Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin[a] (9 October [O.S. 27
September] 1888 – 15 March 1938) was a Russian Bolshevik
revolutionary, Soviet politician and prolific author on revolutionary
As a young man, he spent six years in exile, working closely with
Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. After the revolution of
February 1917, he returned to Moscow, where his
earned him a high rank in the party, and after the October Revolution,
he became editor of the party newspaper Pravda.
Bolshevik Party, Bukharin was initially a Left Communist,
but his gradual move from the left to the right from 1921, as a strong
supporter and defender of the
New Economic Policy
New Economic Policy (NEP), eventually
saw him lead the Right Opposition. By late 1924, this had positioned
Bukharin favourably as Joseph Stalin's chief ally, with Bukharin soon
elaborating Stalin's new theory and policy of
Socialism in One
Country. Together, Bukharin and
Stalin ousted Leon Trotsky, Grigory
Lev Kamenev from the party at the XVth Communist Party
Congress in December 1927. From 1926 to 1929, Bukharin enjoyed great
power as General Secretary of Comintern's executive committee.
However, Stalin’s decision to proceed with collectivisation drove
the two men apart, and Bukharin was expelled from the Politburo in
Great Purge began in 1936,
Stalin looked for any pretext to
liquidate his former allies and rivals for power, and some of
Bukharin's letters, conversations and tapped phone calls indicated
disloyalty. Arrested in February 1937, he was charged with conspiring
to overthrow the Soviet state and executed in March 1938, after a show
trial that alienated many Western communist sympathisers.
1 Before 1917
2 1917 to 1923
3 Power struggle
4 Fall from power
5 Great purge
6 Tightening noose
9 Political stature and achievements
10.1 Books and articles
11 See also
14 External links
Ivan Bukharin, father of Nikolai
Nikolai Bukharin was born on September 27 (October 9, new style), 1888
in Moscow. He was the second son of two schoolteachers, Ivan
Gavrilovich Bukharin and Liubov Ivanovna Bukharina. His childhood
is vividly recounted in his mostly autobiographic novel How It All
Bukharin's political life began at the age of sixteen with his
Ilya Ehrenburg when he participated in student
Moscow University related to the
Russian Revolution of
1905. He joined the
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party
Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1906,
becoming a member of the
Bolshevik faction. With Grigori Sokolnikov,
he convened the 1907 national youth conference in Moscow, which was
later considered the founding of Komsomol.
By age twenty, he was a member of the
Moscow Committee of the party.
The committee was heavily infiltrated by the
Tsarist secret police,
the Okhrana. As one of its leaders, Bukharin quickly became a person
of interest to them. During this time, he became closely associated
Valerian Obolensky and Vladimir Smirnov, and also met his future
first wife, Nadezhda Mikhailovna Lukina, his cousin and the sister of
Nikolai Lukin, who was also a member of the party. They married soon
after their exile, in 1911.
In 1911, after a brief imprisonment, Bukharin was exiled to Onega in
Arkhangelsk, but soon escaped to Hanover, where he stayed for a year
Kraków in 1912 to meet
Vladimir Lenin for the first
time. During the exile, he continued his education and wrote several
books that established him as a major
Bolshevik theorist in his 20's.
His work, Imperialism and World Economy influenced Lenin, who freely
borrowed from it in his larger and better known
work, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. Nevertheless, he
and Lenin often had hot disputes on theoretical issues and Bukharin's
closeness with the European Left and his anti-statist tendencies.
Bukharin developed an interest in the works of Austrian Marxists and
Marxist economic theorists, such as Aleksandr Bogdanov, who
Leninist positions. Also while in Vienna in 1913, he
helped the Georgian
Joseph Stalin write an article, Marxism
and the National Question, at Lenin's request.
In October 1916, while based in New York City, he edited the newspaper
Novy Mir (New World) with
Leon Trotsky and Alexandra Kollontai. When
Trotsky arrived in New York in January 1917, Bukharin was the first to
greet him (as Trotsky's wife recalled, "with a bear hug and
immediately began to tell them about a public library which stayed
open late at night and which he proposed to show us at once" dragging
the tired Trotskys across town "to admire his great discovery").
1917 to 1923
A representative front page of Pravda, 1917
At the news of the
Russian Revolution of February 1917, exiled
revolutionaries from around the world began to flock back to the
homeland. Trotsky left New York on March 27, 1917, sailing for St.
Petersburg. Bukharin left New York in early April and returned to
Russia by way of Japan, arriving in
Moscow in early May 1917.
Moscow remained a definite minority to
Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. However, as soldiers and
workers began to be attracted to the Lenin's promise to bring peace by
withdrawing from the war, membership in the Bolshevik
faction began to skyrocket—from 24,000 members in February 1917 to
200,000 members in October 1917. Upon his return to Moscow,
Bukharin resumed his seat on the
Moscow City Committee and also became
a member of the
Moscow Regional Bureau of the Party.
Delegates of the 2nd World Congress of the
Comintern in 1920
To complicate matters further, the
Bolsheviks themselves were divided
into a right wing and a left wing. The right wing of the Bolsheviks,
Aleksei Rykov and Viktor Nogin, controlled the Moscow
Committee, while the younger left-wing Bolsheviks, including Vladimir
Smirnov, Valerian Osinsky, Georgii Lomov, Nikolay Yakovlev, Ivan
Kizelshtein and Ivan Stukov, were members of the
Bureau. On October 10, 1917, Bukharin, along with two other Moscow
Andrei Bubnov and
Grigori Sokolnikov were elected to the
Central Committee. This strong representation on the Central
Committee was a direct recognition of the fact that the
had grown in importance. Whereas the
Bolsheviks had previously been a
Moscow behind the
Mensheviks and the Socialist
Revolutionaries, by September 1917 the
Bolsheviks were in the majority
in Moscow. Furthermore, the
Moscow Regional Bureau was formally
responsible for the party organizations in each of the thirteen (13)
central provinces around Moscow—which accounted for 37% of the whole
population of Russia and 20% of the
While no one dominated revolutionary politics in
Moscow during the
October Revolution, as Trotsky did in St. Petersburg, Bukharin
certainly was the most prominent leader in Moscow. During the
October Revolution, Bukharin drafted, introduced, and defended the
revolutionary decrees of the
Moscow Soviet. Bukharin then represented
Moscow Soviet in their report to the revolutionary government in
Petrograd. Following the October Revolution, Bukharin became the
editor of the party's newspaper, Pravda.
Bukharin believed passionately in the promise of world revolution. In
the Russian turmoil near the end of World War I, when a negotiated
peace with the
Central Powers was looming, he demanded a continuance
of the war, fully expecting to incite all the foreign proletarian
classes to arms. Even as he was uncompromising toward Russia's
battlefield enemies, he also rejected any fraternization with the
capitalist Allied powers: he reportedly wept when he learned of
official negotiations for assistance.
Kliment Voroshilov, Semyon Budyonny,
Mikhail Frunze and Nikolai
Bukharin in Novomoskovsk 1921 with the
1st Cavalry Army (Konarmia).
Bukharin emerged as the leader of the Left Communists in bitter
opposition to Lenin's decision to sign the Treaty of
Brest-Litovsk. In this wartime power struggle, he was
urged by some of his more fiery allies to have Lenin arrested. He
rejected this idea immediately, but the issue would later become the
basis of Stalinist charges against him, culminating in the show trial
of 1938.
After the ratification of the treaty, Bukharin resumed his
responsibilities within the party. In March 1919, he became a member
of the Comintern's executive committee and a candidate member of the
Politburo. During the Civil War period, he published several
theoretical economic works, including the popular primer The ABC of
Communism (with Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, 1919), and the more academic
Economics of the Transitional Period (1920) and Historical Materialism
By 1921, he changed his position and accepted Lenin's emphasis on the
survival and strengthening of the Soviet state as the bastion of the
future world revolution. He became the foremost supporter of the New
Economic Policy (NEP), to which he was to tie his political fortunes.
Considered by the Left Communists as a retreat from socialist
policies, the NEP reintroduced money, allowed private ownership and
capitalistic practices in agriculture, retail trade, and light
industry while the state retained control of heavy industry. While
some[who?] have criticized Bukharin for this apparent U-turn, his
change of emphasis can be partially explained by the necessity for
peace and stability following seven years of war in Russia, and the
failure of communist revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe, which
ended the prospect of worldwide revolution.
Grigory Zinoviev and
Claude McKay in 1923
After Lenin's death in 1924, Bukharin became a full member of the
Politburo. In the subsequent power struggle among Leon Trotsky,
Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev, and Stalin, Bukharin allied himself
with Stalin, who positioned himself as centrist of the Party and
supported the NEP against the Left Opposition, which wanted more rapid
industrialization, escalation of class struggle against the kulaks
(wealthier peasants), and agitation for world revolution. It was
Bukharin who formulated the thesis of "
Socialism in One Country" put
Stalin in 1924, which argued that socialism (in Marxist
theory, the transitional stage from capitalism to communism) could be
developed in a single country, even one as underdeveloped as Russia.
This new theory stated that revolution need no longer be encouraged in
the capitalist countries since Russia could and should achieve
socialism alone. The thesis would become a hallmark of Stalinism.
Trotsky, the prime force behind the Left Opposition, was defeated by a
triumvirate formed by Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev, with the support
of Bukharin. At the Fourteenth Party Congress in December 1925, Stalin
openly attacked Kamenev and Zinoviev, revealing that they had asked
for his aid in expelling Trotsky from the Party. By 1926, the
Stalin-Bukharin alliance ousted Zinoviev and Kamenev from the Party
leadership, and Bukharin enjoyed the highest degree of power during
the 1926–1928 period. He emerged as the leader of the Party's
right wing, which included two other Politburo members Alexei Rykov,
Lenin's successor as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars
and Mikhail Tomsky, head of trade unions, and he became General
Secretary of the Comintern's executive committee in 1926. However,
prompted by a grain shortage in 1928,
Stalin reversed himself and
proposed a program of rapid industrialization and forced
collectivization because he believed that the NEP was not working fast
Stalin felt that in the new situation the policies of his
former foes–Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev—were the right
Nikolai Bukharin on the Congress of educators, USSR 1925
Bukharin was worried by the prospect of Stalin's plan, which he feared
would lead to “military-feudal exploitation” of the peasantry.
Bukharin did want the
Soviet Union to achieve industrialization but he
preferred the more moderate approach of offering the peasants the
opportunity to become prosperous, which would lead to greater grain
production for sale abroad. Bukharin pressed his views throughout 1928
in meetings of the Politburo and at the Party Congress, insisting that
enforced grain requisition would be counterproductive, as War
Communism had been a decade earlier.
Fall from power
Nikolai Bukharin on the meeting of the workers and peasants news
Moscow Jun 1926
Bukharin's support of continuation of the NEP was not popular with
higher Party cadres, and his slogan to peasants, "Enrich yourselves!"
and proposal to achieve socialism "at snail's pace" left him
vulnerable to attacks first by Zinoviev and later by Stalin. Stalin
attacked Bukharin's views, portraying them as capitalist deviation and
declaring that the revolution would be at risk without a strong policy
that encouraged rapid industrialization.
Stalin achieve unchecked power against the Left
Opposition, Bukharin found himself easily outmaneuvered by Stalin. Yet
Bukharin played to Stalin's strength by maintaining the appearance of
unity within the Party leadership. Meanwhile,
Stalin used his control
of the Party machine to replace Bukharin's supporters in the Rightist
power base in Moscow, trade unions, and the Comintern.
Bukharin attempted to gain support from earlier foes including Kamenev
and Zinoviev who had fallen from power and held mid-level positions
within the Communist party. The details of his meeting with Kamenev,
to whom he confided that
Stalin was "Genghis Khan" and changed
policies to get rid of rivals, were leaked by the Trotskyist press and
subjected him to accusations of factionalism. Eventually, Bukharin
lost his position in the
Comintern and the editorship of
April 1929 and he was expelled from the Politburo on 17 November of
Bukharin was forced to renounce his views under pressure. He wrote
Stalin pleading for forgiveness and rehabilitation, but
through wiretaps of Bukharin's private conversations with Stalin's
Stalin knew Bukharin's repentance was insincere.
International supporters of Bukharin,
Jay Lovestone of the Communist
Party USA among them, were also expelled from the Comintern. They
formed an international alliance to promote their views, calling it
the International Communist Opposition, though it became better known
as the Right Opposition, after a term used by the Trotskyist Left
Opposition in the
Soviet Union to refer to Bukharin and his supporters
Stalin's collectivization policy proved to be as disastrous as
Bukharin predicted, but
Stalin had by then achieved unchallenged
authority in the party leadership. However, there were signs that
moderates among Stalin's supporters sought to end official terror and
bring a general change in policy, now that mass collectivization was
largely completed and the worst was over. Although Bukharin had not
Stalin since 1929, his former supporters, including
Martemyan Ryutin, drafted and clandestinely circulated an anti-Stalin
platform, which called
Stalin the "evil genius of the Russian
In the brief period of thaw in 1934–1936, Bukharin was politically
rehabilitated and was made editor of
Izvestia in 1934. There, he
consistently highlighted the dangers of fascist regimes in Europe and
the need for "proletarian humanism".
However, Sergey Kirov, First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional
Committee was assassinated in Leningrad in December 1934, and his
death was used by
Stalin as a pretext to launch the Great Purge, in
which about a million people were to perish as
Stalin eliminated all
past and potential opposition to his authority. Some historians
now believe that Kirov's assassination in 1934 was arranged by Stalin
himself or at least that there is sufficient evidence to plausibly
posit such a conclusion. After Kirov's assassination, the NKVD
charged an ever-growing group of former oppositionists with Kirov's
murder and other acts of treason, terrorism, sabotage, and
In February 1936, shortly before the purge started in earnest,
Bukharin was sent to Paris by
Stalin to negotiate the purchase of the
Marx and Engels archives, held by the German Social Democratic Party
(SPD) before its dissolution by Hitler. He was joined by his young
wife Anna Larina, which therefore opened the possibility of exile, but
he decided against it, saying that he could not live outside the
Bukharin, who had been forced to follow the Party line since 1929,
confided to his old friends and former opponents his real view of
Stalin and his policy. His conversations with Boris Nicolaevsky, a
Menshevik leader who held the manuscripts on behalf of the SPD, formed
the basis of "Letter of an Old Bolshevik", which was very influential
in contemporary understanding of the period (especially the Ryutin
Affair and the Kirov murder) although there are doubts about its
According to Nicolaevsky, Bukharin spoke of "the mass annihilation of
completely defenseless men, with women and children" under forced
collectivization and liquidation of kulaks as a class that dehumanized
the Party members with "the profound psychological change in those
communists who took part in the campaign. Instead of going mad, they
accepted terror as a normal administrative method and regarded
obedience to all orders from above as a supreme virtue. ... They are
no longer human beings. They have truly become the cogs in a terrible
Yet to another
Menshevik leader, Fyodor Dan, he confided that Stalin
became "the man to whom the Party granted its confidence" and "is a
sort of a symbol of the Party" even though he "is not a man, but a
devil." In Dan's account, Bukharin's acceptance of the Soviet
Union's new direction was thus a result of his utter commitment to
To André Malraux, he also confided, "Now he is going to kill me". To
his boyhood friend, Ilya Ehrenburg, he expressed the suspicion that
the whole trip was a trap set up by Stalin. Indeed, his contacts with
Mensheviks during this trip were to feature prominently in his trial.
Following the trial and execution of Zinoviev, Kamenev, and other
Bolsheviks in 1936, Bukharin and Rykov were arrested on 27
February 1937 following a plenum of the Central Committee and were
charged with conspiring to overthrow the Soviet state.
Bukharin was tried in the Trial of the Twenty One on 2–13 March 1938
during the Great Purges, along with ex-premier Alexei Rykov, Christian
Rakovsky, Nikolai Krestinsky, Genrikh Yagoda, and 16 other defendants
alleged to belong to the so-called "Bloc of Rightists and
Trotskyites". In a trial meant to be the culmination of previous show
trials, it was now alleged that Bukharin and others sought to
assassinate Lenin and
Stalin from 1918, murder
Maxim Gorky by poison,
Soviet Union and hand out her territories to Germany,
Japan, and Great Britain.
Even more than earlier
Moscow show trials, Bukharin's trial horrified
many previously sympathetic observers as they watched allegations
become more absurd than ever and the purge expand to include almost
every living Old
Bolshevik leader except Stalin. For some prominent
communists such as Bertram Wolfe, Jay Lovestone, Arthur Koestler, and
Heinrich Brandler, the Bukharin trial marked their final break with
communism and even turned the first three into passionate
Anastas Mikoyan and
Vyacheslav Molotov later claimed that
Bukharin was never tortured and his letters from prison do not give
the suggestion that he was tortured, it is also known that his
interrogators were instructed with the order: "beating permitted".
Bukharin held out for three months, but threats to his young wife and
infant son, combined with "methods of physical influence" wore him
down. But when he read his confession amended and corrected
personally by Stalin, he withdrew his whole confession. The
examination started all over again, with a double team of
Bukharin's confession and his motivation became subject of much debate
among Western observers, inspiring Koestler's acclaimed novel Darkness
at Noon and a philosophical essay by
Maurice Merleau-Ponty in Humanism
and Terror. His confessions were somewhat different from others in
that while he pleaded guilty to the "sum total of crimes," he denied
knowledge when it came to specific crimes. Some astute observers noted
that he would allow only what was in the written confession and refuse
to go any further.
There are several interpretations of Bukharin's motivations (beside
being coerced) in the trial. Koestler and others viewed it as a true
believer's last service to the Party (while preserving the little
amount of personal honor left) whereas Bukharin biographer Stephen
Cohen and Robert Tucker saw traces of Aesopian language, with which
Bukharin sought to turn the table into an anti-trial of Stalinism
(while keeping his part of the bargain to save his family). While his
Stalin – he wrote 34 very emotional and desperate letters
tearfully protesting his innocence and professing his loyalty –
suggest a complete capitulation and acceptance of his role in the
trial, it contrasts with his actual conduct in the trial. Bukharin
himself speaks of his "peculiar duality of mind" in his last plea,
which led to "semi-paralysis of the will" and Hegelian "unhappy
consciousness", which likely stemmed not only from his knowledge of
the ruinous reality of
Stalinism (although he could not of course say
so in the trial) but also of the impending threat of fascism.
The result was a curious mix of fulsome confessions (of being a
"degenerate fascist" working for the "restoration of capitalism") and
subtle criticisms of the trial. After disproving several charges
against him (one observer noted that he "proceeded to demolish or
rather showed he could very easily demolish the whole case.") and
saying that "the confession of the accused is not essential. The
confession of the accused is a medieval principle of jurisprudence" in
a trial that was solely based on confessions, he finished his last
plea with the words:
"the monstrousness of my crime is immeasurable especially in the new
stage of struggle of the U.S.S.R. May this trial be the last severe
lesson, and may the great might of the U.S.S.R. become clear to
While in prison, he wrote at least four book-length manuscripts
including a lyrical autobiographical novel, How It All Began,
philosophical treatise Philosophical Arabesques, a collection of
Socialism and Its Culture – all of which were found in
Stalin's archive and published in the 1990s.
Among other intercessors, the French author and
Nobel laureate Romain
Rolland wrote to
Stalin seeking clemency, arguing that "an intellect
like that of Bukharin is a treasure for his country." He compared
Bukharin's situation to that of the great chemist Antoine Lavoisier
who was guillotined during the French Revolution: "We in France, the
most ardent revolutionaries... still profoundly grieve and regret what
we did. ... I beg you to show clemency."  He had earlier written
Stalin in 1937, "For the sake of Gorky I am asking you for mercy,
even if he may be guilty of something," to which
Stalin noted: "We
must not respond." Bukharin was shot on 15 March 1938, but the
announcement of his death was overshadowed by the Nazi
According to Zhores and Roy Medvedev in The Unknown
Bukharin's last message to
Stalin stated "Koba, why do you need me to
die?", which was written in a note to
Stalin just before his
execution. "Koba" was Stalin's nom de guerre, and Bukharin's use of it
was a sign of how close the two had once been. The note was allegedly
found still in Stalin's desk after his death in 1953. This
anecdote has been disputed due to inconsistencies in its reporting
from various sources, however, particularly by professor Grover
Despite the promise to spare his family, Bukharin's wife, Anna Larina,
was sent to a labor camp, but she survived to see her husband
officially rehabilitated by the Soviet state under Mikhail Gorbachev
Political stature and achievements
Bukharin was immensely popular within the party throughout the
twenties and thirties, even after his fall from power. In his
testament, Lenin portrayed him as the Golden Boy of the party,
Speaking of the young C.C. members, I wish to say a few words about
Bukharin and Pyatakov. They are, in my opinion, the most outstanding
figures (among the youngest ones), and the following must be borne in
mind about them: Bukharin is not only a most valuable and major
theorist of the Party; he is also rightly considered the favourite of
the whole Party, but his theoretical views can be classified as fully
Marxist only with great reserve, for there is something scholastic
about him (he has never made a study of the dialectics, and, I think,
never fully understood it) ... Both of these remarks, of course, are
made only for the present, on the assumption that both these
outstanding and devoted Party workers fail to find an occasion to
enhance their knowledge and amend their one-sidedness.
Bukharin made several notable contributions to Marxist–Leninist
thought, most notably The Economics of the Transition Period (1920)
and his prison writings, Philosophical Arabesques, (which clearly
reveal Bukharin had corrected the 'one-sidedness' of his
thought[how?]), as well as being a founding member of the Soviet
Academy of Arts and Sciences, and a keen botanist. His primary
contributions to economics were his critique of marginal utility
theory, his analysis of imperialism, and his writings on the
transition to communism in the Soviet Union.
His ideas, especially in economics and the question of
market-socialism, later became highly influential in Chinese
market-socialism and Deng Xiaoping's reforms.
Martin Amis argues that Bukharin was perhaps the only
Bolshevik to acknowledge "moral hesitation" by questioning, even
in passing, the violence and sweeping reforms of the early Soviet
Union. Amis writes that Bukharin said "during the Civil War he had
seen 'things that I would not want even my enemies to see'."
Books and articles
1915: Toward a Theory of the Imperialist State
1917: Imperialism and World Economy
Russian Revolution and Its Significance
1918: Anarchy and Scientific Communism
1918: Programme of the World Revolution
1919: Church and School in the Soviet Republic
1919: The Red Army and the Counter Revolution
1919: Soviets or Parliament
The ABC of Communism with Evgenii Preobrazhensky
1920: On Parliamentarism
1920: The Secret of the League (part I)
1920: The Secret of the League (part II)
1920: The Organisation of the Army and the Structure of Society
1920: Common Work for the Common Pot
1921: The Era of Great Works
New Economic Policy
New Economic Policy Of Soviet Russia
1921: Historical Materialism—a system of Sociology
1922: Economic Organization in Soviet Russia
1923: A Great Marxian Party
1923: The Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party
1924: Imperialism and the Accumulation of Capital
1924: The Theory of Permanent Revolution
1926: Building Up Socialism
1926: The Tasks of the Russian Communist Party
1927: Economic Theory of the Leisure Class
1927: The World Revolution and the U.S.S.R.
1928: New Forms of the World Crisis
1929: Notes of an Economist
1930: Finance Capital in Papal Robes. A Challenge!
1931: Theory and Practice from the Standpoint of Dialectical
1933: Marx's Teaching and its Historical Importance
1934: Poetry, Poetics and the Problems of Poetry in the U.S.S.R.
Nikolai Bukharin was a cartoonist who left many cartoons of
contemporary Soviet politicians. The renowned artist Konstantin Yuon
once told him: "Forget about politics. There is no future in politics
for you. Painting is your real calling." His cartoons are
sometimes used to illustrate biographies of Soviet officials. Russian
historian Yury Zhukov stated that Nikolai Bukarin's portraits of
Joseph Stalin were the only ones drawn from the original, not from a
Communist Party of the Soviet Union
^ Russian: Никола́й Ива́нович Буха́рин
^ a b Cohen 1980, p. 6.
^ Lenin wrote a preface to the book of Bukharin Imperialism and the
World Economy (Lenin Collected Works, Moscow, Volume 22, pages
^ a b Cohen 1980, p. 44.
^ Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Armed: Trotsky 1879–1921 (Vintage
Books: New York, 1965) p. 246.
^ Cohen 1980, p. 46.
^ Cohen 1980, p. 49.
^ a b Cohen 1980, p. 50.
^ Leonard Shapiro, The Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (Vintage
Books: New York, 1971) pp. 175 and 647.
^ Cohen 1980, p. 51.
^ Cohen 1980, p. 53.
^ Cohen 1980, pp. 43–44.
^ a b Ulam, Adam Bruno (1998). The Bolsheviks: The Intellectual and
Political History of the Triumph of Communism in Russia. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press. pp. 410–412.
ISBN 0-674-07830-6. Retrieved 2011-01-26.
^ Stephen F. Cohen, Bukharin and the
Bolshevik Revolution: A Political
Biography, 1888-1938 (1980)
^ RUSSIA: Humble Pie, TIME Magazine, October 25, 1926
^ Cohen 1980, p. 216.
^ Coehn, 1980
^ Paul R. Gregory, Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's Kremlin: The
Nikolai Bukharin and
Anna Larina (2010) ch 3-6
^ Paul R. Gregory, Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's Kremlin: The
Nikolai Bukharin and
Anna Larina (2010) ch 17
^ Robert Service. Stalin: A Biography (2005) p 260.
^ Nikolaevsky, Boris, The Kirov Assassination, The New Leader, 23
^ Conquest, Robert.
Stalin and the Kirov Murder. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989, pp. 122–138, ISBN 0-19-505579-9.
^ A. Yakovlev, "O dekabr'skoi tragedii 1934", Pravda, 28 January 1991,
p. 3, cited in J. Arch Getty, "The Politics of Repression Revisited",
in ed., J. Arch Getty and Roberta T. Manning, Stalinist Terror: New
Perspectives, New York, 1993, p. 46.
^ Nicolaevsky, Boris. Power and the Soviet Elite, New York, 1965, pp.
^ Radzinsky, Edward (1997). Stalin. New York: Random House.
p. 358. ISBN 0-385-47954-9. Retrieved 2011-01-28.
^ Bertram David Wolfe, "Breaking with communism", p. 10; Arthur
Koestler, Darkness of Noon, p. 258.
^ Orlando Figes, Revolutionary Russia, 1891-1991, Pelican Books, 2014,
^ Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, pp. 364–65.
^ Helen Rappaport, Joseph Stalin: A Biographical Companion (1999) p
^ Stephen J. Lee,
Stalin and the
Soviet Union (2005) p. 33
^ Report by Viscount Chilston (British ambassador) to Viscount
Halifax, No.141, Moscow, 21 March 1938.
^ Robert Tucker, "Report of Court Proceedings in the Case of the
Anti-Soviet "Block of Rights and Trotskyites", pp. 667–68.
^ Radzinsky, p. 384.
^ РЕПРЕССИИ ЧЛЕНОВ АКАДЕМИИ НАУК
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Coates, Ken (2010). Who Was This Bukharin?. Nottingham: Spokesman.
Cohen, Stephen F. (1980). Bukharin and the
Bolshevik Revolution: A
Political Biography, 1888–1938. Oxford University Press.
Gregory, Paul R. (2010). Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's
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Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 978-0-8179-1034-1.
Kotkin, Stephen (2014). Stalin: Volume 1: The Paradoxes of Power,
Service, Robert (2004). Stalin: A Biography.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Nikolai Bukharin
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Nikolai Bukharin.
Nikolai Bukharin archive at marxists.org
Bukharin's death-cell letter to Stalin
How it all began, Bukharin's last letter to his wife
A site dedicated to Bukharin
Bolshevik Love Story, Mises Institute
February–March Plenum discussions transcript (in Russian) on which
Bukharin was finally defeated, humiliated and expelled from Party
Some of Bukharin's famous cartoons
ISNI: 0000 0001 1703 4790
BNF: cb12592126m (data)