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The civil rights movement (also known as the African-American civil rights movement, American civil rights movement and other terms)[b] was a decades long movement with the goal of securing legal rights for African Americans
African Americans
that other Americans
Americans
already held. With roots starting in the Reconstruction era
Reconstruction era
during the late 19th century, the movement resulted in the largest legislative impacts after the direct actions and grassroots protests organized from the mid-1950s until 1968. Encompassing strategies, various groups, and organized social movements to accomplish the goals of ending legalized racial segregation and discrimination in the United States, the movement, using major nonviolent campaigns, eventually secured new recognition in federal law and federal protection of all Americans. After the American Civil War
American Civil War
and the abolition of slavery in the 1860s, the Reconstruction Amendments
Reconstruction Amendments
to the United States Constitution, sought to secure the rights of African Americans. While for a short time during the Reconstruction era, African Americans voted and held political office, they were soon deprived of civil rights, often under Jim Crow
Jim Crow
laws, and subjected to discrimination and sustained violence. Over the following century, various efforts were made by African Americans
African Americans
to secure their legal rights. Between 1955 and 1968, acts of nonviolent protest and civil disobedience produced crisis situations and productive dialogues between activists and government authorities. Federal, state, and local governments, businesses, and communities often had to respond immediately to these situations, which highlighted the inequities faced by African Americans. The lynching of Emmett Till
Emmett Till
and the visceral response to his mother's decision to have an open-casket funeral mobilized the African-American community nationwide.[1] Forms of protest and/or civil disobedience included boycotts such as the successful Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955–56) in Alabama; "sit-ins" such as the influential Greensboro sit-ins
Greensboro sit-ins
(1960) in North Carolina
North Carolina
and successful Nashville sit-ins in Tennessee; marches, such as the 1963 Birmingham Children's Crusade and 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches
Selma to Montgomery marches
(1965) in Alabama; and a wide range of other nonviolent activities. Moderates in the movement worked with Congress to achieve the passage of several significant pieces of federal legislation overturning discriminatory practices. The Civil Rights Act of 1964[2] expressly banned discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin in employment practices; ended unequal application of voter registration requirements; and prohibited racial segregation in schools, at the workplace, and in public accommodations. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 restored and protected voting rights for minorities by authorizing federal oversight of registration and elections in areas with a historic under-representation of minorities as voters. The Fair Housing Act of 1968 banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. African Americans
African Americans
re-entered politics in the South, and across the country young people were inspired to take action. From 1964 through 1970, a wave of inner-city riots in black communities undercut support from the white middle class, but increased support from private foundations.[3] The emergence of the Black Power
Black Power
movement, which lasted from about 1965 to 1975, challenged the established black leadership for its cooperative attitude and its practice of nonviolence, and instead demanding that, in addition to the new laws gained through the nonviolent movement, political and economic self-sufficiency be built in the black community. Many popular representations of the movement are centered on the charismatic leadership and philosophy of Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., who won the 1964 Nobel Peace Prize
Nobel Peace Prize
for his role in the movement. However, some scholars note that the movement was too diverse to be credited to any one person, organization, or strategy.[4]

Contents

1 Background 2 The beginnings of direct action (1950s) 3 History

3.1 Brown v. Board of Education, 1954 3.2 Emmett Till's murder, 1955 3.3 Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks
and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955–1956 3.4 Desegregating Little Rock Central High School, 1957 3.5 The method of Nonviolence
Nonviolence
and Nonviolence
Nonviolence
Training 3.6 Robert F. Williams
Robert F. Williams
and the debate on nonviolence, 1959–1964 3.7 Sit-ins, 1958–1960 3.8 Freedom Rides, 1961 3.9 Voter registration organizing 3.10 Integration of Mississippi universities, 1956–1965 3.11 Albany Movement, 1961–62 3.12 Birmingham campaign, 1963 3.13 "Rising tide of discontent" and Kennedy's response, 1963 3.14 March on Washington, 1963 3.15 Malcolm X
Malcolm X
joins the movement, 1964–1965 3.16 St. Augustine, Florida, 1963–64 3.17 Freedom Summer, 1964 3.18 Civil Rights Act of 1964 3.19 Harlem riot of 1964 3.20 Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, 1964 3.21 Selma Voting Rights Movement 3.22 Voting Rights Act, 1965 3.23 Watts riot of 1965 3.24 Fair housing
Fair housing
movements, 1966–1968 3.25 Nationwide riots of 1967 3.26 Memphis, King
King
assassination and the Poor People's March 1968 3.27 Civil Rights Act of 1968

4 Other issues

4.1 Grassroots leadership 4.2 Black power (1966–1968) 4.3 Black conservatism 4.4 Avoiding the "Communist" label 4.5 Kennedy administration, 1961–1963 4.6 American Jewish
Jewish
community and the civil rights movement

4.6.1 Profile

4.7 White backlash 4.8 African-American women in the movement

4.8.1 Discrimination

5 Johnson administration: 1963–1968 6 Prison reform

6.1 Gates v. Collier

7 Cold War 8 In popular culture 9 Activist organizations 10 Individual activists 11 See also 12 Notes 13 References 14 Bibliography 15 Further reading

15.1 Historiography and memory 15.2 Autobiographies and memoirs

16 External links

Background[edit] Further information: Disenfranchisement after the Reconstruction Era, Thirteenth Amendment to the United States
United States
Constitution, and Jim Crow laws Before the American Civil War, almost four million blacks were enslaved in the South, only white men of property could vote, and the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited U.S. citizenship to whites only.[5][6][7] Following the Civil War, three constitutional amendments were passed, including the 13th Amendment (1865) that ended slavery; the 14th Amendment (1868) that gave African-Americans citizenship, adding their total population of four million to the official population of southern states for Congressional apportionment; and the 15th Amendment (1870) that gave African-American males the right to vote (only males could vote in the U.S. at the time). From 1865 to 1877, the United States
United States
underwent a turbulent Reconstruction Era
Reconstruction Era
trying to establish free labor and civil rights of freedmen in the South after the end of slavery. Many whites resisted the social changes, leading to insurgent movements such as the Ku Klux Klan, whose members attacked black and white Republicans to maintain white supremacy. In 1871, President Ulysses S. Grant, the U.S. Army, and U.S. Attorney General Amos T. Akerman, initiated a campaign to repress the KKK under the Enforcement Acts.[8] Some states were reluctant to enforce the federal measures of the act; by the early 1870s, other white supremacist and paramilitary groups arose that violently opposed African-American legal equality and suffrage.[9][10] However, if the states failed to implement the acts, the laws allowed the Federal Government to get involved.[10] Many Republican governors were afraid of sending black militia troops to fight the Klan for fear of war.[10] After the disputed election of 1876 resulted in the end of Reconstruction and federal troops were withdrawn, whites in the South regained political control of the region's state legislatures by the end of the century, after having intimidated and violently attacked blacks before and during elections. From 1890 to 1908, southern states passed new constitutions and laws to disenfranchise African Americans
African Americans
and many poor whites by creating barriers to voter registration; voting rolls were dramatically reduced as blacks and poor whites were forced out of electoral politics. While progress was made in some areas,[which?] this status of excluding African Americans
African Americans
from the political system lasted in most southern states until national civil rights legislation was passed in the mid-1960s to provide federal enforcement of constitutional voting rights. For more than 60 years, blacks in the South were not able to elect anyone to represent their interests in Congress or local government.[10] Since they could not vote, they could not serve on local juries.

The mob-style lynching of Will James, Cairo, Illinois, 1909

During this period, the white-dominated Democratic Party maintained political control of the South. With whites controlling all the seats representing the total population of the South, they had a powerful voting block in Congress. The Republican Party—the "party of Lincoln"—which had been the party that most blacks belonged to, shrank to insignificance as black voter registration was suppressed. Until 1965, the "solid South" was a one-party system under the Democrats. Outside a few areas (usually in remote Appalachia), the Democratic Party nomination was tantamount to election for state and local office.[11] In 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt
Theodore Roosevelt
invited Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House, making him the first African American to attend an official dinner there. "The invitation was roundly criticized by southern politicians and newspapers." Washington persuaded the president to appoint more blacks to federal posts in the South and to try to boost African-American leadership in state Republican organizations. However, this was resisted by both white Democrats and white Republicans as an unwanted federal intrusion into state politics.[12]

Lynching
Lynching
victim Will Brown who was mutilated and burned during the Omaha, Nebraska race riot of 1919. Postcards and photographs of lynchings were popular souvenirs in the U.S.[13]

During the same time as African Americans
African Americans
were being disenfranchised, white Democrats imposed racial segregation by law. Violence against blacks increased, with numerous lynchings through the turn of the century. The system of de jure state-sanctioned racial discrimination and oppression that emerged from the post-Reconstruction South became known as the "Jim Crow" system. The United States
United States
Supreme Court, made up almost entirely of Northerners, upheld the constitutionality of those state laws that required racial segregation in public facilities in its 1896 decision Plessy v. Ferguson, legitimizing them through the "separate but equal" doctrine.[14] Segregation, which began with slavery, continued with Jim Crow
Jim Crow
laws, with signs used to show blacks where they could legally walk, talk, drink, rest, or eat.[15] For those places that were racially mixed, non-whites had to wait until all white customers were dealt with.[15] Elected in 1912, President Woodrow Wilson
Woodrow Wilson
ordered segregration throughout the federal government.[16] Segregation remained intact into the mid-1950s, when many states began to gradually integrate their schools following the unanimous Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
that overturned Plessy v. Ferguson. The early 20th century is a period often referred to as the "nadir of American race relations". While tensions and civil rights violations were most intense in the South, social discrimination affected African Americans
African Americans
in other regions as well.[17] At the national level, the Southern block controlled important committees in Congress, defeated passage of laws against lynching, and exercised considerable power beyond the number of whites in the South. Characteristics of the post-Reconstruction period:

Racial segregation. By law, public facilities and government services such as education were divided into separate "white" and "colored" domains.[18] Characteristically, those for colored were underfunded and of inferior quality. Disenfranchisement. When white Democrats regained power, they passed laws that made voter registration more restrictive, essentially forcing black voters off the voting rolls. The number of African-American voters dropped dramatically, and they were no longer able to elect representatives. From 1890 to 1908, Southern states of the former Confederacy created constitutions with provisions that disfranchised tens of thousands of African Americans, and U.S. states such as Alabama
Alabama
disenfranchised poor whites as well. Exploitation. Increased economic oppression of blacks through the convict lease system, Latinos, and Asians, denial of economic opportunities, and widespread employment discrimination. Violence. Individual, police, paramilitary, organizational, and mob racial violence against blacks (and Latinos in the Southwest and Asians in California).

KKK night rally in Chicago, c. 1920

African Americans
African Americans
and other ethnic minorities rejected this regime. They resisted it in numerous ways and sought better opportunities through lawsuits, new organizations, political redress, and labor organizing (see the African-American civil rights movement (1896–1954)). The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was founded in 1909. It fought to end race discrimination through litigation, education, and lobbying efforts. Its crowning achievement was its legal victory in the Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
in 1954 when the Court rejected separate white and colored school systems and, by implication, overturned the "separate but equal" doctrine established in Plessy v. Ferguson of 1896. The integration of Southern public libraries involved many of the same characteristics seen in the larger civil rights movement.[19] This includes sit-ins, beatings, and white resistance.[19] For example, in 1963 in the city of Anniston, Alabama, two black ministers were brutally beaten for attempting to integrate the public library.[19] Though there was resistance and violence, the integration of libraries was generally quicker than integration of other public institutions.[19]

Colored Sailors room in World War I

Black veterans of the military after both World Wars pressed for full civil rights and often led activist movements. In 1948, they gained integration in the military under President Harry Truman, who issued Executive Order 9981 to accomplish it. The situation for blacks outside the South was somewhat better (in most states they could vote and have their children educated, though they still faced discrimination in housing and jobs). From 1910 to 1970, African Americans
Americans
sought better lives by migrating north and west out of the South. Nearly seven million blacks left the South in what was known as the Great Migration. So many people migrated that the demographics of some previously black-majority states changed to white majority (in combination with other developments). The rapid influx of blacks disturbed the racial balance within Northern cities, exacerbating hostility between both black and white Northerners. The Red Summer
Red Summer
of 1919 was marked by hundreds of deaths and higher casualties across the U.S. as a result of race riots that occurred in more than three dozen cities, such as the Chicago
Chicago
race riot of 1919 and the Omaha race riot of 1919. Stereotypic schemas of Southern blacks were used to attribute issues in urban areas, such as crime and disease, to the presence of African-Americans. Overall, African Americans
African Americans
in Northern cities experienced systemic discrimination in a plethora of aspects of life. Within employment, economic opportunities for blacks were routed to the lowest-status and restrictive in potential mobility. Within the housing market, stronger discriminatory measures were used in correlation to the influx, resulting in a mix of "targeted violence, restrictive covenants, redlining and racial steering".[20]

White tenants seeking to prevent blacks from moving into the housing project erected this sign, Detroit, 1942.

Housing segregation
Housing segregation
was a nationwide problem, persistent well outside the South. Although the federal government had become increasingly involved in mortgage lending and development in the 1930s and 1940s, it did not reject the use of race-restrictive covenants until 1950.[21] Suburbanization was already connected with white flight by this time, a situation perpetuated by real estate agents' continuing discrimination. In particular, from the 1930s to the 1960s the National Association of Real Estate Boards (NAREB) issued guidelines that specified that a realtor "should never be instrumental in introducing to a neighborhood a character or property or occupancy, members of any race or nationality, or any individual whose presence will be clearly detrimental to property values in a neighborhood." The result was the creation of all-black ghettos in the North as well as South.[22] Invigorated by the victory of Brown and frustrated by the lack of immediate practical effect, private citizens increasingly rejected gradualist, legalistic approaches as the primary tool to bring about desegregation. They were faced with "massive resistance" in the South by proponents of racial segregation and voter suppression. In defiance, African-American activists adopted a combined strategy of direct action, nonviolence, nonviolent resistance, and many events described as civil disobedience, giving rise to the civil rights movement of 1954–1968. The beginnings of direct action (1950s)[edit] The strategy of public education, legislative lobbying, and litigation that had typified the civil rights movement during the first half of the 20th century broadened after Brown to a strategy that emphasized "direct action": boycotts, sit-ins, Freedom Rides, marches, and similar tactics that relied on mass mobilization, nonviolent resistance, and civil disobedience.[citation needed] Churches, local grassroots organizations, fraternal societies, and black-owned businesses mobilized volunteers to participate in broad-based actions. This was a more direct and potentially more rapid means of creating change than the traditional approach of mounting court challenges used by the NAACP
NAACP
and others. In 1952, the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL), led by T. R. M. Howard, a black surgeon, entrepreneur, and planter, organized a successful boycott of gas stations in Mississippi that refused to provide restrooms for blacks. Through the RCNL, Howard led campaigns to expose brutality by the Mississippi state highway patrol and to encourage blacks to make deposits in the black-owned Tri-State Bank of Nashville
Nashville
which, in turn, gave loans to civil rights activists who were victims of a "credit squeeze" by the White Citizens' Councils.[23] Although considered and rejected after Claudette Colvin's arrest for not giving up her seat on a Montgomery, Alabama, bus in March 1955, after Rosa Parks' arrest in December Jo Ann Gibson-Robinson of the Montgomery Women's Political Council put a long-considered Bus Boycott protest in motion. Late that night, she, John Cannon (chairman of the Business Department at Alabama
Alabama
State University) and others mimeographed and distributed thousands of leaflets calling for a boycott.[24][25] The eventual success of the boycott made its spokesman Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
a nationally known figure. It also inspired other bus boycotts, such as the successful Tallahassee, Florida, boycott of 1956–57.[26] In 1957, Dr. King
King
and Rev. Ralph Abernathy, the leaders of the Montgomery Improvement Association, joined with other church leaders who had led similar boycott efforts, such as Rev. C. K. Steele
C. K. Steele
of Tallahassee and Rev. T. J. Jemison of Baton Rouge; and other activists such as Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, Ella Baker, A. Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin
Bayard Rustin
and Stanley Levison, to form the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The SCLC, with its headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, did not attempt to create a network of chapters as the NAACP
NAACP
did. It offered training and leadership assistance for local efforts to fight segregation. The headquarters organization raised funds, mostly from Northern sources, to support such campaigns. It made nonviolence both its central tenet and its primary method of confronting racism. In 1959, Septima Clarke, Bernice Robinson, and Esau Jenkins, with the help of Myles Horton's Highlander Folk School in Tennessee, began the first Citizenship Schools in South Carolina's Sea Islands. They taught literacy to enable blacks to pass voting tests. The program was an enormous success and tripled the number of black voters on Johns Island. SCLC took over the program and duplicated its results elsewhere. History[edit] Main article: Timeline of the African-American civil rights movement Brown v. Board of Education, 1954[edit] Main article: Brown v. Board of Education In the spring of 1951, black students in Virginia
Virginia
protested their unequal status in the state's segregated educational system. Students at Moton High School protested the overcrowded conditions and failing facility.[27] Some local leaders of the NAACP
NAACP
had tried to persuade the students to back down from their protest against the Jim Crow
Jim Crow
laws of school segregation. When the students did not budge, the NAACP joined their battle against school segregation. The NAACP
NAACP
proceeded with five cases challenging the school systems; these were later combined under what is known today as Brown v. Board of Education.[27] On May 17, 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court
ruled unanimously in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, that mandating, or even permitting, public schools to be segregated by race was unconstitutional. The Court stated that the

segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law; for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group.[28]

The lawyers from the NAACP
NAACP
had to gather plausible evidence in order to win the case of Brown vs. Board of Education. Their method of addressing the issue of school segregation was to enumerate several arguments. One pertained to having exposure to interracial contact in a school environment. It was argued that interracial contact would, in turn, help prepare children to live with the pressures that society exerts in regards to race and thereby afford them a better chance of living in democracy. In addition, another argument emphasized how "'education' comprehends the entire process of developing and training the mental, physical and moral powers and capabilities of human beings".[29] Risa Goluboff wrote that the NAACP's intention was to show the Courts that African American children were the victims of school segregation and their futures were at risk. The Court ruled that both Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which had established the "separate but equal" standard in general, and Cumming v. Richmond County Board of Education (1899), which had applied that standard to schools, were unconstitutional. The federal government filed a friend of the court brief in the case urging the justices to consider the effect that segregation had on America's image in the Cold War. Secretary of State Dean Acheson
Dean Acheson
was quoted in the brief stating that "The United States
United States
is under constant attack in the foreign press, over the foreign radio, and in such international bodies as the United Nations because of various practices of discrimination in this country." [30][31] The following year, in the case known as Brown II, the Court ordered segregation to be phased out over time, "with all deliberate speed".[32] Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
of Topeka, Kansas (1954) did not overturn Plessy v. Ferguson
Plessy v. Ferguson
(1896). Plessy v. Ferguson
Plessy v. Ferguson
was segregation in transportation modes. Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
dealt with segregation in education. Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
did set in motion the future overturning of 'separate but equal'.

School integration, Barnard School, Washington, D.C., 1955

On May 18, 1954, Greensboro, North Carolina, became the first city in the South to publicly announce that it would abide by the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
ruling. "It is unthinkable,' remarked School Board Superintendent Benjamin Smith, 'that we will try to [override] the laws of the United States."[33] This positive reception for Brown, together with the appointment of African American Dr. David Jones to the school board in 1953, convinced numerous white and black citizens that Greensboro was heading in a progressive direction. Integration in Greensboro occurred rather peacefully compared to the process in Southern states such as Alabama, Arkansas, and Virginia
Virginia
where "massive resistance" was practiced by top officials and throughout the states. In Virginia, some counties closed their public schools rather than integrate, and many white Christian
Christian
private schools were founded to accommodate students who used to go to public schools. Even in Greensboro, much local resistance to desegregation continued, and in 1969, the federal government found the city was not in compliance with the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Transition to a fully integrated school system did not begin until 1971.[33] Many Northern cities also had de facto segregation policies, which resulted in a vast gulf in educational resources between black and white communities. In Harlem, New York, for example, neither a single new school was built since the turn of the century, nor did a single nursery school exist – even as the Second Great Migration was causing overcrowding. Existing schools tended to be dilapidated and staffed with inexperienced teachers. Brown helped stimulate activism among New York City
New York City
parents like Mae Mallory who, with support of the NAACP, initiated a successful lawsuit against the city and state on Brown's principles. Mallory and thousands of other parents bolstered the pressure of the lawsuit with a school boycott in 1959. During the boycott, some of the first freedom schools of the period were established. The city responded to the campaign by permitting more open transfers to high-quality, historically-white schools. (New York's African-American community, and Northern desegregation activists generally, now found themselves contending with the problem of white flight, however.)[34][35] Emmett Till's murder, 1955[edit] Main article: Emmett Till

Emmett Till
Emmett Till
before and after the lynching on August 28, 1955. He was a fourteen-year-old boy in Chicago
Chicago
who went to spend the summer together with his uncle Moses Wright in Money, Mississippi, and was massacred by white men for allegedly whistling at Carolyn Bryant.

Emmett Till, a 14-year old African American from Chicago, visited his relatives in Money, Mississippi, for the summer. He allegedly had an interaction with a white woman, Carolyn Bryant, in a small grocery store that violated the norms of Mississippi culture, and Bryant's husband Roy and his half-brother J. W. Milam brutally murdered young Emmett Till. They beat and mutilated him before shooting him in the head and sinking his body in the Tallahatchie River. Three days later, Till's body was discovered and retrieved from the river. Mamie Till, Emmett's Mother, "brought him home to Chicago
Chicago
and insisted on an open casket. Tens of thousands filed past Till’s remains, but it was the publication of the searing funeral image in Jet, with a stoic Mamie gazing at her murdered child’s ravaged body, that forced the world to reckon with the brutality of American racism."[36] Vann R. Newkirk wrote: "The trial of his killers became a pageant illuminating the tyranny of white supremacy".[1] The state of Mississippi tried two defendants, but they were speedily acquitted by an all-white jury.[37] "Emmett’s murder," historian Tim Tyson writes, "would never have become a watershed historical moment without Mamie finding the strength to make her private grief a public matter."[38] The visceral response to his mother's decision to have an open-casket funeral mobilized the black community throughout the U.S.[1] "Young black people such as Julian Bond, Joyce Ladner
Joyce Ladner
and others who were born around the same time as Till were galvanized into action by the murder and trial."[38] They often see themselves as the "Emmett Till Generation." One hundred days after Emmett Till's murder, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on the bus in Alabama—indeed, Parks told Mamie Till
Mamie Till
that "the photograph of Emmett’s disfigured face in the casket was set in her mind when she refused to give up her seat on the Montgomery bus."[39] Decades later, Bryant disclosed that she had fabricated her story in 1955.[40][41] Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks
and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955–1956[edit] Main articles: Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks
and Montgomery Bus Boycott

Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks
being fingerprinted by Deputy Sheriff D.H. Lackey after being arrested for not giving up her seat on a bus to a white person

On December 1, 1955, nine months after a 15-year-old high school student, Claudette Colvin, refused to give up her seat to a white passenger on a public bus in Montgomery, Alabama, and was arrested, Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks
did the same thing. Parks soon became the symbol of the resulting Montgomery Bus Boycott
Montgomery Bus Boycott
and received national publicity. She was later hailed as the "mother of the civil rights movement". Parks was secretary of the Montgomery NAACP
NAACP
chapter and had recently returned from a meeting at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee where nonviolence as a strategy was taught by Myles Horton
Myles Horton
and others. After Parks' arrest, African Americans
African Americans
gathered and organized the Montgomery Bus Boycott
Montgomery Bus Boycott
to demand a bus system in which passengers would be treated equally.[42] The organization was led by Jo Ann Robinson, a member of the Women's Political Council who had been waiting for the opportunity to boycott the bus system. Following Rosa Park's arrest, Jo Ann Robinson
Jo Ann Robinson
mimeographed 52,500 leaflets calling for a boycott. They were distributed around the city and helped gather the attention of civil rights leaders. After the city rejected many of their suggested reforms, the NAACP, led by E. D. Nixon, pushed for full desegregation of public buses. With the support of most of Montgomery's 50,000 African Americans, the boycott lasted for 381 days, until the local ordinance segregating African Americans
African Americans
and whites on public buses was repealed. Ninety percent of African Americans
Americans
in Montgomery partook in the boycotts, which reduced bus revenue significantly, as they comprised the majority of the riders. In November 1956, the United State Supreme Court upheld a district court ruling in the case of Browder v. Gayle and ordered Montgomery's buses desegregated, ending the boycott.[42] Local leaders established the Montgomery Improvement Association to focus their efforts. Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
was elected President of this organization. The lengthy protest attracted national attention for him and the city. His eloquent appeals to Christian
Christian
brotherhood and American idealism created a positive impression on people both inside and outside the South.[25] Desegregating Little Rock Central High School, 1957[edit] Main article: Little Rock Nine

Troops from the 327th Regiment, 101st Airborne escorting the Little Rock Nine African-American students up the steps of Central High

A crisis erupted in Little Rock, Arkansas, when Governor of Arkansas Orval Faubus
Orval Faubus
called out the National Guard on September 4 to prevent entry to the nine African-American students who had sued for the right to attend an integrated school, Little Rock Central High School.[43] Under the guidance of Daisy Bates, the nine students had been chosen to attend Central High because of their excellent grades. On the first day of school, 15 year old Elizabeth Eckford
Elizabeth Eckford
was the only one of the nine students who showed up because she did not receive the phone call about the danger of going to school. A photo was taken of Eckford being harassed by white protesters outside the school, and the police had to take her away in a patrol car for her protection. Afterward, the nine students had to carpool to school and be escorted by military personnel in jeeps.

White parents rally against integrating Little Rock's schools

Faubus was not a proclaimed segregationist. The Arkansas
Arkansas
Democratic Party, which then controlled politics in the state, put significant pressure on Faubus after he had indicated he would investigate bringing Arkansas
Arkansas
into compliance with the Brown decision. Faubus then took his stand against integration and against the Federal court ruling. Faubus' resistance received the attention of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who was determined to enforce the orders of the Federal courts. Critics had charged he was lukewarm, at best, on the goal of desegregation of public schools. But, Eisenhower federalized the National Guard in Arkansas
Arkansas
and ordered them to return to their barracks. Eisenhower deployed elements of the 101st Airborne Division to Little Rock to protect the students. The students attended high school under harsh conditions. They had to pass through a gauntlet of spitting, jeering whites to arrive at school on their first day, and to put up with harassment from other students for the rest of the year. Although federal troops escorted the students between classes, the students were teased and even attacked by white students when the soldiers were not around. One of the Little Rock Nine, Minnijean Brown, was suspended for spilling a bowl of chili on the head of a white student who was harassing her in the school lunch line. Later, she was expelled for verbally abusing a white female student.[44] Only Ernest Green
Ernest Green
of the Little Rock Nine
Little Rock Nine
graduated from Central High School. After the 1957–58 school year was over, Little Rock closed its public school system completely rather than continue to integrate. Other school systems across the South followed suit. The method of Nonviolence
Nonviolence
and Nonviolence
Nonviolence
Training[edit] During the time period considered to be the "African-American civil rights" era, the predominant use of protest was nonviolent, or peaceful.[45] Often referred to as pacifism, the method of nonviolence is considered to be an attempt to impact society positively. Although acts of racial discrimination have occurred historically throughout the United States, perhaps the most violent regions have been in the former Confederate states. During the 1950s and 1960s, the nonviolent protesting of the civil rights movement caused definite tension, which gained national attention. In order to prepare for protests physically and psychologically, demonstrators received training in nonviolence. According to former civil rights activist Bruce Hartford, there are two main branches of nonviolence training. There is the philosophical method, which involves understanding the method of nonviolence and why it is considered useful, and there is the tactical method, which ultimately teaches demonstrators "how to be a protestor—how to sit-in, how to picket, how to defend yourself against attack, giving training on how to remain cool when people are screaming racist insults into your face and pouring stuff on you and hitting you" (Civil Rights Movement Veterans). The philosophical method of nonviolence, in the American civil rights movement, was largely inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's "non-cooperation" with the British colonists in India, which was intended to gain attention so that the public would either "intervene in advance," or "provide public pressure in support of the action to be taken" (Erikson, 415). As Hartford explains it, philosophical nonviolence training aims to "shape the individual person's attitude and mental response to crises and violence" (Civil Rights Movement Veterans). Hartford and activists like him, who trained in tactical nonviolence, considered it necessary in order to ensure physical safety, instill discipline, teach demonstrators how to demonstrate, and form mutual confidence among demonstrators (Civil Rights Movement Veterans).[45][46] For many, the concept of nonviolent protest was a way of life, a culture. However, not everyone agreed with this notion. James Forman, former SNCC
SNCC
(and later Black Panther) member and nonviolence trainer, was among those who did not. In his autobiography, The Making of Black Revolutionaries, Forman revealed his perspective on the method of nonviolence as "strictly a tactic, not a way of life without limitations." Similarly, Robert Moses, who was also an active member of SNCC, felt that the method of nonviolence was practical. When interviewed by author Robert Penn Warren, Moses said "There's no question that he [ Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr.] had a great deal of influence with the masses. But I don't think it's in the direction of love. It's in a practical direction . . ." (Who Speaks for the Negro? Warren).[47][48] Robert F. Williams
Robert F. Williams
and the debate on nonviolence, 1959–1964[edit] The Jim Crow
Jim Crow
system employed "terror as a means of social control,"[49] with the most organized manifestations being the Ku Klux Klan and their collaborators in local police departments. This violence played a key role in blocking the progress of the civil rights movement in the late 1950s. Some black organizations in the South began practicing armed self-defense. The first to do so openly was the Monroe, North Carolina, chapter of the NAACP
NAACP
led by Robert F. Williams. Williams had rebuilt the chapter after its membership was terrorized out of public life by the Klan. He did so by encouraging a new, more working-class membership to arm itself thoroughly and defend against attack.[50] When Klan nightriders attacked the home of NAACP member Dr. Albert Perry in October 1957, Williams' militia exchanged gunfire with the stunned Klansmen, who quickly retreated. The following day, the city council held an emergency session and passed an ordinance banning KKK motorcades.[51] One year later, Lumbee Indians in North Carolina
North Carolina
would have a similarly successful armed stand-off with the Klan (known as the Battle of Hayes Pond) which resulted in KKK leader James W. "Catfish" Cole being convicted of incitement to riot.[52] After the acquittal of several white men charged with sexually assaulting black women in Monroe, Williams announced to United Press International reporters that he would "meet violence with violence" as a policy. Williams' declaration was quoted on the front page of The New York Times, and The Carolina Times considered it "the biggest civil rights story of 1959."[53] NAACP
NAACP
National chairman Roy Wilkins immediately suspended Williams from his position, but the Monroe organizer won support from numerous NAACP
NAACP
chapters across the country. Ultimately, Wilkins resorted to bribing influential organizer Daisy Bates to campaign against Williams at the NAACP
NAACP
national convention and the suspension was upheld. The convention nonetheless passed a resolution which stated: "We do not deny, but reaffirm the right of individual and collective self-defense against unlawful assaults."[54] Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
argued for Williams' removal,[55] but Ella Baker[56] and WEB Dubois[4] both publicly praised the Monroe leader's position. Williams—along with his wife, Mabel Williams—continued to play a leadership role in the Monroe movement, and to some degree, in the national movement. The Williamses published The Crusader, a nationally circulated newsletter, beginning in 1960, and the influential book Negroes With Guns in 1962. Williams did not call for full militarization in this period, but "flexibility in the freedom struggle."[57] Williams was well-versed in legal tactics and publicity, which he had used successfully in the internationally known "Kissing Case" of 1958, as well as nonviolent methods, which he used at lunch counter sit-ins in Monroe—all with armed self-defense as a complementary tactic. Williams led the Monroe movement in another armed stand-off with white supremacists during an August 1961 Freedom Ride; he had been invited to participate in the campaign by Ella Baker
Ella Baker
and James Forman
James Forman
of the Student Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The incident (along with his campaigns for peace with Cuba) resulted in him being targeted by the FBI
FBI
and prosecuted for kidnapping; he was cleared of all charges in 1976.[58] Meanwhile, armed self-defense continued discreetly in the Southern movement with such figures as SNCC's Amzie Moore,[58] Hartman Turnbow,[59] and Fannie Lou Hamer[60] all willing to use arms to defend their lives from nightrides. Taking refuge from the FBI
FBI
in Cuba, the Willamses broadcast the radio show "Radio Free Dixie" throughout the eastern United States
United States
via Radio Progresso beginning in 1962. In this period, Williams advocated guerilla warfare against racist institutions, and saw the large ghetto riots of the era as a manifestation of his strategy. University of North Carolina
North Carolina
historian Walter Rucker has written that "the emergence of Robert F Williams contributed to the marked decline in anti-black racial violence in the U.S....After centuries of anti-black violence, African Americans
African Americans
across the country began to defend their communities aggressively—employing overt force when necessary. This in turn evoked in whites real fear of black vengeance..." This opened up space for African Americans
African Americans
to use nonviolent demonstration with less fear of deadly reprisal.[61] Of the many civil rights activists who share this view, the most prominent was Rosa Parks. Parks gave the eulogy at Williams' funeral in 1996, praising him for "his courage and for his commitment to freedom," and concluding that "The sacrifices he made, and what he did, should go down in history and never be forgotten."[62] Sit-ins, 1958–1960[edit] See also: Greensboro sit-ins, Nashville
Nashville
sit-ins, and Sit-in
Sit-in
movement In July 1958, the NAACP Youth Council sponsored sit-ins at the lunch counter of a Dockum Drug Store in downtown Wichita, Kansas. After three weeks, the movement successfully got the store to change its policy of segregated seating, and soon afterward all Dockum stores in Kansas were desegregated. This movement was quickly followed in the same year by a student sit-in at a Katz Drug Store in Oklahoma City led by Clara Luper, which also was successful.[63] Mostly black students from area colleges led a sit-in at a Woolworth's store in Greensboro, North Carolina.[64] On February 1, 1960, four students, Ezell A. Blair Jr., David Richmond, Joseph McNeil, and Franklin McCain
Franklin McCain
from North Carolina
North Carolina
Agricultural & Technical College, an all-black college, sat down at the segregated lunch counter to protest Woolworth's policy of excluding African Americans from being served food there.[65] The four students purchased small items in other parts of the store and kept their receipts, then sat down at the lunch counter and asked to be served. After being denied service, they produced their receipts and asked why their money was good everywhere else at the store, but not at the lunch counter.[66] The protesters had been encouraged to dress professionally, to sit quietly, and to occupy every other stool so that potential white sympathizers could join in. The Greensboro sit-in was quickly followed by other sit-ins in Richmond, Virginia;[67] Nashville, Tennessee; and Atlanta, Georgia.[68][69] The most immediately effective of these was in Nashville, where hundreds of well organized and highly disciplined college students conducted sit-ins in coordination with a boycott campaign.[70][71] As students across the south began to "sit-in" at the lunch counters of local stores, police and other officials sometimes used brutal force to physically escort the demonstrators from the lunch facilities. The "sit-in" technique was not new—as far back as 1939, African-American attorney Samuel Wilbert Tucker
Samuel Wilbert Tucker
organized a sit-in at the then-segregated Alexandria, Virginia, library.[72] In 1960 the technique succeeded in bringing national attention to the movement.[73] On March 9, 1960, an Atlanta
Atlanta
University Center group of students released An Appeal for Human Rights as a full page advertisement in newspapers, including the Atlanta
Atlanta
Constitution, Atlanta
Atlanta
Journal, and Atlanta
Atlanta
Daily World.[74] Known as the Committee on Appeal for Human Rights (COAHR), the group initiated the Atlanta Student Movement and began to lead sit-ins starting on March 15, 1960.[69][75] By the end of 1960, the process of sit-ins had spread to every southern and border state, and even to facilities in Nevada, Illinois, and Ohio
Ohio
that discriminated against blacks. Demonstrators focused not only on lunch counters but also on parks, beaches, libraries, theaters, museums, and other public facilities. In April 1960 activists who had led these sit-ins were invited by SCLC activist Ella Baker
Ella Baker
to hold a conference at Shaw University, a historically black university in Raleigh, North Carolina. This conference led to the formation of the Student Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC).[76] SNCC
SNCC
took these tactics of nonviolent confrontation further, and organized the freedom rides. As the constitution protected interstate commerce, they decided to challenge segregation on interstate buses and in public bus facilities by putting interracial teams on them, to travel from the North through the segregated South.[77] Freedom Rides, 1961[edit] Main article: Freedom Rider Freedom Rides
Freedom Rides
were journeys by civil rights activists on interstate buses into the segregated southern United States
United States
to test the United States Supreme Court decision Boynton v. Virginia, (1960) 364 U.S., which ruled that segregation was unconstitutional for passengers engaged in interstate travel. Organized by CORE, the first Freedom Ride of the 1960s left Washington D.C. on May 4, 1961, and was scheduled to arrive in New Orleans
New Orleans
on May 17.[78] During the first and subsequent Freedom Rides, activists traveled through the Deep South
Deep South
to integrate seating patterns on buses and desegregate bus terminals, including restrooms and water fountains. That proved to be a dangerous mission. In Anniston, Alabama, one bus was firebombed, forcing its passengers to flee for their lives.[79]

A mob beats Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
in Birmingham. This picture was reclaimed by the FBI
FBI
from a local journalist who also was beaten and whose camera was smashed.

In Birmingham, Alabama, an FBI
FBI
informant reported that Public Safety Commissioner Eugene "Bull" Connor
Eugene "Bull" Connor
gave Ku Klux Klan
Ku Klux Klan
members fifteen minutes to attack an incoming group of freedom riders before having police "protect" them. The riders were severely beaten "until it looked like a bulldog had got a hold of them." James Peck, a white activist, was beaten so badly that he required fifty stitches to his head.[79] In a similar occurrence in Montgomery, Alabama, the Freedom Riders followed in the footsteps of Rosa Parks
Rosa Parks
and rode an integrated Greyhound bus from Birmingham. Although they were protesting interstate bus segregation in peace, they were met with violence in Montgomery as a large, white mob attacked them for their activism. They caused an enormous, 2-hour long riot which resulted in 22 injuries, five of whom were hospitalized.[80] Mob violence in Anniston and Birmingham temporarily halted the rides. SNCC
SNCC
activists from Nashville
Nashville
brought in new riders to continue the journey from Birmingham to New Orleans. In Montgomery, Alabama, at the Greyhound Bus Station, a mob charged another bus load of riders, knocking John Lewis unconscious with a crate and smashing Life photographer Don Urbrock in the face with his own camera. A dozen men surrounded James Zwerg, a white student from Fisk University, and beat him in the face with a suitcase, knocking out his teeth.[79] On May 24, 1961, the freedom riders continued their rides into Jackson, Mississippi, where they were arrested for "breaching the peace" by using "white only" facilities. New Freedom Rides
Freedom Rides
were organized by many different organizations and continued to flow into the South. As riders arrived in Jackson, they were arrested. By the end of summer, more than 300 had been jailed in Mississippi.[78]

.. When the weary Riders arrive in Jackson and attempt to use "white only" restrooms and lunch counters they are immediately arrested for Breach of Peace and Refusal to Obey an Officer. Says Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett
Ross Barnett
in defense of segregation: "The Negro is different because God made him different to punish him." From lockup, the Riders announce "Jail No Bail"—they will not pay fines for unconstitutional arrests and illegal convictions—and by staying in jail they keep the issue alive. Each prisoner will remain in jail for 39 days, the maximum time they can serve without loosing [sic] their right to appeal the unconstitutionality of their arrests, trials, and convictions. After 39 days, they file an appeal and post bond...[81]

The jailed freedom riders were treated harshly, crammed into tiny, filthy cells and sporadically beaten. In Jackson, some male prisoners were forced to do hard labor in 100 °F heat. Others were transferred to the Mississippi State Penitentiary
Mississippi State Penitentiary
at Parchman, where they were treated to harsh conditions. Sometimes the men were suspended by "wrist breakers" from the walls. Typically, the windows of their cells were shut tight on hot days, making it hard for them to breathe. Public sympathy and support for the freedom riders led John F. Kennedy's administration to order the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) to issue a new desegregation order. When the new ICC rule took effect on November 1, 1961, passengers were permitted to sit wherever they chose on the bus; "white" and "colored" signs came down in the terminals; separate drinking fountains, toilets, and waiting rooms were consolidated; and lunch counters began serving people regardless of skin color. The student movement involved such celebrated figures as John Lewis, a single-minded activist; James Lawson, the revered "guru" of nonviolent theory and tactics; Diane Nash, an articulate and intrepid public champion of justice; Bob Moses, pioneer of voting registration in Mississippi; and James Bevel, a fiery preacher and charismatic organizer, strategist, and facilitator. Other prominent student activists included Charles McDew, Bernard Lafayette, Charles Jones, Lonnie King, Julian Bond, Hosea Williams, and Stokely Carmichael. Voter registration organizing[edit] After the Freedom Rides, local black leaders in Mississippi such as Amzie Moore, Aaron Henry, Medgar Evers, and others asked SNCC
SNCC
to help register black voters and to build community organizations that could win a share of political power in the state. Since Mississippi ratified its new constitution in 1890 with provisions such as poll taxes, residency requirements, and literacy tests, it made registration more complicated and stripped blacks from voter rolls and voting. In addition, violence at the time of elections had earlier suppressed black voting. By the mid-20th century, preventing blacks from voting had become an essential part of the culture of white supremacy. In the fall of 1961, SNCC
SNCC
organizer Robert Moses began the first voter registration project in McComb and the surrounding counties in the Southwest corner of the state. Their efforts were met with violent repression from state and local lawmen, the White Citizens' Council, and the Ku Klux Klan. Activists were beaten, there were hundreds of arrests of local citizens, and the voting activist Herbert Lee was murdered.[82] White opposition to black voter registration was so intense in Mississippi that Freedom Movement activists concluded that all of the state's civil rights organizations had to unite in a coordinated effort to have any chance of success. In February 1962, representatives of SNCC, CORE, and the NAACP
NAACP
formed the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO). At a subsequent meeting in August, SCLC became part of COFO.[83] In the Spring of 1962, with funds from the Voter Education Project, SNCC/COFO began voter registration organizing in the Mississippi Delta area around Greenwood, and the areas surrounding Hattiesburg, Laurel, and Holly Springs. As in McComb, their efforts were met with fierce opposition—arrests, beatings, shootings, arson, and murder. Registrars used the literacy test to keep blacks off the voting roles by creating standards that even highly educated people could not meet. In addition, employers fired blacks who tried to register, and landlords evicted them from their rental homes.[84] Despite these actions, over the following years, the black voter registration campaign spread across the state. Similar voter registration campaigns—with similar responses—were begun by SNCC, CORE, and SCLC in Louisiana, Alabama, southwest Georgia, and South Carolina. By 1963, voter registration campaigns in the South were as integral to the Freedom Movement as desegregation efforts. After passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964,[2] protecting and facilitating voter registration despite state barriers became the main effort of the movement. It resulted in passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which had provisions to enforce the constitutional right to vote for all citizens. Integration of Mississippi universities, 1956–1965[edit]

This section contains weasel words: vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed. (May 2010)

Beginning in 1956, Clyde Kennard, a black Korean War-veteran, wanted to enroll at Mississippi Southern College (now the University of Southern Mississippi) under the G.I. Bill
G.I. Bill
at Hattiesburg. Dr. William David McCain, the college president, used the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, in order to prevent his enrollment by appealing to local black leaders and the segregationist state political establishment.[85] The state-funded organization tried to counter the civil rights movement by positively portraying segregationist policies. More significantly, it collected data on activists, harassed them legally, and used economic boycotts against them by threatening their jobs (or causing them to lose their jobs) to try to suppress their work. Kennard was twice arrested on trumped-up charges, and eventually convicted and sentenced to seven years in the state prison.[86] After three years at hard labor, Kennard was paroled by Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett. Journalists had investigated his case and publicized the state's mistreatment of his colon cancer.[86] McCain's role in Kennard's arrests and convictions is unknown.[87][88][89][90] While trying to prevent Kennard's enrollment, McCain made a speech in Chicago, with his travel sponsored by the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission. He described the blacks' seeking to desegregate Southern schools as "imports" from the North. (Kennard was a native and resident of Hattiesburg.) McCain said:

We insist that educationally and socially, we maintain a segregated society...In all fairness, I admit that we are not encouraging Negro voting...The Negroes prefer that control of the government remain in the white man's hands.[87][89][90]

Note: Mississippi had passed a new constitution in 1890 that effectively disfranchised most blacks by changing electoral and voter registration requirements; although it deprived them of constitutional rights authorized under post-Civil War amendments, it survived U.S. Supreme Court challenges at the time. It was not until after passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act
Voting Rights Act
that most blacks in Mississippi and other southern states gained federal protection to enforce the constitutional right of citizens to vote.

James Meredith
James Meredith
walking to class accompanied by U.S. marshals

In September 1962, James Meredith
James Meredith
won a lawsuit to secure admission to the previously segregated University of Mississippi. He attempted to enter campus on September 20, on September 25, and again on September 26. He was blocked by Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett, who said, "[N]o school will be integrated in Mississippi while I am your Governor." The Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals
Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals
held Barnett and Lieutenant Governor Paul B. Johnson Jr.
Paul B. Johnson Jr.
in contempt, ordering them arrested and fined more than $10,000 for each day they refused to allow Meredith to enroll.[91]

U.S. Army
U.S. Army
trucks loaded with U.S. Marshals on the University of Mississippi campus

Attorney General Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
sent in a force of U.S. Marshals. On September 30, 1962, Meredith entered the campus under their escort. Students and other whites began rioting that evening, throwing rocks and firing on the U.S. Marshals guarding Meredith at Lyceum Hall. Two people, including a French journalist, were killed; 28 marshals suffered gunshot wounds; and 160 others were injured. President John F. Kennedy sent regular U.S. Army
U.S. Army
forces to the campus to quell the riot. Meredith began classes the day after the troops arrived.[92] Kennard and other activists continued to work on public university desegregation. In 1965 Raylawni Branch and Gwendolyn Elaine Armstrong became the first African-American students to attend the University of Southern Mississippi. By that time, McCain helped ensure they had a peaceful entry.[93] In 2006, Judge Robert Helfrich ruled that Kennard was factually innocent of all charges for which he had been convicted in the 1950s.[86] Albany Movement, 1961–62[edit] Main article: Albany Movement The SCLC, which had been criticized by some student activists for its failure to participate more fully in the freedom rides, committed much of its prestige and resources to a desegregation campaign in Albany, Georgia, in November 1961. King, who had been criticized personally by some SNCC
SNCC
activists for his distance from the dangers that local organizers faced—and given the derisive nickname "De Lawd" as a result—intervened personally to assist the campaign led by both SNCC organizers and local leaders. The campaign was a failure because of the canny tactics of Laurie Pritchett, the local police chief, and divisions within the black community. The goals may not have been specific enough. Pritchett contained the marchers without violent attacks on demonstrators that inflamed national opinion. He also arranged for arrested demonstrators to be taken to jails in surrounding communities, allowing plenty of room to remain in his jail. Prichett also foresaw King's presence as a danger and forced his release to avoid King's rallying the black community. King
King
left in 1962 without having achieved any dramatic victories. The local movement, however, continued the struggle, and it obtained significant gains in the next few years.[94] Birmingham campaign, 1963[edit] Main article: Birmingham campaign The Albany movement was shown to be an important education for the SCLC, however, when it undertook the Birmingham campaign
Birmingham campaign
in 1963. Executive Director Wyatt Tee Walker carefully planned the early strategy and tactics for the campaign. It focused on one goal—the desegregation of Birmingham's downtown merchants, rather than total desegregation, as in Albany. The movement's efforts were helped by the brutal response of local authorities, in particular Eugene "Bull" Connor, the Commissioner of Public Safety. He had long held much political power, but had lost a recent election for mayor to a less rabidly segregationist candidate. Refusing to accept the new mayor's authority, Connor intended to stay in office. The campaign used a variety of nonviolent methods of confrontation, including sit-ins, kneel-ins at local churches, and a march to the county building to mark the beginning of a drive to register voters. The city, however, obtained an injunction barring all such protests. Convinced that the order was unconstitutional, the campaign defied it and prepared for mass arrests of its supporters. King
King
elected to be among those arrested on April 12, 1963.[95] While in jail, King
King
wrote his famous "Letter from Birmingham Jail"[96] on the margins of a newspaper, since he had not been allowed any writing paper while held in solitary confinement.[97] Supporters appealed to the Kennedy administration, which intervened to obtain King's release. King
King
was allowed to call his wife, who was recuperating at home after the birth of their fourth child, and was released early on April 19. The campaign, however, faltered as it ran out of demonstrators willing to risk arrest. James Bevel, SCLC's Director of Direct Action and Director of Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Education, then came up with a bold and controversial alternative: to train high school students to take part in the demonstrations. As a result, in what would be called the Children's Crusade, more than one thousand students skipped school on May 2 to meet at the 16th Street Baptist Church to join the demonstrations. More than six hundred marched out of the church fifty at a time in an attempt to walk to City Hall to speak to Birmingham's mayor about segregation. They were arrested and put into jail.[citation needed] In this first encounter the police acted with restraint. On the next day, however, another one thousand students gathered at the church. When Bevel started them marching fifty at a time, Bull Connor
Bull Connor
finally unleashed police dogs on them and then turned the city's fire hoses water streams on the children. National television networks broadcast the scenes of the dogs attacking demonstrators and the water from the fire hoses knocking down the schoolchildren. Widespread public outrage led the Kennedy administration to intervene more forcefully in negotiations between the white business community and the SCLC. On May 10, the parties announced an agreement to desegregate the lunch counters and other public accommodations downtown, to create a committee to eliminate discriminatory hiring practices, to arrange for the release of jailed protesters, and to establish regular means of communication between black and white leaders. Not everyone in the black community approved of the agreement—the Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth
Fred Shuttlesworth
was particularly critical, since he was skeptical about the good faith of Birmingham's power structure from his experience in dealing with them. Parts of the white community reacted violently. They bombed the Gaston Motel, which housed the SCLC's unofficial headquarters, and the home of King's brother, the Reverend A. D. King. In response, thousands of blacks rioted, burning numerous buildings and one of them stabbed and wounded a police officer.[98]

Congress of Racial Equality
Congress of Racial Equality
march in Washington D.C. on September 22, 1963, in memory of the children killed in the Birmingham bombings

Kennedy prepared to federalize the Alabama
Alabama
National Guard if the need arose. Four months later, on September 15, a conspiracy of Ku Klux Klan members bombed the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, killing four young girls. "Rising tide of discontent" and Kennedy's response, 1963[edit] Main articles: Gloria Richardson, Stand in the Schoolhouse Door, and Civil Rights Address Birmingham was only one of over a hundred cities rocked by chaotic protest that spring and summer, some of them in the North. During the March on Washington, Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
would refer to such protests as "the whirlwinds of revolt." In Chicago, blacks rioted through the South Side in late May after a white police officer shot a fourteen-year-old black boy who was fleeing the scene of a robbery.[99] Violent clashes between black activists and white workers took place in both Philadelphia and Harlem in successful efforts to integrate state construction projects.[100][101] On June 6, over a thousand whites attacked a sit-in in Lexington, North Carolina; blacks fought back and one white man was killed.[102][103] Edwin C. Berry of the National Urban League
National Urban League
warned of a complete breakdown in race relations: "My message from the beer gardens and the barbershops all indicate the fact that the Negro is ready for war."[99] In Cambridge, Maryland, a working‐class city on the Eastern Shore, Gloria Richardson of SNCC
SNCC
led a movement that pressed for desegregation but also demanded low‐rent public housing, job‐training, public and private jobs, and an end to police brutality.[104] On June 11, struggles between blacks and whites escalated into violent rioting, leading Maryland Governor J. Millard Tawes to declare martial law. When negotiations between Richardson and Maryland officials faltered, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy directly intervened to negotiate a desegregation agreement.[105] Richardson felt that the increasing participation of poor and working-class blacks was expanding both the power and parameters of the movement, asserting that "the people as a whole really do have more intelligence than a few of their leaders.ʺ[104] In their deliberations during this wave of protests, the Kennedy administration privately felt that militant demonstrations were ʺbad for the countryʺ and that "Negroes are going to push this thing too far."[106] On May 24, Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
had a meeting with prominent black intellectuals to discuss the racial situation. The blacks criticized Kennedy harshly for vacillating on civil rights, and said that the African-American community's thoughts were increasingly turning to violence. The meeting ended with ill will on all sides.[107][108][109] Nonetheless, the Kennedys ultimately decided that new legislation for equal public accommodations was essential to drive activists "into the courts and out of the streets."[106][110]

Alabama
Alabama
governor George Wallace
George Wallace
stands against desegregation at the University of Alabama
Alabama
and is confronted by U.S. Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach
Nicholas Katzenbach
in 1963

On June 11, 1963, George Wallace, Governor of Alabama, tried to block[111] the integration of the University of Alabama. President John F. Kennedy
John F. Kennedy
sent a military force to make Governor Wallace step aside, allowing the enrollment of Vivian Malone Jones
Vivian Malone Jones
and James Hood. That evening, President Kennedy addressed the nation on TV and radio with his historic civil rights speech, where he lamented "a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety." He called on Congress to pass new civil rights legislation, and urged the country to embrace civil rights as "a moral issue...in our daily lives."[112] In the early hours of June 12, Medgar Evers, field secretary of the Mississippi NAACP, was assassinated by a member of the Klan.[113][114] The next week, as promised, on June 19, 1963, President Kennedy submitted his Civil Rights bill to Congress.[115] March on Washington, 1963[edit] Main article: March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom

Bayard Rustin
Bayard Rustin
(left) and Cleveland Robinson
Cleveland Robinson
(right), organizers of the March, on August 7, 1963

The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
at the National Mall

A. Philip Randolph
A. Philip Randolph
had planned a march on Washington, D.C., in 1941 to support demands for elimination of employment discrimination in defense industries; he called off the march when the Roosevelt administration met the demand by issuing Executive Order 8802
Executive Order 8802
barring racial discrimination and creating an agency to oversee compliance with the order.[116] Randolph and Bayard Rustin
Bayard Rustin
were the chief planners of the second march, which they proposed in 1962. In 1963, the Kennedy administration initially opposed the march out of concern it would negatively impact the drive for passage of civil rights legislation. However, Randolph and King
King
were firm that the march would proceed.[117] With the march going forward, the Kennedys decided it was important to work to ensure its success. Concerned about the turnout, President Kennedy enlisted the aid of white church leaders and Walter Reuther, president of the UAW, to help mobilize white supporters for the march.[118][119] The march was held on August 28, 1963. Unlike the planned 1941 march, for which Randolph included only black-led organizations in the planning, the 1963 march was a collaborative effort of all of the major civil rights organizations, the more progressive wing of the labor movement, and other liberal organizations. The march had six official goals:

meaningful civil rights laws a massive federal works program full and fair employment decent housing the right to vote adequate integrated education.

Of these, the march's major focus was on passage of the civil rights law that the Kennedy administration had proposed after the upheavals in Birmingham.

Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
at a Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.

National media attention also greatly contributed to the march's national exposure and probable impact. In his section "The March on Washington and Television News,"[120] William Thomas notes: "Over five hundred cameramen, technicians, and correspondents from the major networks were set to cover the event. More cameras would be set up than had filmed the last presidential inauguration. One camera was positioned high in the Washington Monument, to give dramatic vistas of the marchers". By carrying the organizers' speeches and offering their own commentary, television stations framed the way their local audiences saw and understood the event.[120]

"I Have a Dream"

30-second sample from "I Have a Dream" speech by Martin Luther King Jr. at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
on August 28, 1963

Problems playing this file? See media help.

The march was a success, although not without controversy. An estimated 200,000 to 300,000 demonstrators gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial, where King
King
delivered his famous "I Have a Dream" speech. While many speakers applauded the Kennedy administration for the efforts it had made toward obtaining new, more effective civil rights legislation protecting the right to vote and outlawing segregation, John Lewis of SNCC
SNCC
took the administration to task for not doing more to protect southern blacks and civil rights workers under attack in the Deep South. After the march, King
King
and other civil rights leaders met with President Kennedy at the White House. While the Kennedy administration appeared sincerely committed to passing the bill, it was not clear that it had the votes in Congress to do it. However when President Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963,[115] the new President Lyndon Johnson decided to use his influence in Congress to bring about much of Kennedy's legislative agenda. Malcolm X
Malcolm X
joins the movement, 1964–1965[edit] Main articles: Malcolm X, Black Nationalism, and The Ballot or the Bullet In March 1964, Malcolm X
Malcolm X
(el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz), national representative of the Nation of Islam, formally broke with that organization, and made a public offer to collaborate with any civil rights organization that accepted the right to self-defense and the philosophy of Black nationalism (which Malcolm said no longer required Black separatism). Gloria Richardson–head of the Cambridge, Maryland, chapter of SNCC, leader of the Cambridge rebellion[121] and an honored guest at The March on Washington – immediately embraced Malcolm's offer. Mrs. Richardson, "the nation's most prominent woman [civil rights] leader," told The Baltimore Afro-American that "Malcolm is being very practical...The federal government has moved into conflict situations only when matters approach the level of insurrection. Self-defense may force Washington to intervene sooner."[122] Earlier, in May 1963, James Baldwin
James Baldwin
had stated publicly that "the Black Muslim movement is the only one in the country we can call grassroots, I hate to say it...Malcolm articulates for Negroes, their suffering...he corroborates their reality..."[123] On the local level, Malcolm and the NOI had been allied with the Harlem chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality
Congress of Racial Equality
(CORE) since at least 1962.[124]

Malcolm X
Malcolm X
meets with Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., March 26, 1964

On March 26, 1964, as the Civil Rights Act was facing stiff opposition in Congress, Malcolm had a public meeting with Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr. at the Capitol building. Malcolm had attempted to begin a dialog with Dr. King
King
as early as 1957, but King
King
had rebuffed him. Malcolm had responded by calling King
King
an "Uncle Tom" who turned his back on black militancy in order to appease the white power structure. However, the two men were on good terms at their face-to-face meeting.[125] There is evidence that King
King
was preparing to support Malcolm's plan to formally bring the U.S. government before the United Nations on charges of human rights violations against African Americans.[126] Malcolm now encouraged Black nationalists to get involved in voter registration drives and other forms of community organizing to redefine and expand the movement.[127] Civil rights
Civil rights
activists became increasingly combative in the 1963 to 1964 period, owing to events such as the thwarting of the Albany campaign, police repression and Ku Klux Klan
Ku Klux Klan
terrorism in Birmingham, and the assassination of Medgar Evers. Mississippi NAACP
NAACP
Field Director Charles Evers–Medgar Evers' brother–told a public NAACP conference on February 15, 1964, that "non-violence won't work in Mississippi...we made up our minds...that if a white man shoots at a Negro in Mississippi, we will shoot back."[128] The repression of sit-ins in Jacksonville, Florida, provoked a riot that saw black youth throwing Molotov cocktails at police on March 24, 1964.[129] Malcolm X gave extensive speeches in this period warning that such militant activity would escalate further if African Americans' rights were not fully recognized. In his landmark April 1964 speech "The Ballot or the Bullet", Malcolm presented an ultimatum to white America: "There's new strategy coming in. It'll be Molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades next month, and something else next month. It'll be ballots, or it'll be bullets."[130] As noted in Eyes on the Prize, " Malcolm X
Malcolm X
had a far reaching effect on the civil rights movement. In the South, there had been a long tradition of self reliance. Malcolm X's ideas now touched that tradition".[131] Self-reliance was becoming paramount in light of the 1964 Democratic National Convention's decision to refuse seating to the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
(MFDP) and to seat the state delegation elected in violation of the party's rules through Jim Crow law instead.[132] SNCC
SNCC
moved in an increasingly militant direction and worked with Malcolm X
Malcolm X
on two Harlem MFDP fundraisers in December 1964. When Fannie Lou Hamer
Fannie Lou Hamer
spoke to Harlemites about the Jim Crow
Jim Crow
violence that she'd suffered in Mississippi, she linked it directly to the Northern police brutality against blacks that Malcolm protested against;[133] When Malcolm asserted that African Americans
African Americans
should emulate the Mau Mau
Mau Mau
army of Kenya
Kenya
in efforts to gain their independence, many in SNCC
SNCC
applauded.[134] During the Selma campaign for voting rights in 1965, Malcolm made it known that he'd heard reports of increased threats of lynching around Selma, and responded in late January with an open telegram to George Lincoln Rockwell, the head of the American Nazi Party, stating: "if your present racist agitation against our people there in Alabama
Alabama
causes physical harm to Reverend King
King
or any other black Americans...you and your KKK friends will be met with maximum physical retaliation from those of us who are not handcuffed by the disarming philosophy of nonviolence."[135] The following month, the Selma chapter of SNCC
SNCC
invited Malcolm to speak to a mass meeting there. On the day of Malcolm's appearance, President Johnson made his first public statement in support of the Selma campaign.[136] Paul Ryan Haygood, a co-director of the NAACP
NAACP
Legal Defense Fund, credits Malcolm with a role in stimulating the responsiveness of the federal government. Haygood noted that "shortly after Malcolm's visit to Selma, a federal judge, responding to a suit brought by the Department of Justice, required Dallas County, Alabama, registrars to process at least 100 Black applications each day their offices were open."[137] St. Augustine, Florida, 1963–64[edit] Main article: St. Augustine movement

"We Cater to White Trade Only" sign on a restaurant window in Lancaster, Ohio, in 1938. In 1964, Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
was arrested and spent a night in jail for attempting to eat at a white-only restaurant in St. Augustine, Florida.

St. Augustine was famous as the "Nation's Oldest City", founded by the Spanish in 1565. It became the stage for a great drama leading up to the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. A local movement, led by Dr. Robert B. Hayling, a black dentist and Air Force veteran, and affiliated with the NAACP, had been picketing segregated local institutions since 1963, as a result of which Dr. Hayling and three companions were brutally beaten at a Ku Klux Klan
Ku Klux Klan
rally in the fall of that year. Nightriders shot into black homes, and teenagers Audrey Nell Edwards, JoeAnn Anderson, Samuel White, and Willie Carl Singleton (who came to be known as "The St. Augustine Four") spent six months in jail and reform school after sitting in at the local Woolworth's lunch counter. It took a special action of the governor and cabinet of Florida to release them after national protests by the Pittsburgh Courier, Jackie Robinson, and others. In response to the repression, the St. Augustine movement
St. Augustine movement
practiced armed self-defense in addition to nonviolent direct action. In June 1963, Dr. Hayling publicly stated that "I and the others have armed. We will shoot first and answer questions later. We are not going to die like Medgar Evers." The comment made national headlines.[138] When Klan nightriders terrorized black neighborhoods in St. Augustine, Hayling's NAACP
NAACP
members often drove them off with gunfire, and in October, a Klansman was killed.[139] In 1964, Dr. Hayling and other activists urged the Southern Christian Leadership Conference to come to St. Augustine. Four prominent Massachusetts women—Mrs. Mary Parkman Peabody, Mrs. Esther Burgess, Mrs. Hester Campbell (all of whose husbands were Episcopal bishops), and Mrs. Florence Rowe (whose husband was vice president of John Hancock Insurance Company) came to lend their support. The arrest of Mrs. Peabody, the 72-year-old mother of the governor of Massachusetts, for attempting to eat at the segregated Ponce de Leon Motor Lodge in an integrated group, made front page news across the country, and brought the movement in St. Augustine to the attention of the world. Widely publicized activities continued in the ensuing months. When Dr. King
King
was arrested, he sent a "Letter from the St. Augustine Jail" to a northern supporter, Rabbi Israel Dresner. This resulted, a week later, in the largest mass arrest of rabbis in American history—while conducting a pray-in at the Monson. A well-known photograph taken in St. Augustine shows the manager of the Monson Motel pouring muriatic acid in the swimming pool while blacks and whites are swimming in it. The horrifying photograph was run on the front page of the Washington newspaper the day the Senate went to vote on passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Freedom Summer, 1964[edit] Main article: Freedom Summer In the summer of 1964, COFO brought nearly 1,000 activists to Mississippi—most of them white college students—to join with local black activists to register voters, teach in "Freedom Schools," and organize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
(MFDP).[140] Many of Mississippi's white residents deeply resented the outsiders and attempts to change their society. State and local governments, police, the White Citizens' Council
White Citizens' Council
and the Ku Klux Klan
Ku Klux Klan
used arrests, beatings, arson, murder, spying, firing, evictions, and other forms of intimidation and harassment to oppose the project and prevent blacks from registering to vote or achieving social equality.[141]

Missing persons
Missing persons
poster created by the FBI
FBI
in 1964, shows the photographs of Andrew Goodman, James Chaney, and Michael Schwerner

On June 21, 1964, three civil rights workers disappeared: James Chaney, a young black Mississippian and plasterer's apprentice; and two Jewish
Jewish
activists, Andrew Goodman, a Queens College anthropology student; and Michael Schwerner, a CORE organizer from Manhattan's Lower East Side, were found weeks later, murdered by conspirators who turned out to be local members of the Klan, some of them members of the Neshoba County sheriff's department. This outraged the public, leading the U.S. Justice Department along with the FBI
FBI
(the latter which had previously avoided dealing with the issue of segregation and persecution of blacks) to take action. The outrage over these murders helped lead to the passage of the Civil Rights Act. From June to August, Freedom Summer
Freedom Summer
activists worked in 38 local projects scattered across the state, with the largest number concentrated in the Mississippi Delta
Mississippi Delta
region. At least 30 Freedom Schools, with close to 3,500 students were established, and 28 community centers set up.[142] Over the course of the Summer Project, some 17,000 Mississippi blacks attempted to become registered voters in defiance of the red tape and forces of white supremacy arrayed against them—only 1,600 (less than 10%) succeeded. But more than 80,000 joined the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), founded as an alternative political organization, showing their desire to vote and participate in politics.[143] Though Freedom Summer
Freedom Summer
failed to register many voters, it had a significant effect on the course of the civil rights movement. It helped break down the decades of people's isolation and repression that were the foundation of the Jim Crow
Jim Crow
system. Before Freedom Summer, the national news media had paid little attention to the persecution of black voters in the Deep South
Deep South
and the dangers endured by black civil rights workers. The progression of events throughout the South increased media attention to Mississippi.[144] The deaths of affluent northern white students and threats to other northerners attracted the full attention of the media spotlight to the state. Many black activists became embittered, believing the media valued lives of whites and blacks differently. Perhaps the most significant effect of Freedom Summer
Freedom Summer
was on the volunteers, almost all of whom—black and white—still consider it to have been one of the defining periods of their lives.[144] Civil Rights Act of 1964[edit] Main article: Civil Rights Act of 1964 Although President Kennedy had proposed civil rights legislation and it had support from Northern Congressmen and Senators of both parties, Southern Senators blocked the bill by threatening filibusters. After considerable parliamentary maneuvering and 54 days of filibuster on the floor of the United States
United States
Senate, President Johnson got a bill through the Congress.[145]

Lyndon B. Johnson
Lyndon B. Johnson
signs the historic Civil Rights Act of 1964

On July 2, 1964, Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964,[2] that banned discrimination based on "race, color, religion, sex or national origin" in employment practices and public accommodations. The bill authorized the Attorney General to file lawsuits to enforce the new law. The law also nullified state and local laws that required such discrimination. Harlem riot of 1964[edit] Main article: Harlem riot of 1964 When police shot an unarmed black teenager in Harlem in July 1964, tensions escalated out of control. Residents were frustrated with racial inequalities. Rioting broke out, and Bedford-Stuyvesant, a major black neighborhood in Brooklyn
Brooklyn
erupted next. That summer, rioting also broke out in Philadelphia, for similar reasons. The riots were on a much smaller scale than what would occur in 1965 and later. Washington responded with a pilot program called Project Uplift. Thousands of young people in Harlem were given jobs during the summer of 1965. The project was inspired by a report generated by HARYOU called Youth in the Ghetto.[146] HARYOU was given a major role in organizing the project, together with the National Urban League
National Urban League
and nearly 100 smaller community organizations.[147] Permanent jobs at living wages were still out of reach of many young black men. Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, 1964[edit] Main article: Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Blacks in Mississippi had been disfranchised by statutory and constitutional changes since the late 19th century. In 1963 COFO held a Freedom Vote in Mississippi to demonstrate the desire of black Mississippians to vote. More than 80,000 people registered and voted in the mock election, which pitted an integrated slate of candidates from the "Freedom Party" against the official state Democratic Party candidates.[148]

President Lyndon B. Johnson
Lyndon B. Johnson
(center) meets with civil rights leaders Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., Whitney Young, and James Farmer, January 1964

In 1964, organizers launched the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) to challenge the all-white official party. When Mississippi voting registrars refused to recognize their candidates, they held their own primary. They selected Fannie Lou Hamer, Annie Devine, and Victoria Gray to run for Congress, and a slate of delegates to represent Mississippi at the 1964 Democratic National Convention.[140] The presence of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
in Atlantic City, New Jersey, was inconvenient, however, for the convention organizers. They had planned a triumphant celebration of the Johnson administration's achievements in civil rights, rather than a fight over racism within the Democratic Party. All-white delegations from other Southern states threatened to walk out if the official slate from Mississippi was not seated. Johnson was worried about the inroads that Republican Barry Goldwater's campaign was making in what previously had been the white Democratic stronghold of the "Solid South", as well as support that George Wallace
George Wallace
had received in the North during the Democratic primaries. Johnson could not, however, prevent the MFDP from taking its case to the Credentials Committee. There Fannie Lou Hamer
Fannie Lou Hamer
testified eloquently about the beatings that she and others endured and the threats they faced for trying to register to vote. Turning to the television cameras, Hamer asked, "Is this America?" Johnson offered the MFDP a "compromise" under which it would receive two non-voting, at-large seats, while the white delegation sent by the official Democratic Party would retain its seats. The MFDP angrily rejected the "compromise." The MFDP kept up its agitation at the convention, after it was denied official recognition. When all but three of the "regular" Mississippi delegates left because they refused to pledge allegiance to the party, the MFDP delegates borrowed passes from sympathetic delegates and took the seats vacated by the official Mississippi delegates. National party organizers removed them. When they returned the next day, they found convention organizers had removed the empty seats that had been there the day before. They stayed and sang "freedom songs". The 1964 Democratic Party convention disillusioned many within the MFDP and the civil rights movement, but it did not destroy the MFDP. The MFDP became more radical after Atlantic City. It invited Malcolm X to speak at one of its conventions and opposed the war in Vietnam. Selma Voting Rights Movement[edit] Main articles: Selma to Montgomery marches
Selma to Montgomery marches
and Voting Rights Act

President Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
at the signing of the Voting Rights Act on August 6, 1965

"Remarks on the Signing of the Voting Rights Act"

Play media

Statement before the United States Congress
United States Congress
by Johnson on August 6, 1965, about the Voting Rights Act

"Remarks on the Signing of the Voting Rights Act"

audio only

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SNCC
SNCC
had undertaken an ambitious voter registration program in Selma, Alabama, in 1963, but by 1965 had made little headway in the face of opposition from Selma's sheriff, Jim Clark. After local residents asked the SCLC for assistance, King
King
came to Selma to lead several marches, at which he was arrested along with 250 other demonstrators. The marchers continued to meet violent resistance from police. Jimmie Lee Jackson, a resident of nearby Marion, was killed by police at a later march in February 17, 1965. Jackson's death prompted James Bevel, director of the Selma Movement, to initiate and organize a plan to march from Selma to Montgomery, the state capital. On March 7, 1965, acting on Bevel's plan, Hosea Williams
Hosea Williams
of the SCLC and John Lewis of SNCC
SNCC
led a march of 600 people to walk the 54 miles (87 km) from Selma to the state capital in Montgomery. Only six blocks into the march, at the Edmund Pettus Bridge, state troopers and local law enforcement, some mounted on horseback, attacked the peaceful demonstrators with billy clubs, tear gas, rubber tubes wrapped in barbed wire, and bull whips. They drove the marchers back into Selma. Lewis was knocked unconscious and dragged to safety. At least 16 other marchers were hospitalized. Among those gassed and beaten was Amelia Boynton
Amelia Boynton
Robinson, who was at the center of civil rights activity at the time. The national broadcast of the news footage of lawmen attacking unresisting marchers' seeking to exercise their constitutional right to vote provoked a national response, and hundreds of people from all over the country came for a second march. These marchers were turned around by Dr. King
King
at the last minute so as not to violate a federal injunction. With the support of James Forman
James Forman
and other SNCC
SNCC
leaders, activists throughout the country committed civil disobedience for Selma, particularly in Montgomery and at the White House. The marchers were able to lift the injunction and obtain protection from federal troops, permitting them to make the march across Alabama
Alabama
without incident two weeks later.

Police attack non-violent marchers on "Bloody Sunday", the first day of the Selma to Montgomery marches

The evening of a second march on March 9 to the site of Bloody Sunday, local whites attacked Rev. James Reeb, a voting rights supporter. He died of his injuries in a Birmingham hospital March 11. On March 25, four Klansmen shot and killed Detroit
Detroit
homemaker Viola Liuzzo
Viola Liuzzo
as she drove marchers back to Selma at night after the successfully completed march to Montgomery. Voting Rights Act, 1965[edit] Eight days after the first march, but before the final march, President Johnson delivered a televised address to support the voting rights bill he had sent to Congress. In it he stated:

Their cause must be our cause too. Because it is not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.

Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act of 1965
Voting Rights Act of 1965
on August 6. The 1965 act suspended literacy tests and other subjective voter registration tests. It authorized Federal supervision of voter registration in states and individual voting districts where such tests were being used. African Americans
African Americans
who had been barred from registering to vote finally had an alternative to taking suits to local or state courts, which had seldom prosecuted their cases to success. If discrimination in voter registration occurred, the 1965 act authorized the Attorney General of the United States
United States
to send Federal examiners to replace local registrars. Within months of its passage, 250,000 new black voters had been registered, one third of them by federal examiners. Within four years, voter registration in the South had more than doubled. In 1965, Mississippi had the highest black voter turnout at 74% and led the nation in the number of black public officials elected. In 1969, Tennessee
Tennessee
had a 92.1% turnout among black voters; Arkansas, 77.9%; and Texas, 73.1%. Several whites who had opposed the Voting Rights Act
Voting Rights Act
paid a quick price. In 1966 Sheriff Jim Clark of Alabama, infamous for using cattle prods against civil rights marchers, was up for reelection. Although he took off the notorious "Never" pin on his uniform, he was defeated. At the election, Clark lost as blacks voted to get him out of office. Blacks' regaining the power to vote changed the political landscape of the South. When Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, only about 100 African Americans
African Americans
held elective office, all in northern states. By 1989, there were more than 7,200 African Americans
African Americans
in office, including more than 4,800 in the South. Nearly every Black Belt county (where populations were majority black) in Alabama
Alabama
had a black sheriff. Southern blacks held top positions in city, county, and state governments. Atlanta
Atlanta
elected a black mayor, Andrew Young, as did Jackson, Mississippi, with Harvey Johnson Jr., and New Orleans, with Ernest Morial. Black politicians on the national level included Barbara Jordan, elected as a Representative from Texas in Congress, and President Jimmy Carter appointed Andrew Young
Andrew Young
as United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Julian Bond
Julian Bond
was elected to the Georgia State Legislature in 1965, although political reaction to his public Opposition to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War
Vietnam War
prevented him from taking his seat until 1967. John Lewis represents Georgia's 5th congressional district in the United States
United States
House of Representatives, where he has served since 1987. Watts riot of 1965[edit] Main article: Watts Riots

Police arrest a man during the Watts Riots, August 1965

The new Voting Rights Act of 1965
Voting Rights Act of 1965
had no immediate effect on living conditions for poor blacks. A few days after the act became law, a riot broke out in the South Central Los Angeles neighborhood of Watts. Like Harlem, Watts was an impoverished neighborhood with very high unemployment. Its residents confronted a largely white police department that had a history of abuse against blacks.[149] While arresting a young man for drunk driving, police officers argued with the suspect's mother before onlookers. The spark triggered a massive destruction of property through six days of rioting. Thirty-four people were killed and property valued at about $30 million was destroyed, making the Watts Riots
Watts Riots
among the most expensive in American history. With black militancy on the rise, ghetto residents directed acts of anger at the police. Black residents growing tired of police brutality continued to riot. Some young people joined groups such as the Black Panthers, whose popularity was based in part on their reputation for confronting police officers. Riots among blacks occurred in 1966 and 1967 in cities such as Atlanta, San Francisco, Oakland, Baltimore, Seattle, Tacoma, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Columbus, Newark, Chicago, New York City (specifically in Brooklyn, Harlem and the Bronx), and worst of all in Detroit. Fair housing
Fair housing
movements, 1966–1968[edit] The first major blow against housing segregation in the era, the Rumford Fair Housing Act, was passed in California
California
in 1963. It was overturned by white California
California
voters and real estate lobbyists the following year with Proposition 14, a move which helped precipitate the Watts Riots.[150][151] In 1966, the California
California
Supreme Court invalidated Proposition 14 and reinstated the Fair Housing Act.[152] Working and organizing for fair housing laws became a major project of the movement over the next two years, with Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., James Bevel, and Al Raby leading the Chicago
Chicago
Freedom Movement around the issue in 1966. In the following year, Father James Groppi
James Groppi
and the NAACP Youth Council also attracted national attention with a fair housing campaign in Milwaukee.[153][154] Both movements faced violent resistance from white homeowners and legal opposition from conservative politicians. The Fair Housing Bill was the most contentious civil rights legislation of the era. Senator Walter Mondale, who advocated for the bill, noted that over successive years, it was the most filibustered legislation in U.S. history. It was opposed by most Northern and Southern senators, as well as the National Association of Real Estate Boards. A proposed "Civil Rights Act of 1966" had collapsed completely because of its fair housing provision.[155] Mondale commented that:

A lot of civil rights [legislation] was about making the South behave and taking the teeth from George Wallace, [but] this came right to the neighborhoods across the country. This was civil rights getting personal.[21]

Nationwide riots of 1967[edit] Main articles: Detroit
Detroit
Riot of 1967, 1967 Newark riots, 1967 Plainfield riots, and Long Hot Summer of 1967 Over 100 U.S. cities experienced riots in 1967, including Detroit, Newark, Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Washington D.C.[156] The largest of these was the Detroit
Detroit
riot. In Detroit, a large black middle class had begun to develop among those African Americans
African Americans
who worked at unionized jobs in the automotive industry; these workers still complained of racist practices, concerns which the United Auto Workers channeled into bureaucratic and ineffective grievance procedures.[157] Violent white mobs enforced the segregation of housing up through the 1960s;.[158] Blacks who were not upwardly mobile were living in substandard conditions, subject to the same problems as African Americans
African Americans
in Watts and Harlem. When white police officers shut down an illegal bar and arrested a large group of patrons during the hot summer, furious residents rioted. Blacks looted and destroyed property for five days, and National Guardsmen and federal troops patrolled in tanks through the streets. Residents reported that police officers shot at black people before even determining if the suspects were armed or dangerous. After five days, 43 people had been killed, hundreds injured, and thousands left homeless. $40 to $45 million worth of damage was caused.[158][159] State and local governments responded to the riot with a dramatic increase in minority hiring.[160] In the aftermath of the turmoil, the Greater Detroit
Detroit
Board of Commerce also launched a campaign to find jobs for ten thousand "previously unemployable" persons, a preponderant number of whom were black.[161] Governor George Romney immediately responded to the riot of 1967 with a special session of the Michigan legislature where he forwarded sweeping housing proposals that included not only fair housing, but "important relocation, tenants' rights and code enforcement legislation." Romney had supported such proposals in 1965, but abandoned them in the face of organized opposition. The laws passed both houses of the legislature. Historian Sidney Fine writes that: "The Michigan Fair Housing Act, which took effect on November 15, 1968, was stronger than the federal fair housing law...It is probably more than a coincidence that the state that had experienced the most severe racial disorder of the 1960s also adopted one of the strongest state fair housing acts."[162] President Johnson created the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders in response to nationwide wave of riots. The commission's final report called for major reforms in employment and public policy in black communities. It warned that the United States
United States
was moving toward separate white and black societies. Memphis, King
King
assassination and the Poor People's March 1968[edit] Main articles: Poor People's Campaign
Poor People's Campaign
and Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.

"I've Been to the Mountaintop"

Final 30 seconds of "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech by Martin Luther King
King
Jr. These are the final words from his final public speech.

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A 3,000-person shantytown called Resurrection City was established on the National Mall.

Rev. James Lawson invited King
King
to Memphis, Tennessee, in March 1968 to support a sanitation workers' strike. These workers launched a campaign for union representation after two workers were accidentally killed on the job, and King
King
considered their struggle to be a vital part of the Poor People's Campaign
Poor People's Campaign
he was planning. A day after delivering his stirring "I've Been to the Mountaintop" sermon, which has become famous for his vision of American society, King
King
was assassinated on April 4, 1968. Riots broke out in black neighborhoods in more than 110 cities across the United States
United States
in the days that followed, notably in Chicago, Baltimore, and in Washington, D.C. The day before King's funeral, April 8, Coretta Scott King
Coretta Scott King
and three of the King
King
children led 20,000 marchers through the streets of Memphis, holding signs that read, "Honor King: End Racism" and "Union Justice Now". Armed National Guardsmen lined the streets, sitting on M-48 tanks, to protect the marchers, and helicopters circled overhead. On April 9, Mrs. King
King
led another 150,000 people in a funeral procession through the streets of Atlanta.[163] Her dignity revived courage and hope in many of the Movement's members, cementing her place as the new leader in the struggle for racial equality. Coretta Scott King
Coretta Scott King
said,[164]

[ Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr.] gave his life for the poor of the world, the garbage workers of Memphis and the peasants of Vietnam. The day that Negro people and others in bondage are truly free, on the day want is abolished, on the day wars are no more, on that day I know my husband will rest in a long-deserved peace.

Rev. Ralph Abernathy
Ralph Abernathy
succeeded King
King
as the head of the SCLC and attempted to carry forth King's plan for a Poor People's March. It was to unite blacks and whites to campaign for fundamental changes in American society and economic structure. The march went forward under Abernathy's plainspoken leadership but did not achieve its goals. See also: Orangeburg massacre Civil Rights Act of 1968[edit] Main article: Civil Rights Act of 1968 As 1968 began, the fair housing bill was being filibustered once again, but two developments revived it.[21] The Kerner Commission report on the 1967 ghetto riots was delivered to Congress on March 1, and it strongly recommended "a comprehensive and enforceable federal open housing law" as a remedy to the civil disturbances. The Senate was moved to end their filibuster that week.[165] As the House of Representatives deliberated the bill in April, Dr. King
King
was assassinated, and the largest wave of unrest since the Civil War swept the country.[166] Senator Charles Mathias wrote that:

some Senators and Representatives publicly stated they would not be intimidated or rushed into legislating because of the disturbances. Nevertheless, the news coverage of the riots and the underlying disparities in income, jobs, housing, and education, between White and Black Americans
Americans
helped educate citizens and Congress about the stark reality of an enormous social problem. Members of Congress knew they had to act to redress these imbalances in American life to fulfill the dream that King
King
had so eloquently preached.[165]

The House passed the legislation on April 10, and President Johnson signed it the next day. The Civil Rights Act of 1968
Civil Rights Act of 1968
prohibited discrimination concerning the sale, rental, and financing of housing based on race, religion, and national origin. It also made it a federal crime to "by force or by threat of force, injure, intimidate, or interfere with anyone...by reason of their race, color, religion, or national origin."[167] Other issues[edit] Grassroots leadership[edit]

Fannie Lou Hamer
Fannie Lou Hamer
of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party
(and other Mississippi-based organizations) is an example of local grassroots leadership in the movement.

While most popular representations of the movement are centered on the leadership and philosophy of Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., some scholars note that the movement was too diverse to be credited to one person, organization, or strategy. Sociologist Doug McAdam has stated that, "in King's case, it would be inaccurate to say that he was the leader of the modern civil rights movement...but more importantly, there was no singular civil rights movement. The movement was, in fact, a coalition of thousands of local efforts nationwide, spanning several decades, hundreds of discrete groups, and all manner of strategies and tactics—legal, illegal, institutional, non-institutional, violent, non-violent. Without discounting King's importance, it would be sheer fiction to call him the leader of what was fundamentally an amorphous, fluid, dispersed movement."[168] Decentralized grassroots leadership has been a major focus of movement scholarship in recent decades through the work of historians John Dittmer, Charles Payne, Barbara Ransby, and others. Black power (1966–1968)[edit] Main articles: Black Power
Black Power
and Black Power
Black Power
movement During the Freedom Summer
Freedom Summer
campaign of 1964, numerous tensions within the civil rights movement came to the forefront. Many blacks in SNCC developed concerns that white activists from the North were taking over the movement. The massive presence of white students was also not reducing the amount of violence that SNCC
SNCC
suffered, but seemed to be increasing it. Additionally, there was profound disillusionment at Lyndon Johnson's denial of voting status for the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party.[169][170] Meanwhile, during CORE's work in Louisiana that summer, that group found the federal government would not respond to requests to enforce the provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, or to protect the lives of activists who challenged segregation. For the Louisiana
Louisiana
campaign to survive it had to rely on a local African-American militia called the Deacons for Defense and Justice, who used arms to repel white supremacist violence and police repression. CORE's collaboration with the Deacons was effective against breaking Jim Crow
Jim Crow
in numerous Louisiana
Louisiana
areas.[171][172] In 1965, SNCC
SNCC
helped organize an independent political party, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO), in the heart of Alabama Klan territory, and permitted its black leaders to openly promote the use of armed self-defense. Meanwhile, the Deacons for Defense and Justice expanded into Mississippi and assisted Charles Evers' NAACP chapter with a successful campaign in Natchez.[173] The same year, the Watts Rebellion
Watts Rebellion
took place in Los Angeles, and seemed to show that many black youth were now committed to the use of violence to protest inequality and oppression.[174] During the March Against Fear in 1966, SNCC
SNCC
and CORE fully embraced the slogan of "black power" to describe these trends towards militancy and self-reliance. In Mississippi, Stokely Carmichael
Stokely Carmichael
declared, "I'm not going to beg the white man for anything that I deserve, I'm going to take it. We need power."[175] Several people engaging in the Black Power movement
Black Power movement
started to gain more of a sense in black pride and identity as well. In gaining more of a sense of a cultural identity, several blacks demanded that whites no longer refer to them as "Negroes" but as "Afro-Americans." Up until the mid-1960s, blacks had dressed similarly to whites and straightened their hair. As a part of gaining a unique identity, blacks started to wear loosely fit dashikis and had started to grow their hair out as a natural afro. The afro, sometimes nicknamed the "'fro," remained a popular black hairstyle until the late 1970s. Black Power
Black Power
was made most public, however, by the Black Panther Party (BPP), which was founded by Huey Newton
Huey Newton
and Bobby Seale
Bobby Seale
in Oakland, California, in 1966. The group began following the revolutionary pan-Africanism of late-period Malcolm X, using a "by-any-means necessary" approach to stopping inequality. They sought to rid African American neighborhoods of police brutality and establish socialist community control in the ghettos. Their tactics varied from armed confrontation with police to setting up free breakfast and healthcare programs for children.[176] Between 1968 and 1971, the BPP was one of the most important black organizations in the country and had support from the NAACP, SCLC, Peace and Freedom Party, and others.[177] Black Power
Black Power
was taken to another level inside prison walls. In 1966, George Jackson formed the Black Guerrilla Family
Black Guerrilla Family
in the California
California
San Quentin State Prison. The goal of this group was to overthrow the white-run government in America and the prison system. In 1970, this group displayed their dedication after a white prison guard was found not guilty of shooting and killing three black prisoners from the prison tower. They retaliated by killing a white prison guard.

"Say It Loud – I'm Black and I'm Proud"

James Brown's "Say It Loud – I'm Black and I'm Proud" from Say It Loud – I'm Black and I'm Proud

Problems playing this file? See media help.

Gold medalist Tommie Smith
Tommie Smith
(center) and bronze medalist John Carlos (right) showing the raised fist on the podium after the 200 m race at the 1968 Summer Olympics; both wear Olympic Project for Human Rights badges. Peter Norman
Peter Norman
(silver medalist, left) from Australia also wears an OPHR badge in solidarity with Smith and Carlos.

Numerous popular cultural expressions associated with black power appeared at this time. Released in August 1968, the number one Rhythm & Blues single for the Billboard Year-End list was James Brown's "Say It Loud – I'm Black and I'm Proud".[178] In October 1968, Tommie Smith
Tommie Smith
and John Carlos, while being awarded the gold and bronze medals, respectively, at the 1968 Summer Olympics, donned human rights badges and each raised a black-gloved Black Power
Black Power
salute during their podium ceremony. King
King
was not comfortable with the "Black Power" slogan, which sounded too much like black nationalism to him. When King
King
was murdered in 1968, Stokely Carmichael
Stokely Carmichael
stated that whites murdered the one person who would prevent rampant rioting and that blacks would burn every major city to the ground. Black conservatism[edit] Despite the common notion that the ideas of Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., Malcolm X
Malcolm X
and Black Power
Black Power
only conflicted with each other and were the only ideologies of the civil rights movement, there were other sentiments felt by many blacks. Fearing the events during the movement were occurring too quickly, there were some blacks who felt that leaders should take their activism at a slower pace. Others had reservations on how focused blacks were on the movement and felt that such attention was better spent on reforming issues within the black community. Those who blatantly rejected integration had various rationales for doing so, such as fearing a change in the status quo they had been used to for so long or fearing for their safety if they found themselves in environments where whites were much more present. Some defended segregation for the sake of keeping ties with the white power structure from which many relied on for social and economic mobility above other blacks. Based on her interpretation of a 1966 study made by Donald Matthews and James Prothro detailing the relative percentage of blacks for integration, against it or feeling something else, Lauren Winner asserts that:

Black defenders of segregation look, at first blush, very much like black nationalists, especially in their preference for all-black institutions; but black defenders of segregation differ from nationalists in two key ways. First, while both groups criticize NAACP-style integration, nationalists articulate a third alternative to integration and Jim Crow, while segregationists preferred to stick with the status quo. Second, absent from black defenders of segregation's political vocabulary was the demand for self-determination. They called for all-black institutions, but not autonomous all-black institutions; indeed, some defenders of segregation asserted that black people needed white paternalism and oversight in order to thrive.[179]

Oftentimes, African-American community leaders would be staunch defenders of segregation. Church ministers, businessmen and educators were among those who wished to keep segregation and segregationist ideals in order to retain the privileges they gained from patronage from whites, such as monetary gains. In addition, they relied on segregation to keep their jobs and economies in their communities thriving. It was feared that if integration became widespread in the South, black-owned businesses and other establishments would lose a large chunk of their customer base to white-owned businesses, and many blacks would lose opportunities for jobs that were presently exclusive to their interests.[180] On the other hand, there were the everyday, average black people who criticized integration as well. For them, they took issue with different parts of the civil rights movement and the potential for blacks to exercise consumerism and economic liberty without hindrance from whites.[181] For Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr., Malcolm X
Malcolm X
and other leading activists and groups during the movement, these opposing viewpoints acted as an obstacle against their ideas. These different views made such leaders' work much harder to accomplish, but they were nonetheless important in the overall scope of the movement. For the most part, the black individuals who had reservations on various aspects of the movement and ideologies of the activists were not able to make a game-changing dent in their efforts, but the existence of these alternate ideas gave some blacks an outlet to express their concerns about the changing social structure. Avoiding the "Communist" label[edit] See also: The Communist Party and African-Americans On December 17, 1951, the Communist Party–affiliated Civil Rights Congress delivered the petition We Charge Genocide: "The Crime of Government Against the Negro People", often shortened to We Charge Genocide, to the United Nations in 1951, arguing that the U.S. federal government, by its failure to act against lynching in the United States, was guilty of genocide under Article II of the UN Genocide Convention.[182] The petition was presented to the United Nations at two separate venues: Paul Robeson, concert singer and activist, to a UN official in New York City, while William L. Patterson, executive director of the CRC, delivered copies of the drafted petition to a UN delegation in Paris.[183] Patterson, the editor of the petition, was a leader in the Communist Party USA and head of the International Labor Defense, a group that offered legal representation to communists, trade unionists, and African Americans
African Americans
in cases involving issues of political or racial persecution. The ILD was known for leading the defense of the Scottsboro boys
Scottsboro boys
in Alabama
Alabama
in 1931, where the Communist Party had considerable influence among African Americans
African Americans
in the 1930s. This had largely declined by the late 1950s, although they could command international attention. As earlier civil rights figures such as Robeson, Du Bois and Patterson became more politically radical (and therefore targets of Cold War
Cold War
anti-Communism by the U.S. Government), they lost favor with both mainstream Black America and the NAACP.[183] In order to secure a place in the mainstream and gain the broadest base, the new generation of civil rights activists believed they had to openly distance themselves from anything and anyone associated with the Communist party. According to Ella Baker, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference adopted "Christian" into its name to deter charges of Communism.[184] The FBI
FBI
under J. Edgar Hoover
J. Edgar Hoover
had been concerned about communism since the early 20th century, and continued to label as "Communist" or "subversive" some of the civil rights activists, whom it kept under close surveillance. In the early 1960s, the practice of distancing the civil rights movement from "Reds" was challenged by the Student Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee who adopted a policy of accepting assistance and participation by anyone, regardless of political affiliation, who supported the SNCC
SNCC
program and was willing to "put their body on the line." At times this political openness put SNCC
SNCC
at odds with the NAACP.[183] Kennedy administration, 1961–1963[edit]

Attorney General Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
speaking before a hostile Civil Rights crowd protesting low minority hiring in his Justice Department June 14, 1963[185]

For the first two years of the Kennedy administration, civil rights activists had mixed opinions of both the president and attorney general, Robert F. Kennedy. A well of historical skepticism toward liberal politics had left African Americans
African Americans
with a sense of uneasy disdain for any white politician who claimed to share their concerns for freedom, particularly ones connected to the historically pro-segregationist Democratic Party. Still, many were encouraged by the discreet support Kennedy gave to Dr. King, and the administration's willingness, after dramatic pressure from civil disobedience, to bring forth racially progressive initiatives. Many of the initiatives resulted from Robert Kennedy's passion. The younger Kennedy gained a rapid education in the realities of racism through events such as the Baldwin-Kennedy meeting. The president came to share his brother's sense of urgency on the matter, resulting in the landmark Civil Rights Address
Civil Rights Address
of June 1963 and the introduction of the first major civil rights act of the decade.[186][187] Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
first became concerned with civil rights in mid-May 1961 during the Freedom Rides, when photographs of the burning bus and savage beatings in Anniston and Birmingham were broadcast around the world. They came at an especially embarrassing time, as President Kennedy was about to have a summit with the Soviet premier in Vienna. The White House
White House
was concerned with its image among the populations of newly independent nations in Africa and Asia, and Robert Kennedy responded with an address for Voice of America
Voice of America
stating that great progress had been made on the issue of race relations. Meanwhile, behind the scenes, the administration worked to resolve the crisis with a minimum of violence and prevent the Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
from generating a fresh crop of headlines that might divert attention from the President's international agenda. The Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
documentary notes that, "The back burner issue of civil rights had collided with the urgent demands of Cold War
Cold War
realpolitik."[188] On May 21, when a white mob attacked and burned the First Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, where King
King
was holding out with protesters, Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
telephoned King
King
to ask him to stay in the building until the U.S. Marshals and National Guard could secure the area. King
King
proceeded to berate Kennedy for "allowing the situation to continue". King
King
later publicly thanked Kennedy for deploying the force to break up an attack which might otherwise have ended King's life. With a very small majority in Congress, the president's ability to press ahead with legislation relied considerably on a balancing game with the Senators and Congressmen of the South. Without the support of Vice-President Johnson, a former Senator who had years of experience in Congress and longstanding relations there, many of the Attorney-General's programs would not have progressed. By late 1962, frustration at the slow pace of political change was balanced by the movement's strong support for legislative initiatives, including administrative representation across all U.S. Government departments and greater access to the ballot box. From squaring off against Governor George Wallace, to "tearing into" Vice-President Johnson (for failing to desegregate areas of the administration), to threatening corrupt white Southern judges with disbarment, to desegregating interstate transport, Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
came to be consumed by the civil rights movement. He continued to work on these social justice issues in his bid for the presidency in 1968. On the night of Governor Wallace's capitulation to African-American enrollment at the University of Alabama, President Kennedy gave an address to the nation, which marked the changing tide, an address that was to become a landmark for the ensuing change in political policy as to civil rights. In 1966, Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
visited South Africa and voiced his objections to apartheid, the first time a major US politician had done so:

At the University of Natal
University of Natal
in Durban, I was told the church to which most of the white population belongs teaches apartheid as a moral necessity. A questioner declared that few churches allow black Africans to pray with the white because the Bible says that is the way it should be, because God created Negroes to serve. "But suppose God is black", I replied. "What if we go to Heaven and we, all our lives, have treated the Negro as an inferior, and God is there, and we look up and He is not white? What then is our response?" There was no answer. Only silence. — LOOK Magazine[189]

Robert Kennedy's relationship with the movement was not always positive. As attorney general, he was called to account by activists—who booed him at a June 1963 speech—for the Justice Department's own poor record of hiring blacks.[185] He also presided over FBI
FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover
J. Edgar Hoover
and his COINTELPRO
COINTELPRO
program. This program ordered FBI
FBI
agents to "expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize" the activities of Communist front groups, a category in which the paranoid Hoover included most civil rights organizations.[190][191] Kennedy personally authorized some of the programs.[192] According to Tim Weiner, "RFK knew much more about this surveillance than he ever admitted." Although Kennedy only gave approval for limited wiretapping of Dr. King's phones "on a trial basis, for a month or so." Hoover extended the clearance so his men were "unshackled" to look for evidence in any areas of the black leader's life they deemed important;they then used this information to harass King.[193] Kennedy directly ordered surveillance on James Baldwin after their antagonistic racial summit in 1963.[194][195] American Jewish
Jewish
community and the civil rights movement[edit] See also: African American– Jewish
Jewish
relations; New York City
New York City
teachers' strike of 1968; and Brownsville, Brooklyn

Jewish
Jewish
civil rights activist Joseph L. Rauh Jr.
Joseph L. Rauh Jr.
marching with Martin Luther King
King
in 1963

Many in the Jewish
Jewish
community supported the civil rights movement. In fact, statistically Jews were one of the most actively involved non-black groups in the Movement. Many Jewish
Jewish
students worked in concert with African Americans
African Americans
for CORE, SCLC, and SNCC
SNCC
as full-time organizers and summer volunteers during the Civil Rights era. Jews made up roughly half of the white northern volunteers involved in the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer
Freedom Summer
project and approximately half of the civil rights attorneys active in the South during the 1960s.[196] Jewish
Jewish
leaders were arrested while heeding a call from Martin Luther King
King
Jr. in St. Augustine, Florida, in June 1964, where the largest mass arrest of rabbis in American history took place at the Monson Motor Lodge—a nationally important civil rights landmark that was demolished in 2003 so that a Hilton Hotel could be built on the site. Abraham Joshua Heschel, a writer, rabbi, and professor of theology at the Jewish
Jewish
Theological Seminary of America in New York, was outspoken on the subject of civil rights. He marched arm-in-arm with Dr. King
King
in the 1965 Selma to Montgomery march. In the 1964 murders of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner, the two white activists killed, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were both Jewish. Brandeis University, the only nonsectarian Jewish-sponsored college university in the world, created the Transitional Year Program (TYP) in 1968, in part response to Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King's assassination. The faculty created it to renew the university's commitment to social justice. Recognizing Brandeis as a university with a commitment to academic excellence, these faculty members created a chance to disadvantaged students to participate in an empowering educational experience. The American Jewish
Jewish
Committee, American Jewish
Jewish
Congress, and Anti-Defamation League
Anti-Defamation League
(ADL) actively promoted civil rights. While Jews were very active in the civil rights movement in the South, in the North, many had experienced a more strained relationship with African Americans. In communities experiencing white flight, racial rioting, and urban decay, Jewish
Jewish
Americans
Americans
were more often the last remaining whites in the communities most affected.[citation needed] It has been argued that with Black militancy and the Black Power movements on the rise, "Black Anti-Semitism" increased leading to strained relations between Blacks and Jews in Northern communities. In New York City, most notably, there was a major socio-economic class difference in the perception of African Americans
African Americans
by Jews.[197] Jews from better educated Upper Middle Class backgrounds were often very supportive of African American civil rights activities while the Jews in poorer urban communities that became increasingly minority were often less supportive largely in part due to more negative and violent interactions between the two groups. According to political scientist Michael Rogin, Jewish-Black hostility was a two-way street extending to earlier decades. In the post-World War II era, Jews were granted white privilege and most moved into the middle-class while Blacks were left behind in the ghetto. Urban Jews engaged in the same sort of conflicts with Blacks over bussing, local control of schools, housing, crime, communal identity, and class divides—that other white ethnics did, leading to Jews participating in white flight. The culmination of this was the 1968 New York City teachers' strike, pitting largely Jewish
Jewish
schoolteachers against predominantly Black parents in Brownsville, New York.[198] Profile[edit] Many Jewish
Jewish
individuals in the Southern states who supported civil rights for African Americans
African Americans
tended to keep a low profile on "the race issue", in order to avoid attracting the attention of the anti-Black and antisemitic Ku Klux Klan.[199] However, Klan groups exploited the issue of African-American integration and Jewish
Jewish
involvement in the struggle to launch acts of violent antisemitism. As an example of this hatred, in one year alone, from November 1957 to October 1958, temples and other Jewish
Jewish
communal gatherings were bombed and desecrated in Atlanta, Nashville, Jacksonville, and Miami, and dynamite was found under synagogues in Birmingham, Charlotte, and Gastonia, North Carolina. Some rabbis received death threats, but there were no injuries following these outbursts of violence.[199] White backlash[edit] King
King
reached the height of popular acclaim during his life in 1964, when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. His career after that point was filled with frustrating challenges. The liberal coalition that had gained passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
Civil Rights Act of 1964
and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 began to fray. King
King
was becoming more estranged from the Johnson administration. In 1965 he broke with it by calling for peace negotiations and a halt to the bombing of Vietnam. He moved further left in the following years, speaking of the need for economic justice and thoroughgoing changes in American society. He believed change was needed beyond the civil rights gained by the movement. King's attempts to broaden the scope of the civil rights movement were halting and largely unsuccessful, however. King
King
made several efforts in 1965 to take the Movement north to address housing discrimination. SCLC's campaign in Chicago
Chicago
publicly failed, as Chicago
Chicago
Mayor Richard J. Daley marginalized SCLC's campaign by promising to "study" the city's problems. In 1966, white demonstrators holding "white power" signs in notoriously racist Cicero, a suburb of Chicago, threw stones at marchers demonstrating against housing segregation.[200] Politicians and journalists quickly blamed this white backlash on the movement's shift towards Black Power
Black Power
in the mid-1960s; today most scholars view backlash as a phenomenon that was already developing in the mid-1950s, embodied in the "massive resistance" movement of the South where even the few moderate white leaders (including George Wallace, who had once been endorsed by the NAACP) shifted to openly racist positions[201].[202] Northern racists opposed the southerners on a regional and cultural basis, but also held segregationist attitudes which became more pronounced as the civil rights movement headed North. For instance, prior to the Watts riot, California
California
whites had already mobilized to repeal the state's 1963 fair housing law.[200] Even so, the backlash was not sufficient at the time to roll back major civil rights victories or swing the country into reaction. Social historians Matthew Lassiter and Barbara Ehrenreich
Barbara Ehrenreich
note that backlash's primary constituency was suburban and middle-class, but not working-class whites: "among the white electorate, one half of blue-collar voters…cast their ballot for [the liberal presidential candidate] Hubert Humphrey in 1968…only in the South did George Wallace draw substantially more blue-collar than white-collar support."[203] African-American women in the movement[edit] Women acted as leaders in the civil rights movement and led organizations that contributed to the cause of civil rights. African-American women stepped into the roles that men had previously held. Women were members of the NAACP
NAACP
because they believed it could help them contribute to the cause of civil rights.[204] Women involved with the Black Panthers would lead meetings, edit the Black Panther newspaper, and advocated for childcare and sexual freedom.[205] Women involved with SNCC
SNCC
helped to organize sit-ins and the Freedom Rides, as well as keeping the organization together.[206] Women also formed church groups, bridge clubs, and professional organizations, such as the National Council of Negro Women, to help achieve freedom for themselves and their race.[207] Some women who participated in these organizations lost their jobs because of their involvement.[208] Discrimination[edit] Many women in the movement experienced gender discrimination and sexual harassment within the movement.[209] In the SCLC, Ella Baker's input was discouraged in spite of her being the oldest and most experienced person on the staff. Within the ministers' patriarchal hierarchy, age and experience were actually considered detriments for a woman. Her role as an executive was only assigned as a placeholder for a male leader.[210] Women that worked under SNCC
SNCC
did the clerical work and were not consistently given leadership positions. Women who worked in multiple civil rights organizations noted that males tended to become the leaders and women “faded into the background” and the men of the movement did not acknowledge the gender discrimination present in the organization.[211] Much of the reasoning for the lesser role that women took in the movement was that it was time for black men to take on a role as a leader now that they had the opportunity. Women got very little recognition for their roles in the civil rights movement despite the fact that they were heavily involved with the participation and planning.[212] Johnson administration: 1963–1968[edit] Further information: Civil Rights Act of 1964, War on Poverty, and Lyndon B. Johnson Lyndon Johnson made civil rights one of his highest priorities, coupling it with a whites war on poverty. However in creasing the shrill opposition to the War in Vietnam, coupled with the cost of the war, undercut support for his domestic programs.[213] Under Kennedy, major civil rights legislation had been stalled in Congress his assassination changed everything. On one hand president Lyndon Johnson was a much more skillful negotiator than Kennedy but he had behind him a powerful national momentum demanding immediate action on moral and emotional grounds. Demands for immediate action originated from unexpected directions, especially white Protestant church groups. The Justice Department, led by Robert Kennedy, moved from a posture of defending Kennedy from the quagmire minefield of racial politics to acting to fulfill his legacy. The violent death and public reaction dramatically moved the moderate Republicans, led by Senator Everett McKinley Dirksen, whose support was the margin of victory for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The act immediately ended de jure (legal) segregation and the era of Jim Crow.[214] With the civil rights movement at full blast, Lyndon Johnson coupled black entrepreneurship with his war on poverty, setting up special program in the Small Business Administration, the Office of Economic Opportunity, and other agencies.[215] This time there was money for loans designed to boost minority business ownership. Richard Nixon greatly expanded the program, setting up the Office of Minority Business Enterprise (OMBE) in the expectation that black entrepreneurs would help defuse racial tensions and possibly support his reelection .[216] Prison reform[edit] Gates v. Collier[edit]

Mississippi State Penitentiary

Conditions at the Mississippi State Penitentiary
Mississippi State Penitentiary
at Parchman, then known as Parchman Farm, became part of the public discussion of civil rights after activists were imprisoned there. In the spring of 1961, Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
came to the South to test the desegregation of public facilities. By the end of June 1963, Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
had been convicted in Jackson, Mississippi.[217] Many were jailed in Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman. Mississippi employed the trusty system, a hierarchical order of inmates that used some inmates to control and enforce punishment of other inmates.[218] In 1970 the civil rights lawyer Roy Haber began taking statements from inmates. He collected 50 pages of details of murders, rapes, beatings and other abuses suffered by the inmates from 1969 to 1971 at Mississippi State Penitentiary. In a landmark case known as Gates v. Collier (1972), four inmates represented by Haber sued the superintendent of Parchman Farm for violating their rights under the United States
United States
Constitution. Federal Judge William C. Keady found in favor of the inmates, writing that Parchman Farm violated the civil rights of the inmates by inflicting cruel and unusual punishment. He ordered an immediate end to all unconstitutional conditions and practices. Racial segregation of inmates was abolished, as was the trusty system, which allowed certain inmates to have power and control over others.[219] The prison was renovated in 1972 after the scathing ruling by Judge Keady, who wrote that the prison was an affront to "modern standards of decency." Among other reforms, the accommodations were made fit for human habitation. The system of trusties was abolished. (The prison had armed lifers with rifles and given them authority to oversee and guard other inmates, which led to many abuses and murders.)[220] In integrated correctional facilities in northern and western states, blacks represented a disproportionate number of the prisoners, in excess of their proportion of the general population. They were often treated as second-class citizens by white correctional officers. Blacks also represented a disproportionately high number of death row inmates. Eldridge Cleaver's book Soul on Ice was written from his experiences in the California
California
correctional system; it contributed to black militancy.[221] Cold War[edit] There was an international context for the actions of the U.S. Federal government during these years. Soviet media frequently covered racial discrimination in the U.S.[222] Deeming American criticism of Soviet Union human rights abuses as hypocritical the Soviets would respond with "And you are lynching Negroes".[223] In his 1934 book Russia Today: What Can We Learn from It?, Sherwood Eddy wrote: "In the most remote villages of Russia today Americans
Americans
are frequently asked what they are going to do to the Scottsboro Negro boys and why they lynch Negroes."[224] In Cold War
Cold War
Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, the historian Mary L. Dudziak wrote that Communists critical of the United States
United States
accused the nation for its hypocrisy in portraying itself as the "leader of the free world," when so many of its citizens were subjected to severe racial discrimination and violence; she argued that this was a major factor in moving the government to support civil rights legislation.[225] In popular culture[edit] Main article: African-American civil rights movement (1954–1968) in popular culture The 1954 to 1968 civil rights movement contributed strong cultural threads to American and international theater, song, film, television, and folk art. Activist organizations[edit] National/regional civil rights organizations

Congress of Racial Equality
Congress of Racial Equality
(CORE) Deacons for Defense and Justice Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) National Council of Negro Women
National Council of Negro Women
(NCNW) Organization of Afro-American Unity Southern Christian Leadership Conference
Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(SCLC) Student Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF) Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC)

National economic empowerment organizations

Operation Breadbasket Urban League

Local civil rights organizations

Albany Movement (Albany, GA) Council of Federated Organizations (Mississippi) Montgomery Improvement Association (Montgomery, AL) Regional Council of Negro Leadership (Mississippi) Women's Political Council (Montgomery, AL)

Individual activists[edit]

Ralph Abernathy Victoria Gray Adams Muhammad Ali Maya Angelou Louis Austin Ella Baker James Baldwin Marion Barry Daisy Bates Fay Bellamy Powell James Bevel Claude Black Unita Blackwell Julian Bond Amelia Boynton Anne Braden Carl Braden Mary Fair Burks Stokely Carmichael Septima Clark Albert Cleage Charles E. Cobb Jr. Annie Lee Cooper Dorothy Cotton Claudette Colvin Jonathan Daniels Annie Devine Doris Derby Marian Wright Edelman Medgar Evers Myrlie Evers-Williams James L. Farmer Jr. Karl Fleming Sarah Mae Flemming James Forman Frankie Muse Freeman Fred Gray Jack Greenberg Dick Gregory Prathia Hall Fannie Lou Hamer Lorraine Hansberry Robert Hayling Lola Hendricks Aaron Henry Libby Holman Myles Horton T. R. M. Howard Winson Hudson Jesse Jackson Jimmie Lee Jackson Esau Jenkins Gloria Johnson-Powell Clyde Kennard Coretta Scott King Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr. Bernard Lafayette W. W. Law James Lawson John Lewis Viola Liuzzo Joseph Lowery Autherine Lucy Clara Luper Thurgood Marshall James Meredith Loren Miller Jack Minnis Anne Moody Harry T. Moore E. Frederic Morrow Robert Parris Moses Bill Moyer Diane Nash Denise Nicholas E. D. Nixon David Nolan James Orange Nan Grogan Orrock Rosa Parks Rutledge Pearson George Raymond Jr. James Reeb Frederick D. Reese Gloria Richardson Amelia Boynton
Amelia Boynton
Robinson Jo Ann Robinson Ruby Doris Smith-Robinson Bayard Rustin Cleveland Sellers Charles Sherrod Fred Shuttlesworth Modjeska Monteith Simkins Nina Simone Charles Kenzie Steele Dempsey Travis C. T. Vivian Wyatt Tee Walker Hosea Williams Robert F. Williams Malcolm X Andrew Young Whitney Young

See also[edit]

Civil Rights Movement portal African American portal Social movements portal 1950s portal 1960s portal

List of civil rights leaders List of Kentucky women in the civil rights era Photographers of the American civil rights movement "We Shall Overcome", unofficial movement anthem

History preservation:

Birmingham Civil Rights National Monument Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
National Monument Read's Drug Store
Read's Drug Store
(Baltimore), site of a 1955 desegregation sit-in Seattle
Seattle
Civil Rights and Labor History Project Television News of the Civil Rights Era 1950–1970

Post–civil rights movement:

Black Lives Matter Post–civil rights era in African-American history

Notes[edit]

^ Various other dates have been proposed as the date on which the civil rights movement began or ended. ^ The social movement has also been called the Second Reconstruction, modern civil rights movement, civil rights revolution, black revolution, Negro movement, black civil rights movement, U.S. civil rights movement, 1960s civil rights movement, Negro revolution, Negro American revolution, Negro revolt, Southern freedom movement, black rights movement, United States
United States
civil rights movement, American freedom movement, and Negro freedom movement. The term civil rights struggle can denote this or other social movements that occurred during the same period in the United States. The span of time of the social movement is called the civil rights era.

References[edit]

^ a b c II, Vann R. Newkirk. "How 'The Blood of Emmett Till' Still Stains America Today". The Atlantic. Retrieved July 3, 2017.  ^ a b c "Civil Rights Act of 1964 – CRA – Title VII – Equal Employment Opportunities – 42 US Code Chapter 21 – findUSlaw". Retrieved July 29, 2016.  ^ Haines, Herbert H. (1995). Black Radicals and the Civil Rights Mainstream, 1954-1970. Univ. of Tennessee
Tennessee
Press. pp. 98–118. ISBN 9781572332607.  ^ a b Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85, No. 2 (September 1998): 540–570 ^ "How the end of slavery led to starvation and death for millions of black Americans". The Guardian. August 30, 2015.  ^ Schultz, Jeffrey D. (2002). Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics: African Americans
African Americans
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Riots", The Diplomat, archived from the original on April 28, 2016, retrieved December 17, 2016, Soon Americans
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who criticized the Soviet Union for its human rights violations were answered with the famous tu quoque argument: 'A u vas negrov linchuyut' (and you are lynching Negroes).  ^ Eddy, Sherwood (1934), Russia Today: What Can We Learn from It?, New York: Farrar & Rinehar, pp. 73, 151, OCLC 1617454  ^ Dudziak, M.L.: Cold War
Cold War
Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy

Bibliography[edit]

Arsenault, Raymond (2006). Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice. Oxford Press.  Back, Adina "Exposing the Whole Segregation Myth: The Harlem Nine and New York City
New York City
Schools" in Freedom north: Black freedom struggles outside the South, 1940–1980, Jeanne Theoharis, Komozi Woodard, eds.(Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). Bartley, Abel A. Keeping the Faith: Race, Politics and Social Development in Jacksonville, 1940–1970 (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000) Bass, S. Jonathan (2001) Blessed Are The Peacemakers: Martin Luther King
King
Jr., Eight White Religious Leaders, and the "Letter from Birmingham Jail". Baton Rouge: LSU Press. ISBN 0-8071-2655-1 Beito, David T. and Beito, Linda Royster, Black Maverick: T.R.M. Howard's Fight for Civil Rights and Economic Power, University of Illinois
Illinois
Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-252-03420-6 Branch, Taylor. Parting the waters: America in the King
King
years, 1954–1963. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988 Breitman, George ed. Malcolm X
Malcolm X
Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements (Grove Press, 1965) Brown, Jennie Medgar Evers, Holloway House Publishing, 1994 Bryant, Nicholas Andrew The Bystander: John F. Kennedy
John F. Kennedy
And the Struggle for Black Equality (Basic Books, 2006) Cannato, Vincent "The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and his struggle to save New York" Better Books, 2001. ISBN 0-465-00843-7 Carson, Clayborne (1981). In Struggle: SNCC
SNCC
and the Black Awakening of the 1960s. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-44727-1.  Chafe, William Henry (1980). Civilities and civil rights : Greensboro, North Carolina, and the Black struggle for freedom. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-502625-X.  Chafe, William Henry (2003). The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515049-0.  Cleaver, Eldridge (1967). Soul on Ice. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.  Crump, Spencer Black riot in Los Angeles: the story of the Watts tragedy (1966) Davis, Townsend (1998). Weary Feet, Rested Souls: A Guided History of the Civil Rights Movement. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0-393-04592-7.  Dudziak, M.L.: Cold War
Cold War
Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy Erikson, Erik (1969). Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Nonviolence. New York City: Norton. ISBN 0-393-31034-5.  Eskew, Glenn T. But for Birmingham: The Local and National Struggles in the Civil Rights Movement (University of North Carolina
North Carolina
Press, 1997) Fine, Sidney Expanding the Frontier of Civil Rights: Michigan, 1948–1968 (Wayne State University Press, 2000) Finkelman, Paul, ed. (2009). Encyclopedia of African American History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-516779-5.  Forman, James (1972). The Making of Black Revolutionaries. New York: Macmillan. ISBN 0-940880-10-5.  Garrow, David J. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference
Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(Harper Collins, 1987) Gershenhorn, Jerry (2018). Louis Austin and The Carolina Times: A Life in the Long Black Freedom Struggle. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina
North Carolina
Press.  Goluboff, Risa L. The Lost Promise of Civil Rights, Harvard University Press, MA: Cambridge, 2007. Gregg, Khyree. A Concise Chronicle History of the African-American People Experience in America. Henry Epps.  Hague, Euan; Sebesta, Edward H.; Beirich, Heidi (2008). Neo-Confederacy: A Critical Introduction. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-71837-1.  Hill, Lance The Deacons for Defense: Armed Resistance and the Civil Rights Movement (University of North Carolina
North Carolina
Press, 2006) Hilty, James (2000). Robert Kennedy: Brother Protector. Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-4399-0519-7.  Hoose, Phillip (2009). Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice. New York: Melanie Kroupa Books/Farrar Straus Giroux. ISBN 978-0-312-66105-2.  Houston, Benjamin (2012). The Nashville
Nashville
Way: Racial Etiquette and the Struggle for Social Justice in a Southern City. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press. ISBN 0-8203-4326-9.  Jackson, Thomas F. (July 17, 2013). From Civil Rights to Human Rights. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0-8122-0000-4.  Klarman, Michael J., Brown v. Board of Education
Brown v. Board of Education
and the Civil Rights Movement [electronic resource] : abridged edition of From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality, Oxford ; New York : Oxford University Press, 2007. Levy, Peter B. "The Dream Deferred: The Assassination of Martin Luther King
King
Jr., and the Holy Week Uprisings of 1968" in Baltimore
Baltimore
'68 : Riots and Rebirth in an American city (Temple University Press, 2011) Lewis, John (1998). Walking With the Wind. Simon & Schuster.  Locke, Hubert G. The Detroit
Detroit
riot of 1967 (Wayne State University Press, 1969) Logan, Rayford,The Betrayal of the Negro from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson. New York: Da Capo Press, 1997. McAdam, Doug (1988). Freedom Summer. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504367-7.  Marable, Manning Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention (Penguin Books, 2011) Matusow, Allen J. "From Civil Rights to Black Power: The Case of SNCC" in Twentieth Century America: Recent Interpretations (Harcourt Press, 1972) Pinkney, Alphnso and Woock, Roger Poverty and Politics in Harlem, College & University Press Services, Inc., 1970 Piven, Francis Fox and Cloward, Richard Regulating the Poor (Random House 1971) Piven, Francis Fox and Cloward, Richard Poor People's Movements: How They Succeed, How They Fail (Random House, 1977) Ransby, Barbara Ella Baker
Ella Baker
and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (University of North Carolina
North Carolina
Press, 2003). Reeves, Richard (1993). President Kennedy: Profile of Power. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-64879-4.  Robinson, Jo Ann & Garrow, David J. (forward by Coretta Scott King) The Montgomery Bus Boycott
Montgomery Bus Boycott
and the Women Who Started It (1986) ISBN 0-394-75623-1 Knoxville, University of Tennessee
Tennessee
Press. Rosenberg, Jonathan; Karabell, Zachary (2003). Kennedy, Johnson, and the Quest for Justice: The Civil Rights Tapes. WW Norton & Co. ISBN 0-393-05122-6.  Saito, Leland T. (1998). Race and Politics: Asian Americans, Latinos, and Whites in a Los Angeles Suburb. University of Illinois
Illinois
Press. Schultz, Jeffrey D. (2002). Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics: African Americans
African Americans
and Asian Americans. ISBN 978-1-57356-148-8.  Schlesinger Jr., Arthur M. (2002) [1978]. Robert Kennedy
Robert Kennedy
and His Times. Houghton Mifflin Books. ISBN 0-618-21928-5.  Schoen, Douglas (2015). The Nixon Effect: How His Presidency Has Changed American Politics. Encounter Books. ISBN 978-1-59403-800-6.  Self, Robert O. (2005). American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-4417-3.  Smith, Jean Edward (2001). Grant. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0-7432-1701-9.  Stephens, Otis H. Jr.; Scheb, John M. II (2007). American Constitutional Law: Civil Rights and Liberties. Cengage Learning. ISBN 0-495-09705-5.  Strain, Christopher Pure Fire:Self-Defense as Activism in the Civil Rights Era (University of Georgia Press, 2005) Tucker, William H. The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund, University of Illinois
Illinois
Press (May 30, 2007) Tyson, Timothy B. Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams
Robert F. Williams
and the Roots of "Black Power" (University of North Carolina
North Carolina
Press, 1999) Umoja, Akinyele We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement (NYU Press, 2013) Weems, Robert E. Jr., Business in Black and White: American Presidents and Black Entrepreneurs (2009) Weiner, Melissa F. (2010). Power, Protest, and the Public Schools: Jewish
Jewish
and African American Struggles in New York City. Rutgers University Press. ISBN 978-0-8135-4772-5.  Wendt, Simon The Spirit and the Shotgun: Armed Resistance and the Struggle for Civil Rights (University of Florida Press, 2007). Williams, Juan. Eyes on the Prize: America's Civil Rights Years, 1954–1965. Penguin Books, 1987. ISBN 0-14-009653-1. Winner, Lauren F. "Doubtless Sincere: New Characters in the Civil Rights Cast." In The Role of Ideas in the Civil Rights South, edited by Ted Ownby. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002 Woodward, C. Vann The Strange Career of Jim Crow, 3rd rev. ed. (Oxford University Press, 1974). Young, Coleman Hard Stuff: The Autobiography of Mayor Coleman Young (1994) Zarefsky, David President Johnson's war on poverty: Rhetoric and history (2005)

Further reading[edit]

Abel, Elizabeth. Signs of the Times: The Visual Politics of Jim Crow. (U of California
California
Press, 2010). Barnes, Catherine A. Journey from Jim Crow: The Desegregation
Desegregation
of Southern Transit (Columbia UP, 1983). Berger, Martin A. Seeing through Race: A Reinterpretation of Civil Rights Photography. Berkeley: University of California
California
Press, 2011. Branch, Taylor. Pillar of fire: America in the King
King
years, 1963–1965. (1998) Branch, Taylor. At Canaan's Edge: America In the King
King
Years, 1965–1968. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006. ISBN 0-684-85712-X Chandra, Siddharth and Angela Williams-Foster. "The 'Revolution of Rising Expectations,' Relative Deprivation, and the Urban Social Disorders of the 1960s: Evidence from State-Level Data." Social Science History, (2005) 29#2 pp:299–332, in JSTOR Ellis, Sylvia. Freedom's Pragmatist: Lyndon Johnson and Civil Rights (U Press of Florida, 2013). Fairclough, Adam. To Redeem the Soul of America: The Southern Christian
Christian
Leadership Conference & Martin Luther King. The University of Georgia Press, 1987. Garrow, David J. The FBI
FBI
and Martin Luther King. New York: W.W. Norton. 1981. Viking Press Reprint edition. 1983. ISBN 0-14-006486-9. Yale University Press; Revised and Expanded edition. 2006. ISBN 0-300-08731-4. Greene, Christina. Our Separate Ways: Women and the Black Freedom Movement in Durham. North Carolina. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005. Hine, Darlene Clark, ed. Black Women in America (3 Vol. 2nd ed. 2005; several multivolume editions). Short biographies by scholars. Horne, Gerald. The Fire This Time: The Watts Uprising and the 1960s. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. 1995. Da Capo Press; 1st Da Capo Press ed edition. October 1, 1997. ISBN 0-306-80792-0 Jones, Jacqueline. Labor of love, labor of sorrow: Black women, work, and the family, from slavery to the present (2009). Keppel, Ben. Brown v. Board and the Transformation of American Culture (LSU Press, 2016). xiv, 225 pp. Kirk, John A. Redefining the Color Line: Black Activism in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1940–1970. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2002. ISBN 0-8130-2496-X Kirk, John A. Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
London: Longman, 2005. ISBN 0-582-41431-8. Kousser, J. Morgan, "The Supreme Court And The Undoing of the Second Reconstruction," National Forum, (Spring 2000). Kryn, Randall L. "James L. Bevel, The Strategist of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement", 1984 paper with 1988 addendum, printed in We Shall Overcome, Volume II edited by David Garrow, New York: Carlson Publishing Co., 1989. Lowery, Charles D. Encyclopedia of African-American civil rights: from emancipation to the present (Greenwood, 1992). online Marable, Manning. Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945–1982. 249 pages. University Press of Mississippi, 1984. ISBN 0-87805-225-9. McAdam, Doug. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970, Chicago: University of Chicago
Chicago
Press. 1982. McAdam, Doug, 'The US Civil Rights Movement: Power from Below and Above, 1945–70', in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash
Timothy Garton Ash
(eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6. Minchin, Timothy J. Hiring the Black Worker: The Racial Integration of the Southern Textile Industry, 1960–1980. University of North Carolina Press, 1999. ISBN 0-8078-2470-4. Morris, Aldon D. The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change. New York: The Free Press, 1984. ISBN 0-02-922130-7 Ogletree, Charles J. Jr. (2004). All Deliberate Speed: Reflections on the First Half Century of Brown v. Board of Education. New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-05897-0.  Payne, Charles M. I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. U of California
California
Press, 1995. Patterson, James T. Brown v. Board of Education, a Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy. Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-19-515632-3. Raiford, Leigh. Imprisoned in a Luminous Glare: Photography and the African American Freedom Struggle. (U of North Carolina
North Carolina
Press, 2011). Richardson, Christopher M.; Ralph E. Luker, eds. (2014). Historical Dictionary of the Civil Rights Movement (2nd ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8108-8037-5.  Sitkoff, Howard. The Struggle for Black Equality (2nd ed. 2008) Smith, Jessie Carney, ed. Encyclopedia of African American Business (2 vol. Greenwood 2006). excerpt Sokol, Jason. There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975. (Knopf, 2006). Tsesis, Alexander. We Shall Overcome: A History of Civil Rights and the Law. (Yale University Press, 2008). ISBN 978-0-300-11837-7 Tuck, Stephen. We Ain't What We Ought to Be: The Black Freedom Struggle from Emancipation to Obama (2011).

Historiography and memory[edit]

Armstrong, Julie Buckner, ed. (2015). The Cambridge Companion to American Civil Rights Literature. Cambridge University Press. pp. xxiv, 209. ISBN 978-1-316-24038-0.  Catsam, Derek (January 2008). "The Civil Rights Movement and the Presidency in the Hot Years of the Cold War: A Historical and Historiographical Assessment". History Compass. 6 (1): 314–344. doi:10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00486.x.  Cha-Jua, Sundiata Keita; Lang, Clarence (Spring 2007). "The "Long Movement" as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies". The Journal of African American History. 92 (2): 265–288.  Eagles, Charles W. (November 2000). "Toward New Histories of the Civil Rights Era". The Journal of Southern History. 66 (4): 815–848. doi:10.2307/2588012. JSTOR 2588012.  Fairclough, Adam (December 1990). "Historians and the Civil Rights Movement". Journal of American Studies. 24 (3): 387–398.  Frost, Jennifer (May 2012). "Using 'Master Narratives' to Teach History: The Case of the Civil Rights Movement" (PDF). History Teacher. 45 (3): 437–446.  Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd (March 2005). "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past" (PDF). The Journal of American History. 91 (4): 1233–1263. doi:10.2307/3660172. JSTOR 3660172.  Lawson, Steven F. (April 1991). "Freedom Then, Freedom Now: The Historiography of the Civil Rights Movement". The American Historical Review. 96 (2): 456–471. doi:10.2307/2163219. JSTOR 2163219.  Lawson, Steven F.; Payne, Charles M. (1998). Debating the Civil Rights Movement, 1945–1968. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8476-9053-4.  Lawson, Steven F. (2003). Civil Rights Crossroads: Nation, Community, and the Black Freedom Struggle. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-2693-7.  Payne, Charles M. (2007). "Bibliographic Essay: The Social Construction of History". I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle. University of California
California
Press. pp. 413–442. ISBN 978-0-520-25176-2.  Robinson, Armstead L.; Sullivan, Patricia, eds. (1991). New Directions in Civil Rights Studies. University of Virginia
Virginia
Press. ISBN 978-0-8139-1319-3.  Sandage, Scott A. (June 1993). "A Marble House Divided: The Lincoln Memorial, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Politics of Memory, 1939–1963" (PDF). The Journal of American History. 80 (1): 135–167. doi:10.2307/2079700. JSTOR 2079700. Archived from the original on April 2, 2015. CS1 maint: Unfit url (link) Strickland, Arvarh E.; Weems, Robert E., eds. (2001). The African American Experience: An Historiographical and Bibliographical Guide. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-29838-7.  Zamalin, Alex (2015). African American Political Thought and American Culture: The Nation's Struggle for Racial Justice. Springer. pp. xii, 192. ISBN 978-1-137-52810-0. 

Autobiographies and memoirs[edit]

Carson, Clayborne; Garrow, David J.; Kovach, Bill; Polsgrove, Carol, eds. Reporting Civil Rights: American Journalism 1941–1963 and Reporting Civil Rights: American Journalism 1963–1973. New York: Library of America, 2003. ISBN 1-931082-28-6 and ISBN 1-931082-29-4. Dann, Jim. Challenging the Mississippi Firebombers, Memories of Mississippi 1964–65. Baraka Books, 2013. ISBN 978-1-926824-87-1. Holsaert, Faith et al. Hands on the Freedom Plow Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC. University of Illinois
Illinois
Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0-252-03557-9. Malcolm X (with the assistance of Alex Haley). The Autobiography of Malcolm X. New York: Random House, 1965. Paperback ISBN 0-345-35068-5. Hardcover ISBN 0-345-37975-6.

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to History of civil rights in the United States.

Civil Rights Digital Library – Provided by the Digital Library of Georgia. Civil Rights Movement Veterans ~ Provides movement history, personal stories, documents, and photos. Hosted by Tougaloo College. Civil Rights in America – Provided by The National Archives of the United Kingdom. Television News of the Civil Rights Era 1950–1970 – Provided by the University of Virginia. Provided by the Library of Congress:

The Civil Rights Era – Part of The African American Odyssey: A Quest for Full Citizenship presentation. Voices of Civil Rights – A project with the collaboration of AARP
AARP
and the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR).

We Shall Overcome: Historic Places of the Civil Rights Movement – Provided by the National Park Service. Provided by Southern Poverty Law Center:

"Teaching the Movement: The State Standards We Deserve" – Part of "Teaching Tolerance" project published on September 19, 2011. "Teaching Tolerance Publishes Guide for Teaching the Civil Rights Movement" – Part of "Teaching Tolerance" project published on March 26, 2014. "Teaching the Movement 2014: The State of Civil Rights Education in the United States" – Part of "Teaching Tolerance" project published in 2014.

Civil Rights Teaching – Provided by Teaching for Change, a 501(c)(3) organization.

v t e

Civil rights
Civil rights
movement

Notable events (timeline)

Prior to 1954

Murder of Harry and Harriette Moore

1954–1959

Brown v. Board of Education

Bolling v. Sharpe Briggs v. Elliott Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County Gebhart v. Belton

White America, Inc. Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company Emmett Till Montgomery bus boycott

Browder v. Gayle

Tallahassee bus boycott Mansfield school desegregation 1957 Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom

"Give Us the Ballot"

Royal Ice Cream sit-in Little Rock Nine

National Guard blockade

Civil Rights Act of 1957 Kissing Case Biloxi wade-ins

1960–1963

Greensboro sit-ins Nashville
Nashville
sit-ins Sit-in
Sit-in
movement Civil Rights Act of 1960 Gomillion v. Lightfoot Boynton v. Virginia Rock Hill sit-ins Robert F. Kennedy's Law Day Address Freedom Rides

attacks

Garner v. Louisiana Albany Movement University of Chicago
Chicago
sit-ins "Second Emancipation Proclamation" Meredith enrollment, Ole Miss riot "Segregation now, segregation forever"

Stand in the Schoolhouse Door

1963 Birmingham campaign

Letter from Birmingham Jail Children's Crusade Birmingham riot 16th Street Baptist Church bombing

John F. Kennedy's Report to the American People on Civil Rights March on Washington

"I Have a Dream"

St. Augustine movement

1964–1968

Twenty-fourth Amendment Bloody Tuesday Freedom Summer

workers' murders

Civil Rights Act of 1964 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches

"How Long, Not Long"

Voting Rights Act
Voting Rights Act
of 1965 Harper v. Virginia
Virginia
Board of Elections March Against Fear White House
White House
Conference on Civil Rights Chicago
Chicago
Freedom Movement/ Chicago
Chicago
open housing movement Memphis sanitation strike King
King
assassination

funeral riots

Poor People's Campaign Civil Rights Act of 1968 Green v. County School Board of New Kent County

Activist groups

Alabama
Alabama
Christian
Christian
Movement for Human Rights Atlanta
Atlanta
Student Movement Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters Congress of Racial Equality
Congress of Racial Equality
(CORE) Committee on Appeal for Human Rights Council for United Civil Rights Leadership Dallas County Voters League Deacons for Defense and Justice Georgia Council on Human Relations Highlander Folk School Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights Montgomery Improvement Association Nashville
Nashville
Student Movement NAACP

Youth Council

Northern Student Movement National Council of Negro Women National Urban League Operation Breadbasket Regional Council of Negro Leadership Southern Christian Leadership Conference
Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(SCLC) Southern Regional Council Student Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) The Freedom Singers Wednesdays in Mississippi Women's Political Council

Activists

Ralph Abernathy Victoria Gray Adams Zev Aelony Mathew Ahmann William G. Anderson Gwendolyn Armstrong Arnold Aronson Ella Baker Marion Barry Daisy Bates Harry Belafonte James Bevel Claude Black Gloria Blackwell Randolph Blackwell Unita Blackwell Ezell Blair Jr. Joanne Bland Julian Bond Joseph E. Boone William Holmes Borders Amelia Boynton Raylawni Branch Ruby Bridges Aurelia Browder H. Rap Brown Guy Carawan Stokely Carmichael Johnnie Carr James Chaney J. L. Chestnut Colia Lafayette Clark Ramsey Clark Septima Clark Xernona Clayton Eldridge Cleaver Kathleen Cleaver Charles E. Cobb Jr. Annie Lee Cooper Dorothy Cotton Claudette Colvin Vernon Dahmer Jonathan Daniels Joseph DeLaine Dave Dennis Annie Devine Patricia Stephens Due Joseph Ellwanger Charles Evers Medgar Evers Myrlie Evers-Williams Chuck Fager James Farmer Walter E. Fauntroy James Forman Marie Foster Golden Frinks Andrew Goodman Fred Gray Jack Greenberg Dick Gregory Lawrence Guyot Prathia Hall Fannie Lou Hamer William E. Harbour Vincent Harding Dorothy Height Lola Hendricks Aaron Henry Oliver Hill Donald L. Hollowell James Hood Myles Horton Zilphia Horton T. R. M. Howard Ruby Hurley Jesse Jackson Jimmie Lee Jackson Richie Jean Jackson T. J. Jemison Esau Jenkins Barbara Rose Johns Vernon Johns Frank Minis Johnson Clarence Jones J. Charles Jones Matthew Jones Vernon Jordan Tom Kahn Clyde Kennard A. D. King C.B. King Coretta Scott King Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr. Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Sr. Bernard Lafayette James Lawson Bernard Lee Sanford R. Leigh Jim Letherer Stanley Levison John Lewis Viola Liuzzo Z. Alexander Looby Joseph Lowery Clara Luper Malcolm X Mae Mallory Vivian Malone Thurgood Marshall Benjamin Mays Franklin McCain Charles McDew Ralph McGill Floyd McKissick Joseph McNeil James Meredith William Ming Jack Minnis Amzie Moore Douglas E. Moore Harriette Moore Harry T. Moore William Lewis Moore Irene Morgan Bob Moses William Moyer Elijah Muhammad Diane Nash Charles Neblett Edgar Nixon Jack O'Dell James Orange Rosa Parks James Peck Charles Person Homer Plessy Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Fay Bellamy Powell Al Raby Lincoln Ragsdale A. Philip Randolph George Raymond Jr. Bernice Johnson Reagon Cordell Reagon James Reeb Frederick D. Reese Gloria Richardson David Richmond Bernice Robinson Jo Ann Robinson Bayard Rustin Bernie Sanders Michael Schwerner Cleveland Sellers Charles Sherrod Alexander D. Shimkin Fred Shuttlesworth Modjeska Monteith Simkins Glenn E. Smiley A. Maceo Smith Kelly Miller Smith Mary Louise Smith Maxine Smith Ruby Doris Smith-Robinson Charles Kenzie Steele Hank Thomas Dorothy Tillman A. P. Tureaud Hartman Turnbow Albert Turner C. T. Vivian Wyatt Tee Walker Hollis Watkins Walter Francis White Roy Wilkins Hosea Williams Kale Williams Robert F. Williams Andrew Young Whitney Young Sammy Younge Jr. James Zwerg

Influences

Nonviolence

Padayatra

Sermon on the Mount Mahatma Gandhi

Ahimsa Satyagraha

The Kingdom of God Is Within You Frederick Douglass W. E. B. Du Bois Mary McLeod Bethune

Related

Jim Crow
Jim Crow
laws Plessy v. Ferguson

Separate but equal

Buchanan v. Warley Hocutt v. Wilson Sweatt v. Painter Heart of Atlanta
Atlanta
Motel, Inc. v. United States Katzenbach v. McClung Loving v. Virginia Fifth Circuit Four Brown Chapel Holt Street Baptist Church Edmund Pettus Bridge March on Washington Movement African-American churches attacked Journey of Reconciliation Freedom Songs

"Kumbaya" "Keep Your Eyes on the Prize" "Oh, Freedom" "This Little Light of Mine" "We Shall Not Be Moved" "We Shall Overcome"

Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam

"Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence"

Watts riots Voter Education Project 1960s counterculture In popular culture

King
King
Memorial Birmingham Civil Rights National Monument Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
National Monument Civil Rights Memorial

Noted historians

Taylor Branch Clayborne Carson John Dittmer Michael Eric Dyson Chuck Fager Adam Fairclough David Garrow David Halberstam Vincent Harding Steven F. Lawson Doug McAdam Diane McWhorter Charles M. Payne Timothy Tyson Akinyele Umoja Movement photographers

Links to related articles

v t e

Protests of 1968

Movements

1968 movement in Italy Civil rights
Civil rights
movement Anti-nuclear movement Black Consciousness Movement Black Power
Black Power
movement Black Power
Black Power
Revolution Chicano Movement Cultural Revolution Gay liberation German student movement Hippie
Hippie
movement Human rights movement in the Soviet Union Mexico 68 Northern Ireland civil rights movement Opposition to United States
United States
involvement in the Vietnam War Prague Spring Red Power movement Sexual revolution The Troubles Women's liberation movement

Events

1968 Polish political crisis 1968 student demonstrations in Yugoslavia 1968 Democratic National Convention protest activity 1968 Red Square demonstration Båstad riots Battle of Valle Giulia Ceaușescu's speech of 21 August 1968 Central Park be-ins Columbia University protests of 1968 East L.A. walkouts King
King
assassination riots March of the One Hundred Thousand May 1968 events in France Memphis sanitation strike Occupation of the Old Student House Occupation of the Student Union Building Poor People's Campaign Presidio mutiny Rodney riots Third World Liberation Front strikes of 1968 Tlatelolco massacre

Related

Anti-capitalism Black Power Counterculture of the 1960s Desegregation Flower power Free love Hippie Antisemitism in Poland New Left Racism in the United States School discipline Second-wave feminism Segregation in Northern Ireland Student activism Vietnam War Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia

v t e

African American topics

History

Atlantic slave trade Maafa Slavery in the United States Partus sequitur ventrem Free negro Reconstruction era Military history of African Americans Jim Crow
Jim Crow
laws Nadir of American race relations Redlining Great Migration Civil rights
Civil rights
movement 1865–1896 / 1896–1954 / 1954–68 Black Power
Black Power
movement Second Great Migration Afrocentrism New Great Migration Post–civil rights era Inauguration of Barack Obama 2009 / Inauguration of Barack Obama 2013 Black Lives Matter

Culture

Art African-American names Afrofuturism Black mecca Dance Film Juneteenth Kwanzaa Literature Music Musical theater Neighborhoods Sexual orientation Soul food

Education, science and technology

Black schools Black colleges and universities Museums African-American studies Inventors and scientists Women

in computer science in medicine in STEM fields

Religion

Black church Black theology Doctrine of Father Divine American Society of Muslims Nation of Islam Black Hebrew Israelites

Political movements

Pan-Africanism Self-determination

Nationalism

Black Power Black fist Anarchism Capitalism Conservatism Populism Leftism Garveyism Back-to-Africa movement

Civic and economic groups

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
(NAACP) Southern Christian Leadership Conference
Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(SCLC) Congress of Racial Equality
Congress of Racial Equality
(CORE) Student Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) Black Panther Party National Urban League
National Urban League
(NUL) Rights organizations Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH) Thurgood Marshall
Thurgood Marshall
College Fund United Negro College Fund
United Negro College Fund
(UNCF) National Black Chamber of Commerce (NBCC) National Pan-Hellenic Council (NPHC) National Council of Negro Women
National Council of Negro Women
(NCNW)

Sports

Negro league baseball

Baseball color line

Black players in professional American football African Americans
African Americans
in the Canadian Football League Black players in ice hockey

Athletic associations and conferences

Central (CIAA) Southern (SIAC) Mid-Eastern (MEAC) Southwestern (SWAC)

Ethnic subdivisions

Black Indians Gullah Fula Igbo Louisiana
Louisiana
Creole (of color) Melungeon Yoruba

Demographics

Neighborhoods

list

U.S. cities with large populations

2000 majorities 2010 majorities

Metropolitan areas Black Belt

Languages

English

American English African-American English

Gullah Louisiana
Louisiana
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Civil Rights Memorial

In memoriam

Louis Allen Willie Brewster Benjamin Brown Johnnie Mae Chappell James Chaney Addie Mae Collins Vernon Dahmer Jonathan Daniels Henry Hezekiah Dee Roman Ducksworth Jr. Willie Edwards Medgar Evers Andrew Goodman Paul Guihard Samuel Hammond Jr. Jimmie Lee Jackson Wharlest Jackson Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr. Bruce W. Klunder George W. Lee Herbert Lee Viola Liuzzo Carol Denise McNair Delano Herman Middleton Charles Eddie Moore Oneal Moore William Lewis Moore Mack Charles Parker Lemuel Penn James Reeb John Earl Reese Carole Robertson Michael Schwerner Henry Ezekial Smith Lamar Smith Emmett Till Clarence Triggs Virgil Lamar Ware Cynthia Wesley Ben Chester White Sammy Younge Jr.

Contributors

Southern Poverty Law Center Maya Lin

Related

Murder of Harry and Harriette Moore

Civil rights
Civil rights
movement

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Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr.

Speeches, movements, and protests

Speeches

"Give Us the Ballot" (1957) "I Have a Dream" (1963) "How Long, Not Long" (1965) "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence" (1967) "I've Been to the Mountaintop" (1968)

Writings

Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story (1958) The Measure of a Man (1959)

"What Is Man?"

"Second Emancipation Proclamation" Strength to Love (1963) Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963) Why We Can't Wait (1964) Conscience for Change (1967) Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (1967)

Movements and protests

Montgomery bus boycott (1955–1956) Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom (1957) Albany Movement (1961–1962) Birmingham campaign (1963) March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (1963) St. Augustine movement (1963–1964) Selma to Montgomery marches (1965) Chicago
Chicago
Freedom Movement (1966) Mississippi March Against Fear (1966) Anti- Vietnam War
Vietnam War
movement (1967) Memphis sanitation strike (1968) Poor People's Campaign (1968)

People

Family

Coretta Scott King (wife) Yolanda King (daughter) Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
III (son) Dexter Scott King (son) Bernice King (daughter) Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Sr. (father) Alberta Williams King (mother) Christine King
King
Farris (sister) A. D. King (brother) Alveda King (niece)

Other leaders

Ralph Abernathy (mentor and friend) Ella Baker (colleague) James Bevel (strategist / colleague) Dorothy Cotton (colleague) Jesse Jackson (protégé) Bernard Lafayette (colleague) James Lawson (colleague) John Lewis (colleague) Joseph Lowery (colleague) Benjamin Mays (mentor) Diane Nash (colleague) James Orange (colleague) Bayard Rustin (advisor) Fred Shuttlesworth (colleague) C. T. Vivian (colleague) Wyatt Walker (colleague) Hosea Williams (colleague) Andrew Young (colleague)

Assassination

James Earl Ray Lorraine Motel (now National Civil Rights Museum) Funeral MLK Records Act Riots Loyd Jowers
Loyd Jowers
trial United States
United States
House Select Committee on Assassinations

Media

Film

King: A Filmed Record... Montgomery to Memphis (1970 documentary) Our Friend, Martin (1999 animated) Boycott (2001 film) The Witness: From the Balcony of Room 306 (2008 documentary) Alpha Man: The Brotherhood of MLK (2011 documentary) Selma (2014 film) All the Way (2016 film)

Television

King (1978 miniseries) "The First Store" ( The Jeffersons
The Jeffersons
episode, 1980) "Great X-Pectations" ( A Different World
A Different World
episode, 1993) "The Promised Land" ( New York Undercover
New York Undercover
episode, 1997) "Return of the King" (The Boondocks episode, 2006)

Plays

The Meeting (1987) The Mountaintop (2009) I Dream (2010) All the Way (2012)

Illustrated

Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
and the Montgomery Story (1957 comic book)

Music

"Abraham, Martin and John" (Dion) "March! For Martin Luther King" (John Fahey) "Martin Luther King's Dream" (Strawbs) "Happy Birthday" (Stevie Wonder) "Pride (In the Name of Love)" (U2) "MLK" (U2) " King
King
Holiday" ( King
King
Dream Chorus and Holiday Crew) "By The Time I Get To Arizona" (Public Enemy) "Shed a Little Light" (James Taylor) "Up to the Mountain" (Patti Griffin) "Never Alone Martin" (Jason Upton) "Symphony Of Brotherhood" (Miri Ben-Ari) Joseph Schwantner: New Morning for the World; Nicolas Flagello: The Passion of Martin Luther King (1995 album) "A Dream" (Common featuring Will.i.am) "Glory" (Common and John Legend)

Related topics

Southern Christian
Christian
Leadership Conference (SCLC) Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
Day Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
Memorial National Historical Park King
King
Center for Nonviolent
Nonviolent
Social Change Dexter Avenue Baptist Church National Civil Rights Museum Authorship issues Alpha Phi Alpha
Alpha Phi Alpha
fraternity Season for Nonviolence U.S. Capitol Rotunda sculpture Oval Office bust Homage to King
King
sculpture, Atlanta Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
sculpture, Houston Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
Memorial, San Francisco Landmark for Peace Memorial, Indianapolis Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
statue, Milwaukee The Dream sculpture, Portland, Oregon Dr. Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr. Library Memorials to Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
Jr. Eponymous streets America in the King
King
Years Civil rights
Civil rights
movement in popular culture Lee–Jackson– King
King
Day Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
High School (other) Lycée Martin Luther King
Martin Luther King
(other)

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