EDWARD MICHAEL "ED" STELMACH (/ˈstɛlmæk/ ; born May 11, 1951) is a
Canadian politician and served as the 13th
Premier of Alberta
In the 1993 provincial election , Stelmach was elected as the Member
of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for
Vegreville-Viking (later Fort
Saskatchewan-Vegreville ). A Progressive Conservative , he served in
the cabinets of
Stelmach's premiership was heavily focused on management of the
province's oil reserves, especially those of the
Athabasca Oil Sands
Stelmach was succeeded as Premier by Alison Redford on October 7, 2011.
* 1 Background * 2 MLA and minister
* 3 2006 leadership election
* 3.1 Financing
* 4 Premier
* 4.1 2008 election
* 4.2 Energy and environmental policy
* 4.3 Energy and Utilities Board affair and land use policy
* 4.4 Fiscal policy
* 4.5 Teachers pension liability
* 4.6 Pay increases
* 4.7 Health policy
* 4.8 Human Rights, Citizenship, and Multiculturalism Act
* 4.9 Democratic reform
* 4.10 Relationship with
* 5 Electoral record
* 5.1 As party leader * 5.2 As MLA * 5.3 Party leadership contests
* 6 References * 7 External links
Edward Michael Stelmach was born on a farm near
Lamont, Alberta , the
grandson of immigrants from Zavyche,
As a teenager, he met Marie Warshawski at the wedding of a mutual friend. They married in 1973, and have three sons and a daughter.
Stelmach entered politics in 1986 with his election to the council of Lamont County; one year later, he was appointed county reeve , a position he held until his entry into provincial politics in 1993.
MLA AND MINISTER
Stelmach ran for the
Legislative Assembly of Alberta
After the 1997 provincial election , Klein appointed Stelmach Minister of Agriculture, Food, and Rural development. While he held this office, his department encouraged the establishment of feedlots . The opposition parties charged that the government was not regulating these sufficiently, but Stelmach responded that municipalities had the authority necessary to effectively regulate them. On the Canadian Wheat Board controversy, Stelmach sided with farmers who wanted an end to the federal body's monopoly on grain sales in the western provinces. Legislatively, Stelmach sponsored five bills while in the Agriculture, Food, and Rural Development portfolio, all of which passed through the legislature. 1997's Meat Inspection Amendment Act required meat inspectors to acquire a search warrant before entering a private dwelling, but also allowed for fines to be voluntarily paid without requiring a court case. It was called by Liberal agriculture critic Ken Nicol "a really good bill". The Livestock and Livestock Products Amendment Act of the same year eliminated government guarantee of the Livestock Patrons' Assurance Fund, designed to protect cattle producers from payment defaults by livestock dealers, in favour of leaving the Fund entirely in the hands of the industry. It too was supported by the Liberals, with Nicol calling it "very easy for us to accept". In 1998, Stelmach sponsored the Agriculture Statutes (Penalties) Amendment Act, which overhauled the penalty system for violation of various agricultural statutes, setting maximum fines and leaving the precise amount up to judges on a case by case basis. It also passed with Liberal support, as MLA Ed Gibbons said that it "really makes a lot of sense". Another 1998 bill was the Marketing of Agricultural Products Amendment Act, which allowed provincial agricultural marketing boards to revise their marketing plans, and was supported by the opposition. Finally, Stelmach initiated the Agriculture Statutes (Livestock Identification) Amendment Act, which allowed the government to delegate the inspection of branding to the cattle industry. The bill was the subject of considerable debate on second reading , but was ultimately supported by the Liberals on the third and final reading.
In 1999, Klein shifted Stelmach to the new Infrastructure portfolio,
where he made traffic safety a priority, increasing fines for traffic
offenses, sometimes by as much as 700%. He also briefly aroused
controversy by proposing reversing the slow and fast lanes on
provincial highways, on the grounds that this would equalize the rate
at which the lanes broke down and therefore save on maintenance costs;
nothing came of the proposal. He established a fund for capital
projects, but was criticized for not doing enough to address the
deterioration of the province's infrastructure. In 2001, Klein
separated Transportation out of the Infrastructure portfolio and
appointed Stelmach to it, where the new minister advocated the use of
public-private partnerships to build ring roads around
As minister, Stelmach kept a low profile. Mark Lisac, who was the
2006 LEADERSHIP ELECTION
Main article: Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta leadership election, 2006
Stelmach was the first candidate to declare his intention to run for the P.C. leadership, and picked up endorsements from nineteen members of his caucus (including cabinet ministers Pearl Calahasen and Iris Evans ). However, former provincial Treasurer Jim Dinning had twice as many caucus endorsements (despite not having held elected office since 1997) and was generally considered the race's front-runner. Stelmach ran a low-profile campaign, touring the province in a custom-painted campaign bus , while most media attention was focussed on the rivalry between Dinning and the socially conservative Ted Morton .
According to the race's rules, the three candidates receiving the
most votes on the first ballot would move on to a second ballot, which
would use a preferential voting system to select a winner. Stelmach
finished third on the first ballot with 15.3% of the vote, 3,329 votes
ahead of fourth place
Lyle Oberg and 10,647 votes behind second place
Morton. However, the fourth, fifth, and sixth place candidates (Oberg,
Stelmach raised more than $1.1 million for his leadership campaign. After his victory, he revealed the names of the donors of 85% of this money, but declined to release the names of eighty supporters, citing their requests for privacy. These supporters had donated a total of more than $160,000. Party rules did not require any disclosure, and the disclosures by candidates varied—Norris named all of his donors, while Morton did not reveal any. Stelmach's partial disclosure was deemed insufficient by opposition leaders and Democracy Watch , whose head suggested that Albertans should assume that Stelmach's anonymous donors placed him in a conflict of interest until he proved otherwise. Stelmach also acknowledged receiving a $10,000 donation from the Beaver Regional Waste Management Service's Commission, a landfill operator owned by five municipalities in Stelmach's riding. While asserting that the donation was legal, Stelmach admitted that it was "clearly unethical", blamed overzealous campaign volunteers for soliciting it, and returned it after the end of the campaign.
In the wake of the leadership campaign, Stelmach, along with Oberg, Hancock, and Norris, organized two $5,000 per plate dinners in January 2007 to pay campaign debts. After critics argued that the dinners were essentially selling access to the premier and two senior ministers, Stelmach cancelled them.
Main article: Alberta general election, 2008
Stelmach was sworn in as Premier December 14, 2006. On February 4, 2008, immediately after Lieutenant Governor Norman Kwong read the throne speech to open the legislative session, Stelmach requested a dissolution of the legislature with an election to follow March 3 . Shortly before the writ was dropped, a group calling itself Albertans for Change began to buy print and television ads that attacked Stelmach for lacking a plan and portrayed him as unfit to lead the province. The group was funded by the Alberta Building Trades Council and the Alberta Federation of Labour , which led to a series of ads purchased by the National Citizens Coalition and Merit Contractors, in which it was accused of "putting your money where mouths are." Stelmach speaking at a luncheon in April 2007
Despite a campaign that was called disorganized and uninspired,
Stelmach's Progressive Conservatives won 72 seats in the 83-seat
Legislative Assembly, an increase from the 62 that the party had won
in the previous election and only two seats short of
The voter turnout in the election was 41%, the lowest in Alberta's
history, and roughly a quarter of these had to swear an oath on
election day after discovering they weren't on the voter's list.
Opposition politicians and media blamed Stelmach's government for
these problems, arguing that riding-level returning officers, who were
nominated by Progressive Conservative constituency associations and
who were responsible for voter enumeration, were not appointed early
enough. According to the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
Alberta Chief Returning Officer Lorne Gibson, as one of his 182
post-election recommendations to the government, suggested that the
appointment of returning officers be handled by his own, non-partisan,
office. He had previously made this suggestion in 2006, but the
government had not acted on it. He also recommended following the
election that his office, rather than the government's Justice
department, be responsible for prosecuting election-related offenses;
the latter did not lay charges in any of 19 alleged campaign finance
violations Gibson brought to its attention. In February 2009, Gibson
appeared before the legislature's all-party committee on legislative
offices to answer questions about the conduct of the election; there,
he echoed opposition claims that the government, and not his office,
was to blame for most problems. Shortly after, the committee voted
8–3 against re-appointing him, with all Progressive Conservatives on
the committee opposing his re-appointment and all opposition MLAs
supporting it. Opposition leaders
ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY
Much of Stelmach's term as Premier was dominated by questions related
Athabasca Oil Sands
Though Stelmach pledged not to do anything to curb the development of the oilsands, he did promise to review royalty rates—the rates paid by oil companies for the privilege of extracting Alberta's oil. He also committed to reducing the proportion of bitumen that left Alberta to be upgraded out of province, likening the export of bitumen to "scraping off the top soil " from farmland. Soon after becoming Premier, he commissioned the Alberta Royalty Review panel to make recommendations on the province's royalty regime; opposition politicians had accused the government of undercharging substantially. Stelmach rejected many of the panel's recommendations, and claimed to increase royalty rates by approximately 20% (25% less than recommended by the panel), however instead of an increase in royalties on oil and gas, Alberta collected $13.5 billion less from 2009 to 2014. Just after the 2008 election , Stelmach's government announced a five-year royalty break worth $237 million per year to encourage development that it feared would have become uneconomical under the new plan. He was less decisive in increasing in-province bitumen upgrading; in 2008 he conceded that Alberta would continue upgrading between sixty and sixty-five percent of the bitumen it produced for the foreseeable future, rather than the seventy-two percent target he had previously announced for 2016. This admission came in the wake of his government's approval of three new pipelines designed to export bitumen.
In January 2008, Stelmach unveiled the province's "made in
Alberta"—as distinct from imposed by the federal government or by
international treaty—plan to cut carbon emissions in order to fight
global warming . The plan called for reducing greenhouse gas emissions
by 14% (from 2007 levels) by 2050. Environmental groups and
opposition parties suggested that this was insufficient in light of
In late April 2008 hundreds of ducks landed in a northern Alberta
tailings pond belonging to
Partially in an effort to counter-act negative publicity from oil
sands-related issues—for example, the March 2009 edition of National
Geographic Magazine contained a 20-page article portraying Alberta's
oil sands operations as being highly environmentally damaging —in
2009 Stelmach's government spent $25 million on a rebranding campaign
for the province. Among other things, it replaced the "Alberta
Advantage" slogan that had long been in use with "Alberta: Freedom to
create. Spirit to achieve." The campaign became the subject of some
ridicule when the
ENERGY AND UTILITIES BOARD AFFAIR AND LAND USE POLICY
In June 2007, the government-mandated Alberta Energy and Utilities Board admitted that it had hired private investigators to spy on landowners who opposed the construction of a major power line in the Rimbey area. Stelmach initially downplayed the incident, but ordered a judicial investigation once the province's Information and Privacy Commissioner initiated an investigation of his own. This investigation found that the EUB had violated provincial law and infringed on the landowners' privacy, while the judicial investigation criticized the EUB's tactics as "repulsive". The opposition parties called for the dismissal of the entire EUB and Energy Minister Mel Knight ; Stelmach instead opted to appoint a new EUB chair. Activist Mike Hudema holding a depiction of Stelmach while protesting Bill 46.
Stelmach's government also responded with legislation entitled the Alberta Utilities Commission Act (Bill 46), which would split the EUB into two parts: the Alberta Utilities Commission (responsible for regulating utilities) and the Energy Resources Conservation Board (responsible for regulating oil and gas). The legislation was controversial, as elements of the EUB's governing legislation that provided for public notice and consultation in the event of energy construction projects were left out. Opposition parties and advocacy groups charged that this was an assault on both landowners' rights and the environment. The legislation ultimately passed, and took effect at the beginning of 2008.
Stelmach clashed with rural landowners again in 2009 when his government introduced the Land Assembly Project Area Act, designed to make it easier for the government to acquire large blocks of land for public purposes such as ring roads or reservoirs . The Act allowed the government to identify land that it may be interested in expropriating at some point in the future and to indefinitely prohibit any development on that land that could conflict with the government's purposes. Despite vigorous opposition from landowners and the opposition parties, the bill passed the legislature in late April.
Ralph Klein's major focus for much of his premiership had been the elimination of the provincial deficit , and the government ran a record $8.9 billion surplus during Stelmach's first year in office. Alberta was in the midst of a major economic expansion driven by high energy prices and major oilsands development. This growth continued into 2007–2008, when the government's surplus was $4.6 billion. Both of these surpluses were higher than expected, and Stelmach's government followed a policy of placing one third of unanticipated surpluses into savings and two-thirds into construction projects. Critics, including Liberal MLA Laurie Blakeman and the Canadian Taxpayers Federation , charged that the government was not saving enough money in anticipation of a fall in energy prices.
In her April 2008 budget, Stelmach's Finance Minister Iris Evans forecast a $1.6 billion surplus for 2008–2009. By August, she had revised this prediction to $8.5 billion. The major reason for this change is an increase in oil prices: while she had estimated in April that they would average $78 per barrel over the fiscal year, by August increases—including a high of $147 per barrel in July—have led her to make a new estimate of a $119.25 per barrel average. By November, prices had fallen to $55 per barrel, and Evans estimated a $2 billion surplus. By February 2009, the government of Alberta appeared poised to run a $1 billion deficit. In April 2009, Evans released her budget for 2009–2010, in which she anticipated a $4.6 billion deficit. This is the largest deficit in Alberta's history, and its first in sixteen years. The government's fiscal plan includes deficits until 2012–2013, when it again anticipates a surplus.
Stelmach's approach to this deteriorating fiscal situation, part of a
global recession , was to invest heavily in infrastructure in an
effort to stimulate the economy and take advantage of low construction
costs. He went as far as to advocate borrowing for capital
construction, a departure from the Klein government's notoriously
anti-debt approach. However, his government was also one of only two
in Canada (the other being
TEACHERS PENSION LIABILITY
During his first year in office, Stelmach and his education minister Ron Liepert concluded a deal with the Alberta Teachers Association (ATA) in which the province agreed to contribute $2.1 billion towards the $6.6 billion unfunded pension liability. This liability resulted from insufficient contributions to the teachers' pension plan during the period leading up to 1992. In exchange, the ATA agreed to a five-year contract extension. The deal was applauded by the opposition Liberals and New Democrats , but was criticized by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation , which called for a plebiscite on the issue.
Shortly after winning an increased majority in the 2008 election , Stelmach's cabinet approved substantial raises for themselves, increasing the salary paid to cabinet ministers from $142,000 to $184,000 and that paid to the Premier from $159,450 to $213,450. The increases also affect the severance paid to ministers who resign or are defeated in elections—under the program implemented by Ralph Klein 's government to replace the previously existing pension program, departing MLAs receive three months' pay for every year they served, with the level of the pay based on their three highest-earning years. The increases were attacked by the Canadian Taxpayers Federation and the opposition parties, but Stelmach defended the raises as the first received by cabinet ministers in fifteen years and as being necessary to attract qualified people to politics.
In early 2009, in response to the
Stelmach's policy on health care was highlighted by his removal of the province's health care premiums effective the end of 2008. Critics had denounced the premiums as being regressive, both because they were the same amount regardless of the payer's income and because people with better-paying jobs often had their premiums covered by their employer. The opposition Liberal and New Democratic parties had long called for their removal. This elimination was announced in a throne speech immediately before the dissolution of the legislature for the 2008 election , although it was initially promised to take effect by 2012. During this campaign, Stelmach promised to increase the capacity of Alberta universities to train doctors and nurses over four years, eventually resulting in the graduation of 225 more doctors, 350 more registered nurses , and 220 licensed practical nurses . After the registrar of the Alberta College of Physicians and Surgeons called the plan unfeasible, Health Minister Dave Hancock clarified that most of the increase would in fact come from the immigration of foreign doctors to Alberta, rather than from in-province training.
Following the election, Stelmach's new Minister of Health, Ron Liepert , released the government's new health plan. In it, Liepert refused to characterize the problems in the health care system as being the result of doctor shortages , and instead promised structural reforms. He indicated that these may include consolidating health authorities , closing rural hospitals, and de-listing some health services from coverage under the province's public health insurance scheme. In May, the government took the first step in implementing these structural reforms by combining the province's nine health authorities into one health "superboard".
In June 2008, three senior health officials announced that they would be leaving the province's employment at the expiration of their contracts in August. Liepert blamed their departures on better offers from other employers, although New Democrat leader Brian Mason speculated that the government's health restructuring may have been to blame. Detractors pointed out that the optics of allowing the employees to depart for more money elsewhere soon after the government had approved a substantial pay hike for cabinet ministers were not good.
As the province's fiscal situation worsened in late 2008, the government adapted its health policy. In December, Liepert announced a new seniors drug plan that made drugs free for seniors making less than $21,325 but required those making more to pay as much as $7,500 for their drugs. In response to protests from seniors, he amended the plan in April 2009 to reduce both the income level at which seniors would have to start paying and the amount which those seniors would have to pay. Liepert said that the plan, $10 million more expensive than the one he had announced in December, would see 60% of seniors pay less than they did under the status quo. The same month, Stelmach's government's budget revealed changes to which medical services it would cover: those de-listed included chiropractic services, at an annual savings of $53 million, and sex change operations, at an annual savings of $700,000. While the Canada Health Act requires the federal government to financially penalize provinces that do not support all "medically necessary" procedures, Liepert maintained that the de-listed services were not "medically necessary" from the perspective of the Act, and said that he anticipated no trouble from the federal government.
2009 H1N1 pandemic , Stelmach initially announced that the
government would make the vaccine available to all Albertans, though
vaccine shortages resulted in a limited number of clinics, which
experienced long lineups. In response, Liberal leader David Swann
accused the government of managing limited vaccine supplies poorly by
not giving priority to the most vulnerable groups. Liepert defended
the government's record by saying that high risk populations had been
given priority, but that the government's policy was to turn nobody
away; he blamed many of the problems on the federal government's
delivery to the province of fewer doses of the vaccine than promised.
Further controversy erupted when it was revealed that hockey players
HUMAN RIGHTS, CITIZENSHIP, AND MULTICULTURALISM ACT
In spring 2009, Stelmach's government announced its intention to
overhaul the Alberta Human Rights, Citizenship, and Multiculturalism
Act. In 1998's
Vriend v. Alberta , the
Supreme Court of Canada
This section had been used to try to prosecute
The changes that were eventually tabled included the enshrining of
sexual orientation as protected grounds but not the removal of the
section dealing with "exposing to contempt." This omission was
criticized, Levant said that it made him "deeply embarrassed as a
conservative," but Stelmach said that his caucus was comfortable that
another provision, requiring that the impugned section should not "be
deemed to interfere with the free expression of opinion on any
subject", protected Albertans against its abusive use. The proposal
also included a section entitling parents to advance notice from
schools if their children were going to be taught "subject-matter that
deals explicitly with religion, sexuality or sexual orientation" and
the right to remove their children from such classes. Stelmach called
this a "very, very fundamental right" and suggested that it would
allow parents to opt out of having their children learn about
evolution , though his Education Minister
Stelmach returned all-party committees to the Legislative Assembly of Alberta , where they had not existed since early in Ralph Klein 's tenure.
Klein's government had received criticism for reducing the importance of the legislature by sitting it fewer days than any other province's legislature and for directing business through standing policy committees of the Progressive Conservative caucus. These committees met in private, unlike the legislature's all-party committees, which fell almost entirely out of use during the Klein years. In April 2007, Stelmach initiated the creation of four new legislative "policy field committees" which would include opposition representation. The same month, his government introduced new legislation on conflicts of interest , such that former cabinet ministers would have to wait one year before doing business with the government or lobbying it on behalf of third parties (up from six months). It also created a similar cooling-off period for senior bureaucrats, which lasted six months. However, an Order in Council passed by Stelmach's cabinet shortly before the 2008 election delayed the implementation of these rules until one month after the election, meaning that cabinet ministers who retired or lost their bids for re-election would be exempt from the new rules.
RELATIONSHIP WITH CALGARY
Critics of Stelmach suggest that, as a farmer from the central part
of the province, he is biased against
After Deputy Premier Ron Stevens resigned his Calgary-Glenmore seat to accept a judgeship, a 2009 by-election elected outgoing Wildrose Alliance Party (WRA) leader Paul Hinman to replace him. Hinman had been the WRA's only MLA until he lost his Cardston-Taber-Warner to Progressive Conservative Broyce Jacobs in the 2008 election. Shortly after Hinman's election, polls showed that the Wildrose Alliance, under new leader Danielle Smith , was the second most popular party province-wide, and led the Conservatives 34 percent to 30 percent in Calgary.
POLITICS AND PUBLIC OPINION
Critics at first compared Stelmach to Harry Strom , the last Social Credit premier of the province. Strom was regarded as honest but ineffective and lacking charisma; he survived only long enough as Premier to lose the 1971 election soundly. Thus ended the last long one-party rule, and observers asked if history would repeat with Stelmach. After Stelmach's landslide win in the 2008 election , however, the comparisons largely ceased.
In late 2009, the Conservatives' plunging popularity at the polls and the surge in support for the right-wing Wildrose Alliance led to speculation that Stelmach would receive lukewarm support at his mandatory leadership review , to be held at the November 2009 Progressive Conservative convention. Klein's resignation came in the wake of his receiving only 55% support at such a review, and Klein suggested that Stelmach should resign if he received less than 70%. The question was whether party leaders would blame Stelmach for the party's decline and look for new leadership in the face of Stelmach's own weakening poll numbers. Instead, Stelmach met the criterion set up by his critics and won 77.4% support, a strong endorsement.
On January 25, 2011, Stelmach announced that he would not seek re-election; he also promised a leadership race before the next election. He did not specify his date of resignation at that time, however he submitted his letter of resignation in June, writing that he would leave office on October 1. In the early hours of October 2, 2011, Alison Redford was declared the new leader of the party, and Stelmach resigned as premier on October 7.
AS PARTY LEADER
e • d SUMMARY OF THE MARCH 3, 2008 LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF ALBERTA ELECTION RESULTS PARTY PARTY LEADER Number of candidates SEATS POPULAR VOTE
2004 Dissol. 2008 % Change # % Change (pp )
Progressive Conservative Ed Stelmach 83 621 60 72 +20% 501,063 52.72 +5.92%
Liberal Kevin Taft 82 161 16 9 -43.8% 251,158 26.43 -2.96%
New Democratic Brian Mason 83 4 4 2 -50% 80,578 8.48 -1.72%
Wildrose Alliance Paul Hinman 61 1 1 - -100% 64,407 6.78 -1.92%2
Greens George Read 79 - - - - 43,222 4.55 +1.80%
Independent 7 - 1 - -100% 7,635 0.80 +0.69%
Social Credit Len Skowronski 8 - - - - 2,043 0.21 -1.02%
Separation Bruce Hutton 1 - - - - 119 0.01 -0.52%
Communist Naomi Rankin 2 - - - - 96 0.01 xx
TOTAL 407 83 83 83 - 950,363 100.00
* 1 Liberal Chris Kibermanis originally had a five-vote margin over Progressive Conservative Thomas Lukaszuk . A judicial recount on January 24, 2005, determined Thomas Lukaszuk the winner. * 2 Results change is compared to the Alberta Alliance in 2004.
2008 ALBERTA GENERAL ELECTION RESULTS (FORT SASKATCHEWAN-VEGREVILLE ) TURNOUT 53.6%
AFFILIATION CANDIDATE VOTES %
Progressive Conservative Ed Stelmach 11,162 77.6%
Liberal Earl J. Woods 1,343 9.3%
NDP Clayton Marsden 1,235 8.6%
Greens Ryan Scheie 551 3.8%
2004 ALBERTA GENERAL ELECTION RESULTS (FORT SASKATCHEWAN-VEGREVILLE ) TURNOUT 51.5%
AFFILIATION CANDIDATE VOTES %
Progressive Conservative Ed Stelmach 6,160 48.3%
Liberal Peter Schneider 3,160 24.8%
NDP Wes Buyarski 1,633 12.8%
Alberta Alliance Byron King 1411 11.1%
Social Credit Mark Patterson 379 3.0%
2001 ALBERTA GENERAL ELECTION RESULTS (VEGREVILLE-VIKING ) TURNOUT 61.8%
AFFILIATION CANDIDATE VOTES %
Progressive Conservative Ed Stelmach 7,191 60.8%
Liberal Ross Demkiw 3,391 28.7%
NDP Greg Kurolok 1,243 10.5%
1997 ALBERTA GENERAL ELECTION RESULTS (VEGREVILLE-VIKING ) TURNOUT 64.2%
AFFILIATION CANDIDATE VOTES %
Progressive Conservative Ed Stelmach 6,090 49.8%
Liberal Ross Demkiw 3,639 29.8%
NDP Greg Kurolok 1,684 13.8%
Social Credit Clifford Gundermann 810 6.6%
1993 ALBERTA GENERAL ELECTION RESULTS (VEGREVILLE-VIKING ) TURNOUT 69.7%
AFFILIATION CANDIDATE VOTES %
Progressive Conservative Ed Stelmach 5,540 41.1%
NDP Derek Fox 4,150 30.1%
Liberal Jerry Wilde 3,797 28.2%
PARTY LEADERSHIP CONTESTS
PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE ASSOCIATION OF ALBERTA LEADERSHIP ELECTION, 2006
SECOND BALLOT (POST REDISTRIBUTION)
CANDIDATE VOTES PERCENTAGE
Ed Stelmach 77,577 58.3%
Jim Dinning 55,509 41.7%
CANDIDATE VOTES PERCENTAGE
Ed Stelmach 51,764 35.9%
Jim Dinning 51,282 35.6%
CANDIDATE VOTES PERCENTAGE
Jim Dinning 29,470 30.2%
Ed Stelmach 14,967 15.3%
Lyle Oberg 11,638 11.9%
Mark Norris 6,789 6.9%
Victor Doerksen 873 0.9%
Gary McPherson 744 0.8%
* ^ A B Fekete, Jason (May 29, 2008). "
Carbon tax would hurt West:
Wikimedia Commons has media related to ED