of state funds for the explicitly nationalist press, noting that the "Romanian renaissance" was already seen as a threat in foreign circles; he voted in favor of organizing the Romanian Land Forces, noting that they would one day serve to liberate "our Romanian brethren."Virgil Joița, "1918–1985. Voință a întregului popor", in '' Ramuri'', Issue 12/1985, p. 3 Chițu also joined his voice to the multiparty group espousing economic antisemitism. Describing the "Jewish blight" as less prevalent in his native Oltenia, he criticized his more radical colleagues who proposed a new wave of discriminatory laws; he argued instead that decentralization was the solution, since it allowed mayors to block the settlement of any Jewish "vagabond" coming within range of their power.

1870 conspiracy

In February 1870, Chițu followed C. A. Rosetti and Anton Arion's lead in resigning from the Assembly of Deputies; seven other deputies followed suit. Theirs was a protest against the new ''Domnitor'', Carol of Hohenzollern, who had disregarded parliamentary consensus in appointing Alexandru G. Golescu as Prime Minister. In confronting the "White" deputy Vasile Boerescu, who had called the walk-out a performative comedy, Chițu responded: "Mr Borescu has acted in both the comedy and the drama, and one is afraid a tragedy is to follow". According to political scientist Silvia Marton, during the election of May 1870 Chițu rallied with the Free and Independent Faction, and was arguing in favor of parliamentary sovereignty. Chițu had also joined the Romanian Freemasonry, in obedience to the Grand Orient de France ( Memphis Rite). On 29 May 1870, he was a Worshipul Master of ''Unirea'' Lodge in Craiova, which had been created earlier that year.

As part of the "Red" liberal caucus during that legislature, Chițu tried to resist the Germanophile policies favored by Carol. Unlike other deputies, he refused to specifically endorse the Second French Empire in the ongoing Franco-Prussian War, prioritizing the national interest, which called for an explicit neutrality. However, in June 1870, he began agitating for Romania to exit its "passive and humiliated state", to emerge as a "unified, strong and great" country. During August, he reportedly joined Carada, Stolojan and Ion Theodorian in conspiring against Carol's regime by establishing a new revolutionary cell in Craiova. Carada postponed the action in agreement with other "Red" militants; the plan was foiled when the liberals of Ploiești, led by Alexandru Candiano-Popescu, failed to receive their stand-down orders and rebelled, leading to what is derisively known as the "Republic of Ploiești". Carada's wife Sultana unwittingly confirmed Chițu's role in the affair, by noting that Candiano had inquired about his fate during the months of repression. Romanian Police received mandates to search Chițu and Stolojan's homes, reportedly finding "letters and compromising encouragements heyhad received from Rosetti."

An independent liberal deputy by January 1871, Chițu presented a motion to honor the Italian unification. His speech alluded to the French Third Republic as Romania's "more glorious sister"—read by Marton as an echo of liberal-and-Factionalist Pan-Latinism, as well as an attempt to rekindle solidarity after France's defeat. From September of that same year, he and Theodorian ran a Craiova printing press where they also put out a literary newspaper called ''Oltenia''. Also a book editor, Chițu signed a contract with Constantin D. Aricescu for his monograph on the Wallachian uprising of 1821. Unusually, it stipulated that Aricescu would have to provide a posthumous portrait of the rebel leader, Tudor Vladimirescu, to be completed by Nicolae Grigorescu—"the only one competent enough to give form to this idea", according to Chițu.Lidia Brânceanu, "Tudor Vladimirescu – istoria unui celebru portret", in ''Magazin Istoric'', February 1987, p. 26 In that context, the editor mentioned his admiration for Vladimirescu, a "libertarian martyr who had sacrificed himself for national rights and for the betterment of working classes". Chițu finally took personal charge of this project, but failed in his bid to sign up Grigorescu; the task fell on another painter, Theodor Aman, "with whom hițuhad a long-standing friendship." Aman's work is arguably the best known among Vladimirescu's depictions. In 1874, Gheorghe and Petre Chițu, together with Aman, established the Craiova Association (''Asociațiunea craioveană''), a cultural club; it only existed to 1875.

Chițu was among the founders of the National Liberal Party (PNL), signing its new platform in May 1875. By then, he had again resigned his position in the Assembly, at the same time as Candiano, Ion C. Brătianu, George D. Vernescu, Mihail Kogălniceanu, and six other opposition deputies. The walk-out was meant to weaken support for the Lascăr Catargiu government, which had just signed a commercial pact with Austria-Hungary that they viewed as an act of economic submission. As reported by the more left-wing Candiano, in the early 1870s he was integrated within an Oltenian political machine run by Colonel Ion Logadi, which had split the liberal caucus. During the electoral campaign of 1875, Logadi attacked Stolojan but protected Chițu. According to Candiano, the latter was a fine orator, "but spineless"; both Chițu and Stolojan "lacked moral authority in the city, as well as civic courage."

Education Minister

Overall, the electoral tactic proved a success, and Catargiu was recalled in a PNL-and-Factionalist sweep. Chițu was sent to the Assembly by Dolj's 2nd College, taking 119 of 168 possible votes. His first cabinet post was as Religious Affairs and Education Minister—appointed on 27 April 1876, under the premiership of a former "White" leader, Manolache Costache Epureanu, he was reconfirmed on 24 July 1876. From that date on, he served under Prime Minister Brătianu (becoming known as Brătianu's "devotee", "right-hand man", and "inseparable companion") to 31 October 1878. His tenure was noted for introducing teachers' rankings and standardizing teachers' examinations—the latter through a law that was finally adopted in 1879. In addition to consolidating the network for vocational education and sponsoring village libraries, Chițu mandated Ortansa Morțun to set up government-sponsored laboratory schools for girls, which were to be spread across Romania. The Commercial School in Craiova, now named in Chițu's honor, was established "only through his persistent efforts". It opened in October 1877, initially with a single class of 14 students;Ștefan Tunsoiu, "Aniversări. Centenarul învățămîntului comercial craiovean", in '' Ramuri'', Issue 12/1977, p. 14 Chițu himself taught commercial law there from 1878 to 1891. For a while, he also taught law at the University of Bucharest.

Chițu's interventions in inspecting the teaching staff resulted in the sacking of a librarian, Mihai Eminescu, who was also a major poet and a member of the anti-liberal club ''Junimea''—whose leader was Ioan Maiorescu's son, the Oltenian Titu Maiorescu. The dismissal is traditionally seen as a sample of liberal intrigues. Scholar Augustin Z. N. Pop writes that Chițu, "instigated" by Dimitrie Petrino, orchestrated Eminescu's downfall and "persistently asked" that the poet be prosecuted. Eminescu's brother, Matei Eminovici, circulated the claim that Mihai had been sidelined by Chițu for his and his family's conservative views. He also attributed blame to another one of Eminescu's rivals, the disgraced academic Andrei Vizanti. In his own overview of the affair, scholar Grigore Moldovan noted: " etrinowas a sworn enemy of the poet, because of an unfavorable statement minescuhad made about him in a Romanian newspaper in Budapest. Vizanti used Petrino as a tool in this vengeful case, to destroy Eminescu and to undermine Maiorescu's political credibility and authority. ..Minister Chițu, trusting in the honesty of his subordinates, ordered a criminal investigation." As noted by researcher C. Popescu-Cadem, such allegations are inaccurate: Chițu was not in fact wrong to record irregularities in Eminescu's managerial activity, which he decided not to prosecute, and which Eminescu himself had acknowledged.

The ''Junimist'' critique of liberalism increasingly targeted Chițu: also in 1876, a couplet by Iacob Negruzzi was read at the ''Junimea'' banquet, nominating Chițu as a figure from the "old direction" in Romanian culture; in his own polemical articles of the period, Eminescu referred to the minister as ''Preaoțfinția sa'' ("His Most Exalted Thiefness"). The conflict also involved ''Junimist'' Ioan Slavici. His September 1877 article in ''Convorbiri Literare'' defined Chițu as the doyen of "educational radicalism". The group ridiculed the Chițu–Hasdeu relationship, which they regarded as clientelistic. According to Negruzzi, Hasdeu had several times tweaked historical records to emphasize Oltenian contributions "so that Chițu would acknowledge and help him." In tandem, Chițu had to deal with dissent in his own ranks: Kogălniceanu, who claimed to speak for the PNL, questioned Chițu's alleged dealings with the Free and Independent Faction, claiming that Factionalist professors were never investigated for their transgressions.

Continuing his work as a researcher, Chițu also tasked Hasdeu, whom he reintegrated at the University of Bucharest in June 1876, with organizing the teachers into research units that would collect sources regarding ancient Romanian legal customs; he personally ensured that the manuscript of Zilot Românul's chronicle was purchased by the Romanian state. He was less involved than his immediate predecessors in issues pertaining to archeology and museum education, primarily because he would not intervene in the conflict opposing Dimitrie Papazoglu and Cezar Bolliac, even as the former pressed him to fund a number of surveys in Oltenia. From around May 1877, Chițu followed more closely Grigore Tocilescu's research at Bumbești-Jiu, which would eventually result in the discovery of a Roman castrum.

This ministerial debut was tied to major historical developments which led to Romania's War of Independence (part of the larger Russo-Turkish War). Within this setting, Chițu openly endorsed national emancipation from the Ottoman Empire, which also meant collaboration with the Russian Empire; this set him apart from "neutralist" cabinet colleagues such as Dimitrie Sturdza and Nicolae Ionescu. He was however snubbed by the "interventionist" leader Rosetti, who called him an "insignificant" presence among the ministers. In mid 1878, Chițu became noted as a champion of Aromanian nationalism, responding to requests made by Apostol Mărgărit—who was serving as his surveyor of Aromanian Ottoman schools. When the European powers gathered at the Congress of Berlin, he submitted Mărgărit's plea for keeping Janina and Manastir Vilayets out of projects to expand the Kingdom of Greece; this signaled the start of Romanian interventions to make the Aromanians a protected class in the proposed Albanian Vilayet. In 1879, Chițu was one of 35 Romanian political figures co-opted as executives of the Macedo-Romanian Cultural Society, which campaigned for Aromanian emancipation under the suzerainty of Ottoman Sultans.

Also during those months, as Romania gained her full independence, ministers and legislators began assessing projects for administrative reform, framed in terms of decentralization. Chițu sided with those who proposed empowering urban or village councils, rather than mayors—and insisted that the former should elect the latter. Like the Factionalist Ion Codrescu, he proposed that Romanian communes be reassessed every five years to determine whether they qualified as urban as rural. Going back on his support for Russia, Chițu stood out for his speeches against the annexation of Northern Dobruja (which he reportedly viewed as a "nightmare"), received as compensation for Romania's loss of Southern Bessarabia. Though his stance on the matter was singular within the PNL as a whole, and closer to the conservative position, "White" circles were persuaded that Chițu, rather than defending the old Romanian borders, was trying to preserve Northern Dobruja for inclusion in a Greater Bulgaria. Finally accepting the region's annexation by Romania, Chițu was outspokenly against Kogălniceanu, who proposed that the region retain special laws, including those preventing Dobrujan natives from having an equal say in national elections.

Other assignments

Shortly after the consolidation of the Kingdom of Romania, Chițu, no longer in government, returned to his Assembly seat. He reportedly stood out in his generation for refusing to enrich himself in the Strousberg Affair, despite having access to potentially lucrative secrets of state. During late 1879, Chițu, Catargiu, Emil Costinescu, Dimitrie Gianni, Nicolae Fleva

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