Philip III of Portugal

Philip IV ( es, Felipe, pt, Filipe; 8 April 160517 September 1665), also called the Planet King (Spanish: ''Rey Planeta''), was King of Spain from 1621 to his death and (as Philip III) King of Portugal from 1621 to 1640. Philip is remembered for his patronage of the arts, including such artists as Diego Velázquez, and his rule over Spain during the Thirty Years' War.

By the time of his death, the Spanish Empire had reached approximately 12.2 million square kilometers (4.7 million square miles) in area but in other aspects was in decline, a process to which Philip contributed with his inability to achieve successful domestic and military reform.

Personal life

Philip IV was born in the Royal Palace of Valladolid, and was the eldest son of Philip III and his wife, Margaret of Austria. In 1615, at the age of 10, Philip was married to 13-year-old Elisabeth of France. Although the relationship does not appear to have been close, some have suggested that Olivares, his key minister, later deliberately tried to keep the two apart to maintain his influence, encouraging Philip to take mistresses instead, by whom he is known to have had at least 30 progeny.Stevenson, p. 12. Philip had ten children by Elisabeth, with only one being a son, Balthasar Charles, who died at the age of sixteen in 1646. The death of his son deeply shocked the king, who appears to have been a good father by the standards of the day. Elisabeth was able to conspire with other Spanish nobles to remove Olivares from the court in 1643, and for a brief period she held considerable influence over Philip; by the time of her death, however, she was out of favour, following manoeuvering by Olivares' successor and nephew, Luis de Haro.

At age of 44 in 1649, Philip remarried, following the deaths of both Elisabeth and his only son. His choice of his second wife, 14-year-old Maria Anna, also known as Mariana, Philip's niece and the daughter of Emperor Ferdinand III, was guided by politics and Philip's desire to strengthen the relationship with Habsburg Austria. They were married on 7 October 1649. Maria Anna bore him five children, but only two survived to adulthood, a daughter Margarita Teresa, born in 1651, and the future Charles II of Spain in 1661 – but the latter was sickly and considered in frequent danger of dying, making the line of inheritance potentially uncertain.Kamen, p. 217.

Perceptions of Philip's personality have altered considerably over time. Victorian authors were inclined to portray him as a weak individual, delegating excessively to his ministers, and ruling over a debauched Baroque court.Aercke, p. 140. Victorian historians even attributed the early death of Balthasar to debauchery, encouraged by the gentlemen entrusted by the king with his education. The doctors who treated the Prince at that time in fact diagnosed smallpox, although modern scholars attribute his death to appendicitis. Historians' estimation of Philip gradually improved in the 20th century, with comparisons between Philip and his father being increasingly positive – some noting that he possessed much more energy, both mental and physical, than his diffident father.Wedgwood, p. 144.

Philip was idealized by his contemporaries as the model of Baroque kingship. Outwardly he maintained a bearing of rigid solemnity; foreign visitors described him as being so impassive in public he resembled a statue, and he was said to have been seen to laugh only three times in the course of his entire public life. Philip certainly had a strong sense of his 'royal dignity',Elliot, ''Richelieu and Olivares'', p. 47. but was also extensively coached by Olivares in how to resemble the Baroque model of a sovereign, which would form a key political tool for Philip throughout his reign. Philip was a fine horseman, a keen hunter and a devotee of bull-fighting, all central parts of royal public life at court during the period.

Privately, Philip appears to have had a lighter persona. When he was younger, he was said to have a keen sense of humor and a 'great sense of fun'. He privately attended 'academies' in Madrid throughout his reign – these were lighthearted literary salons, aiming to analyze contemporary literature and poetry with a humorous touch. A keen theatre-goer, he was sometimes criticized by contemporaries for his love of these 'frivolous' entertainments. Others have captured his private personality as 'naturally kind, gentle and affable'.Stevenson, p. 7. Those close to him claimed he was academically competent, with a good grasp of Latin and geography, and could speak French, Portuguese and Italian well.Kamen, p. 213-214. Like many of his contemporaries, including Olivares, he had a keen interest in astrology. His handwritten translation of Francesco Guicciardini's texts on political history still exist.

Although interpretations of Philip's role in government have improved in recent years, Diego Velázquez's contemporary description of Philip's key weakness – that 'he mistrusts himself, and defers to others too much' — remains relevant. Although Philip's Catholic beliefs no longer attract criticism from English language writers, Philip is still felt to have been 'unduly pious' in his personal life. Notably, from the 1640s onwards he sought the advice and counsel of a noted cloistered abbess, Sor María de Ágreda, exchanging many letters with her.Hume, p. This did not stop Philip for becoming known for his numerous affairs, particularly with actresses, as encouraged by the Count-Duke Olivares. The most famous of these affairs was with the actress María Inés Calderón (La Calderona),Aercke, p. 160. with whom he had a son in 1629, Juan José, who was brought up as a royal prince. By the end of the reign, and with the health of Carlos José in doubt, there was a real possibility of Juan José's making a claim on the throne, which added to the instability of the regency years.

Philip, Olivares and his royal favourites

During the reign of Philip's father, Philip III, the royal court had been dominated by the Sandoval noble family, most strikingly by the Duke of Lerma, Philip III's principal favorite and chief minister for almost all of his reign. Philip IV came to power as the influence of the Sandovals was being undermined by a new noble coalition, led by Don Baltasar de Zúñiga. De Zúñiga regarded it as essential that the Sandovals be unable to gain an influence over the future king; de Zúñiga first began to develop his own influence over Prince Philip, and then introduced his nephew, Olivares, to the prince, ten years old at the time.Parker, ''Europe in Crisis'', p. 232. At first, Philip did not particularly take to Olivares.Elliot, ''The Revolt of the Catalans'', p. 194. Over the course of at least a year, however, the relationship became very close, with Philip's tendency towards underconfidence and diffidence counteracted by Olivares' drive and determination. Olivares rapidly became Philip's most trusted advisor, and when Philip ascended the throne in 1621, at the age of sixteen, he showed his confidence in Olivares by ordering that all papers requiring the royal signature should first be sent to the count-duke. Philip retained Olivares as his confidant and chief minister for the next twenty years.

Early in his reign, Philip would be woken by Olivares in the morning to discuss the day's affairs and would meet with him twice more during the day, although later this routine declined until the king would hold only one short meeting on policy with Olivares each day. Philip intervened far more in policies during 1641–42, however, and it has been suggested that Philip paid more attention to policymaking than has traditionally been depicted; some recent histories go so far as to describe him as 'conscientious' in policymaking, although he is still criticised for his failure to make timely decisions. Philip himself argued that it was hardly appropriate for the king himself to go house to house amongst his ministers to see if his instructions were being carried out. The close relationship between Philip and Olivares was demonstrated by their portraits' being placed side by side at the Buen Retiro palace — an act unheard-of in Europe at the time. Philip's relationship with Olivares, however, was not a simplistic one. The pair had many rows and arguments over the course of their relationship, both as a result of their different personalities and differences of opinion over policies.

Initially, Philip chose to confirm the reappointment of his father's household to assuage grandee opinion. Under the influence of de Zúñiga and Olivares, however, Philip was then quick to place de Lerma's estates – expanded considerably during his long period as favourite – under administration, and to remove from office Cristóbal de Sandoval, Duke of Uceda, de Lerma's son, who had initially helped de Zúñiga remove his own father from office to advance his own position. Philip's initial announcements reflected an intent to reform the monarchy to the sober, moral position it had been under his grandfather, including selecting ministers whose grandfathers had served under Philip II.

Philip has in the past been considered to be 'unimaginative' in his politics, but recent histories have stressed the more radical elements of his first two decades in power. There was a febrile atmosphere in Spain in the early 17th century, with numerous ''arbitrista'' offering various advice on how to solve Spain's various ills; this advice could, and would, be given in person by those of the lower classes to the king on suitable occasions, provided it was presented with the aim of strengthening the crown. Those debates extended to the nature of the monarchy. It has been suggested that the writers of the period who best capture Philip's view of royal authority were Justus Lipsius and Giovanni Botero, who promoted religiously inspired, stoic self-sacrifice and a view of Habsburg family-led hegemony respectively. Whilst at one level conservative – harking back in foreign policy to the period of Phillip II, invoking traditional values at home – Philip's policies were also radical, rejecting the policy towards the rebellious Dutch that had held since 1609, entering into the Thirty Years' War, and introducing a system of ''junta'', or small committee, government across Spain in competition to the traditional system of royal councils.

Following Olivares' fall from power amidst the crisis of 1640–1643, the victim of failed policies and jealousy from the nobles excluded from power, Philip initially announced that he would rule alone, becoming in effect his own first minister. The ''junta'' system of government began to be dismantled in favor of the older council system. In due course, however, this personal rule reverted to rule through a royal favorite, initially Luis de Haro, a nephew of Olivares and a childhood playmate of Philip's, and the counter-reform of the committee system halted. De Haro has not been highly regarded by historians; the comment of one, that de Haro was the 'embodiment of mediocrity', is not atypical.Polisensky, p. 224. After de Haro's death in 1661, Olivares' son-in-law, the Duke of Medina de las Torres, became royal favourite in his place.Kamen, p. 228.

Foreign policy and the Thirty Years' War

Philip was to reign through the majority of the Thirty Years' War in Europe, a turbulent period of military history. In Philip III's final years, Baltasar de Zúñiga had convinced him to intervene militarily in Bohemia and the Electorate of the Palatinate on the side of Emperor Ferdinand II. Once Philip himself came to power, he was convinced by de Zúñiga, appointed his principal foreign minister, and Olivares that he should commit Spain to a more aggressive foreign policy in alliance with the Holy Roman Empire. This would lead Philip to renew hostilities with the Dutch in 1621 in an attempt to bring the provinces to the negotiating table with the aim of achieving a peace treaty favourable to Spanish global interests. Philip's government would pursue a 'Netherlands first' strategy throughout the war until 1643. Despite this shift in policy, Philip does not seem to have been particularly bellicose; early on he noted that having inherited such a large empire, war somewhere across his domains was an inevitable condition, and he appeared genuinely upset when he came to power and contemplated how much the people of Castile had paid 'in blood' to support the wars of his royal predecessors.

The 1620s were good years for Spanish foreign policy: the war with the Dutch went well, albeit at great expense, culminating in the retaking of the key city of Breda in 1624. By the end of the decade, however, Philip's government was faced with the question of whether to prioritise the war in Flanders or Spain's relationship with France during the War of the Mantuan Succession (1628–1631). Philip's advisors recommended prioritising the war in Flanders, taking action to safeguard the Spanish Road to the Netherlands but at the cost of antagonising Louis XIII. Strategically this was to prove a disaster. Despite fresh Spanish successes in the mid-1630s – in particular, the triumph of Philip's government in raising a fresh Spanish army, marching it into Germany to defeat the Swedish-led Protestant forces at the Battle of Nördlingen in 1634 – the increased tensions with France made war between the two Catholic states increasingly inevitable. Olivares advised Philip that the coming war with France would be all or nothing; Spain would win or fall by the result.

The Spanish-French war that ensued from 1635 onwards was not a foregone conclusion. Early Spanish successes threatened Paris, and even after the Spanish defeat at Rocroi, Spain remained a strong opponent. But from 1640 onwards, a period which saw large-scale revolts across Spanish territories in protest against the rising costs of the conflict, Spain was finding it difficult to sustain the war. Philip reacted to the increased French threat by finally abandoning his 'Netherlands first' strategy; resources for the Army of Flanders were savagely cut, and the fight against the French-supported rebels Catalonia took the first priority. Shortly after Rocroi, Philip – now having had to dismiss his favourite, Olivares – issued instructions to his ambassadors to seek a peace treaty. The Peace of Westphalia, delivered by Olivares' replacement Luis de Haro, resolved the long running Eighty Years' War in the Netherlands and the wars in Germany, but the conflict with France dragged on. Philip responded to the perceived weakness of France during the Fronde rebellions of 1648 by continuing the fight; he took personal responsibility for the decision to start a fresh, and ultimately successful, offensive against the French in Catalonia in 1651. True victory over France never emerged, however, and by 1658, after the loss of Dunkirk in 1659, and the marriage of Philip's daughter Maria Theresa to the young King Louis XIVIshikawa, p. 77. finally brought the war with France to a conclusion. The war against Portugal continued however, as Philip fruitlessly attempted to regain control over his lost kingdom.

Philip and the Spanish military

By the late 1620s, the Spanish army was no longer as dominant on the battlefield as it once had been. The feared ''tercio'' regiments, composed of well-disciplined pikemen, were increasingly appearing inflexible and outmoded in the face of the new Swedish and Dutch formations with a higher proportion of musketeers. Philip and Olivares attempted to address the perceived weaknesses of the army, which they concluded were primarily due to the ''falta de cabezas'', or a lack of leadership. In keeping with their wider agenda of renewing the concepts of duty, service and aristocratic tradition, the king agreed to efforts to introduce more grandees into the higher ranks of the military, working hard to overcome the reluctance of many to take up field appointments in the Netherlands and elsewhere.Parker, ''The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road'', p. 101-103.

The results were not entirely as hoped. The grandees dragooned into service in this way were disinclined to spend years learning the normal professional military skill set; they wished 'to start out as generals and soldiers on the same day', to quote one disgruntled career soldier. By the 1630s, the king was waiving the usual rules to enable promotion to higher ranks on a shorter timescale, and having to pay significantly inflated salaries to get grandees to take up even these appointments. The performance of these officers at battles such as Rocroi left much to be desired.

Philip was also notable for his interest in the Spanish navy. Shortly after taking power he began to increase the size of his fleets, rapidly doubling the size of the naval budget from the start of his reign, then tripling it. Philip is credited with a 'sensible, pragmatic approach' to provisioning and controlling it. He was prepared to involve himself in considerable details of naval policy; he was commenting on the detail of provisions for the ''armada'' in 1630, for example. The ''Junta de Armadas'' was the only ''junta'' committee to survive the fall of Olivares intact. Even after the disastrous Battle of the Downs, Philip remained closely interested in his navy, including ensuring ministerial attention. In 1646, de Haro was personally involved in supplying and equipping the Atlantic fleet from Cadiz. Throughout the period there was no 'weakening of the importance attached to naval forces' by the king, who argued that joint land and naval operations were essential. Some of his conclusions on naval policy were quite advanced: after the peace of 1648, Philip argued that the Dutch fleets off the Spanish peninsula were actually good for trade, despite concerns from his senior officials, since they provided protection against the English and French navies.

Domestic policy and the crisis of the monarchy

Philip had inherited a huge empire from his father, spanning the known world, but many of his most difficult challenges as king would stem from domestic problems in Spain itself. Spain in the early 17th century was a collection of possessions – the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Valencia and Portugal, the autonomous provinces of Catalonia and Andalusia, complete with the wider provinces of Naples, the Netherlands, Milan etc. – all loosely joined together through the institution of the Castile monarchy and the person of Philip IV. Each part had different taxation, privileges and military arrangements; in practice, the level of taxation in many of the more peripheral provinces was less than that in Castile, but the privileged position of the Castilian nobility at all senior levels of royal appointment was a contentious issue for the less favoured provinces. This loose system had successfully resisted reform and higher taxation before, ironically resulting in Spain's having had historically, up until the 1640s at least, fewer than the usual number of fiscal revolts for an early modern European state.

In the first years of his reign, heavily influenced by his royal favourite Olivares, Philip focused on efforts to reform the most chaotic aspects of this system. Frustrated by the notorious slowness of the system of royal councils, Philip supported Olivares' establishment of ''juntas'' – small committees designed to circumvent the more formal system and to enact policies quickly. Although successful, these ''juntas'' excluded many of the traditional grandees and caused resentment.Munck, p. 53. Olivares put forward the idea of a ''Unión de Armas'', or 'Union of Arms'. This would have involved establishing a force of 140,000 paid soldiers, supported by equitable taxes from across the Empire, and has been termed 'the most far-sighted proposal of any statesman of the age'; in practice, however, it met fierce opposition from the various regional assemblies and the plan was withdrawn. During the 1620s, again influenced by a desire to reform Spanish life for the better, Philip also passed considerable legislation with puritanical overtones. In 1623, he closed all the legal brothels in Spain, extended the dormant sumptuary laws on luxury goods and supported Papal efforts to regulate priests' sexual behaviour more tightly.

Philip had clear intentions to try to control the Spanish currency, which had become increasingly unstable during the reign of his father and grandfather, but in practice, inflation soared. Partly this was because in 1627 Olivares had attempted to deal with the problem of Philip's Genoese bankers – who had proved uncooperative in recent years – by declaring a state bankruptcy. With the Genoese debt now removed, Olivares hoped to turn to indigenous bankers for renewed funds. In practice, the plan was a disaster. The Spanish treasure fleet of 1628 was captured by the Dutch, and Spain's ability to borrow and transfer money across Europe declined sharply.

By the 1630s, Philip's domestic policies were being increasingly impacted by the financial pressures of the Thirty Years' War, and in particular the growing war with France. The costs of the war were huge, and whilst they had largely fallen upon Castile, the ability of the crown to raise more funds and men from this source was increasingly limited. Philip and his government were desperately trying to reduce the responsibilities of central government in response to the overstretch of the war, and various reform ideas that might have been pursued during the 1620s were rejected on this basis. Financial restraints and higher taxes were put in place, but Philip was increasingly selling off regalian and feudal rights, along with much of the royal estate to fund the conflict. It has been argued that the fiscal stringencies of the 1630s, combined with the strength and role of Olivares and the ''juntas'', effectively cut Philip off from the three traditional pillars of support for the monarchy: the grandees, the Church and the Council of Castile.Stradling, p. 20.

Crisis came in 1640. An attempt by Olivares to intervene in Catalonia to deal with the French invasion threat resulted in revolt. An alliance of Catalan rebels and French royal forces proved challenging to suppress, and in trying to mobilise Portuguese noble support for the war, Olivares triggered a second uprising. Lisbon's nobles expelled Philip, and gave the throne to the Braganzas, marking the end of sixty years of the Iberian Union and the beginning of the Portuguese Restoration War. The next year, the Duke of Medina Sidonia

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