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Chinese Americans, which includes American-born Chinese, are Americans who have full or partial Chinese ancestry. Chinese Americans constitute one group of overseas Chinese and also a subgroup of East Asian Americans, which is a further subgroup of Asian Americans. Many Chinese Americans
Americans
are immigrants along with their descendants from mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan,[5] as well as from other regions that include large populations of the Chinese diaspora, especially Southeast Asia
Southeast Asia
and some Western countries like Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, France
France
and Brazil. The Chinese American community is the largest overseas Chinese community outside Asia. It is also the third largest community in the Chinese diaspora, behind the Chinese communities in Thailand and Malaysia. The Chinese American community comprises the largest ethnic group of Asian Americans, comprising 25.9% of the Asian American population as of 2010. Americans
Americans
of Chinese descent, including those with partial Chinese ancestry constitute 1.2% of the total U.S. population as of 2010. According to the 2010 census, the Chinese American population numbered approximately 3.8 million.[6] In 2010, half of Chinese-born people living in the United States resided in the states of California
California
and New York.[7]

The Chinese American experience has been documented at the Museum
Museum
of Chinese in America in Manhattan's Chinatown
Manhattan's Chinatown
since 1980.

Contents

1 History 2 Demographics

2.1 Population 2.2 Cultural centers

3 Social status and assimilation

3.1 Stereotypes

4 Languages 5 Religion 6 Politics 7 Immigration 8 Socioeconomics

8.1 Education 8.2 Employment 8.3 Economics

9 Ethnic minorities 10 Genetics 11 Notable people 12 See also 13 References 14 Further reading 15 External links

History[edit] Main article: History of Chinese Americans See also: Yellow Peril, Anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States, Chinese immigration to Hawaii, and Chinese immigration to Puerto Rico The first Chinese immigrants arrived in 1820, according to U.S. government records. 325 men are known to have arrived before the 1849 California
California
Gold Rush,[8] which drew the first significant number of laborers from China who mined for gold and performed menial labor.[9][10][11] There were 25,000 immigrants by 1852, and 105,465 by 1880, most of whom lived on the West Coast. They formed over a tenth of California's population. Nearly all of the early immigrants were young males with low educational levels from six districts in Guangdong Province.[12] In the 1850s, Chinese workers migrated to the United States, first to work in the gold mines, but also to take agricultural jobs, and factory work, especially in the garment industry. Chinese immigrants were particularly instrumental in building railroads in the American west, and as Chinese laborers grew successful in the United States, a number of them became entrepreneurs in their own right. As the numbers of Chinese laborers increased, so did the strength of anti-Chinese attitude among other workers in the American economy. This finally resulted in legislation that aimed to limit future immigration of Chinese workers to the United States, and threatened to sour diplomatic relations between the United States and China; The Chinese Exclusion Act[13] The Chinese came to California
California
in large numbers during the California Gold Rush, with 40,400 being recorded as arriving from 1851–1860, and again in the 1860s, when the Central Pacific Railroad
Central Pacific Railroad
recruited large labor gangs, many on five-year contracts, to build its portion of the Transcontinental Railroad. The Chinese laborers worked out well and thousands more were recruited until the railroad's completion in 1869. Chinese labor provided the massive workforce needed to build the majority of the Central Pacific's difficult route through the Sierra Nevada
Nevada
mountains and across Nevada. American objections to Chinese immigration took many forms, and generally stemmed from economic and cultural tensions, as well as ethnic discrimination. Most Chinese laborers who came to the United States did so in order to send money back to China to support their families there. At the same time, they also had to repay loans to the Chinese merchants who paid their passage to America. These financial pressures left them little choice but to work for whatever wages they could. Non-Chinese laborers often required much higher wages to support their wives and children in the United States, and also generally had a stronger political standing to bargain for higher wages. Therefore, many of the non-Chinese workers in the United States came to resent the Chinese laborers, who might squeeze them out of their jobs. Furthermore, as with most immigrant communities, many Chinese settled in their own neighborhoods, and tales spread of Chinatowns
Chinatowns
as places where large numbers of Chinese men congregated to visit prostitutes, smoke opium, or gamble. Some advocates of anti-Chinese legislation therefore argued that admitting Chinese into the United States lowered the cultural and moral standards of American society. Others used a more overtly racist argument for limiting immigration from East Asia, and expressed concern about the integrity of American racial composition.[13] To address these rising social tensions, from the 1850s through the 1870s the California
California
state government passed a series of measures aimed at Chinese residents, ranging from requiring special licenses for Chinese businesses or workers to preventing naturalization. Because anti-Chinese discrimination and efforts to stop Chinese immigration violated the 1868 Burlingame-Seward Treaty with China, the federal government was able to negate much of this legislation.[13] The Chinese population rose from 2,716 in 1851 to 63,000 by 1871. In the decade 1861-70, 64,301 were recorded as arriving, followed by 123,201 in 1871-80 and 61,711 in 1881-1890. 77% were located in California, with the rest scattered across the West, the South, and New England.[14] Most came from Southern China
Southern China
looking for a better life, escaping a high rate of poverty left after the Taiping Rebellion. In 1879, advocates of immigration restriction succeeded in introducing and passing legislation in Congress to limit the number of Chinese arriving to fifteen per ship or vessel. Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes vetoed the bill because it violated U.S. treaty agreements with China. Nevertheless, it was still an important victory for advocates of exclusion. Democrats, led by supporters in the West, advocated for all-out exclusion of Chinese immigrants. Although Republicans were largely sympathetic to western concerns, they were committed to a platform of free immigration. In order to placate the western states without offending China, President Hayes sought a revision of the Burlingame-Seward Treaty (Burlingame Treaty) in which China agreed to limit immigration to the United States.[13] In 1880, the Hayes Administration appointed U.S. diplomat James B. Angell to negotiate a new treaty with China. The resulting Angell Treaty permitted the United States to restrict, but not completely prohibit, Chinese immigration. In 1882, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which, per the terms of the Angell Treaty, suspended the immigration of Chinese laborers (skilled or unskilled) for a period of 10 years. The Act also required every Chinese person traveling in or out of the country to carry a certificate identifying his or her status as a laborer, scholar, diplomat, or merchant. The 1882 Act was the first in American history to place broad restrictions on immigration.[13] For American presidents and Congressmen addressing the question of Chinese exclusion, the challenge was to balance domestic attitudes and politics, which dictated an anti-Chinese policy, while maintaining good diplomatic relations with China, where exclusion would be seen as an affront and a violation of treaty promises. The domestic factors ultimately trumped international concerns. In 1888, Congress took exclusion even further and passed the Scott Act, which made reentry to the United States after a visit to China impossible, even for long-term legal residents. The Chinese Government considered this act a direct insult, but was unable to prevent its passage. In 1892, Congress voted to renew exclusion for ten years in the Geary Act, and in 1902, the prohibition was expanded to cover Hawaii
Hawaii
and the Philippines, all over strong objections from the Chinese Government and people. Congress later extended the Exclusion Act indefinitely.[13] The initial immigration group may have been as high as 90% male due to the Chinese Exclusion act, resulting in most immigrants coming with the thought of earning money, and then returning to China to start a family. Those that stayed in America faced the lack of suitable Chinese brides, because Chinese women were not allowed to immigrate to the US in significant numbers after 1872. As a result, many isolated mostly-bachelor communities slowly aged in place with very low Chinese birth rates. Later, as a result of the Fourteenth Amendment and the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark
United States v. Wong Kim Ark
Supreme Court decision, ethnic Chinese born in the United States became American citizens. The Chinese Exclusion Acts were not repealed until 1943, and then only in the interests of aiding the morale of a wartime ally during World War II. With relations already complicated by the Opium Wars and the Treaties of Wangxia and Tianjian, the increasingly harsh restrictions on Chinese immigration, combined with the rising discrimination against Chinese living in the United States in the 1870s-early 1900s, placed additional strain on the diplomatic relationship between the United States and China.[13] In the mid 1850s, 70 to 150 Chinese were living in New York City
New York City
and 11 of them married Irish women. In 1906, The New York Times
The New York Times
(6 August) reported that 300 white women (Irish American) were married to Chinese men in New York, with many more cohabited. In 1900, based on Liang research, of the 120,000 men in more than 20 Chinese communities in the United States, he estimated that one out of every twenty Chinese men (Cantonese) was married to white women.[15] In the 1960s census showed 3500 Chinese men married to white women and 2900 Chinese women married to white men.[16] Originally at the start of the 20th century there was a 55% rate of Chinese men in New York engaging in interracial marriage which was maintained in the 1920s but in the 1930s it slid to 20%.[17] During and after World War II, severe immigration restrictions were eased as the United States allied with China against Japanese expansionism. Later reforms in the 1960s placed increasing value on family unification, allowing relatives of U.S. citizens to receive preference in immigration. The Chinese American experience has been documented at the Museum
Museum
of Chinese in America in Manhattan's Chinatown
Manhattan's Chinatown
since 1980. Demographics[edit] Main article: List of U.S. cities with significant Chinese American populations See also: Demographics of the United States
Demographics of the United States
and list of common Chinese American surnames Population[edit]

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The chart on the right shows the total number of ethnic Chinese in the United States since 1850.[18][19]

Historical population

Year Pop. ±%

1850 4,018 —    

1860 34,933 +769.4%

1870 63,199 +80.9%

1880 105,465 +66.9%

1890 107,488 +1.9%

1900 89,863 −16.4%

1910 71,531 −20.4%

1920 61,639 −13.8%

1930 74,954 +21.6%

1940 77,504 +3.4%

1950 117,629 +51.8%

1960 237,292 +101.7%

1970 435,062 +83.3%

1980 806,040 +85.3%

1990 1,645,472 +104.1%

2000 2,432,585 +47.8%

2010 3,347,229 +37.6%

Percentage of Chinese population in the United States, 2000.

According to the 2012 Census estimates,[21] the three metropolitan areas with the largest Chinese American populations were the Greater New York Combined Statistical Area
Combined Statistical Area
at 735,019 people, the San Jose-San Francisco-Oakland Combined Statistical Area
Combined Statistical Area
at 629,243 people, and the Greater Los Angeles
Los Angeles
Combined Statistical Area
Combined Statistical Area
at about 566,968 people. New York City
New York City
is home to the highest Chinese American population of any city proper (522,619), while the Los Angeles
Los Angeles
County city of Monterey Park has the highest percentage of Chinese Americans
Americans
of any municipality, at 43.7% of its population, or 24,758 people. The states with the largest estimated Chinese American populations, according to both the 2010 Census, were California
California
(1,253,100; 3.4%), New York (577,000; 3.0%), Texas
Texas
(157,000; 0.6%), New Jersey
New Jersey
(134,500; 1.5%), Massachusetts
Massachusetts
(123,000; 1.9%), Illinois
Illinois
(104,200; 0.8%), Washington (94,200; 1.4%), Pennsylvania
Pennsylvania
(85,000; 0.7%), Maryland (69,400; 1.2%), Virginia
Virginia
(59,800; 0.7%), and Ohio
Ohio
(51,033; 0.5%). The state of Hawaii
Hawaii
has the highest concentration of Chinese Americans
Americans
at 4.0%, or 55,000 people. The New York metropolitan area, consisting of New York City, Long Island, and nearby areas within the states of New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania, is home to the largest Chinese American population of any metropolitan area within the United States and the largest Chinese population outside of China, enumerating an estimated 812,410 in 2015[22] and including at least 12 Chinatowns. Continuing significant immigration from Mainland China, both legal[23][24] and illegal[25] in origin, has spurred the ongoing rise of the Chinese American population in the New York metropolitan area; this immigration continues to be fueled by New York's status as an alpha global city, its high population density, its extensive mass transit system, and the New York metropolitan area's enormous economic marketplace. Also on the East Coast, Philadelphia
Philadelphia
has a significant Chinese American community, with Philadelphia's Chinatown
Chinatown
as an important and diverse cultural center. Smaller populations can be found too in Washington and Boston. The Washington, D.C. suburbs of Montgomery County, Maryland, and Fairfax County, Virginia, are 3.9% and 2.4% Chinese American, respectively. Boston's Chinatown
Chinatown
is the only historical Chinese neighborhood within New England. The Boston
Boston
suburb of Quincy also has a prominent Chinese American population, especially within the North Quincy area.[26] San Francisco, California
California
has the highest per capita concentration of Chinese Americans
Americans
of any major city in the United States, at an estimated 21.4%, or 172,181 people, and contains the second-largest total number of Chinese Americans
Americans
of any U.S. city. San Francisco's Chinatown
Chinatown
was established in the 1840s, making it the oldest Chinatown in North America
North America
and one of the largest neighborhoods of Chinese people outside of Asia,[27][28] composed in large part by immigrants hailing from Guangdong province
Guangdong province
and also many from Hong Kong. The San Francisco neighborhoods of Sunset District
Sunset District
and Richmond District also contain significant Chinese populations. In addition to the big cities, smaller pockets of Chinese Americans are also dispersed in rural towns, often university-college towns, throughout the United States. For example, the number of Chinese Americans, including college professors, doctors, professionals, and students, has increased over 200% from 2005 to 2010 in Providence, Rhode Island, a small city with a large number of colleges. Income and social status of these Chinese-American locations vary widely. Although many Chinese Americans
Americans
in Chinatowns
Chinatowns
of large cities are often members of an impoverished working class, others are well-educated upper-class people living in affluent suburbs. The upper and lower-class Chinese are also widely separated by social status and class discrimination. In California's San Gabriel Valley, for example, the cities of Monterey Park and San Marino are both Chinese American communities lying geographically close to each other but they are separated by a large socioeconomic gap. A third of a million Chinese Americans
Americans
are not United States citizens.[29] Cultural centers[edit]

New York City
New York City
is home to the largest Chinese American population of any city proper, over half million.[30] Multiple large Chinatowns
Chinatowns
in Manhattan, Brooklyn (above), and Queens are thriving as traditionally urban enclaves, as large-scale Chinese immigration continues into New York,[31][32][33][34][35] with the largest metropolitan Chinese population outside Asia,[36][37] including an estimated 812,410 in 2015.[22]

San Francisco
San Francisco
is home to the second largest Chinese community in the United States in number and the largest in percentage.

A list of large cities (250,000+ residents) with a Chinese-American population in excess of 1% of the general population in 2010.[6]

Rank City State Chinese-Americans Percentage

1 San Francisco California 7005172181000000000♠172,181 7001214009999900000♠21.4

2 Honolulu Hawaii 7004383300000000000♠38,330 7001102009999900000♠10.2

3 Oakland California 7004340830000000000♠34,083 7000870000000099999♠8.7

4 San Jose California 7004634340000000000♠63,434 7000670000000000000♠6.7

5 New York City New York 7005486463000000000♠486,463 7000600000000000000♠6.0

6 Plano Texas 7004135920000000000♠13,592 7000520000000000000♠5.2

7 Sacramento California 7004203070000000000♠20,307 7000440000000000000♠4.4

8 Seattle Washington 7004272160000000000♠27,216 7000410009999999999♠4.1

9 Boston Massachusetts 7004249100000000000♠24,910 7000400000000000000♠4.0

10 San Diego California 7004356610000000000♠35,661 7000270000000000000♠2.7

11 Philadelphia Pennsylvania 7004300690000000000♠30,069 7000200000000000000♠2.0

12 Stockton California 7003518800000000000♠5,188 7000180000000000000♠1.8

13 Los Angeles California 7004667820000000000♠66,782 7000180000000000000♠1.8

14 Portland Oregon 7003911300000000000♠9,113 7000170000000000000♠1.7

15 Chicago Illinois 7004432280000000000♠43,228 7000160000000000000♠1.6

16 Anaheim California 7003473800000000000♠4,738 7000140000000099999♠1.4

17 Houston Texas 7004294290000000000♠29,429 7000130000000000000♠1.3

18 Austin Texas 7003888600000000000♠8,886 7000120000000000000♠1.2

19 Pittsburgh Pennsylvania 7003340200000000000♠3,402 7000110000000000000♠1.1

20 Riverside California 7003298500000000000♠2,985 7000100000000000000♠1.0

Social status and assimilation[edit] Some noteworthy historical Chinese contributions include building the western half of the Transcontinental Railroad, and levees in the Sacramento
Sacramento
River Delta; the popularization of Chinese American food; and the introduction of Chinese and East Asian
East Asian
culture to America, such as Buddhism, Taoism, and Kung fu. Chinese immigrants to the United States brought many of their ideas and values with them. Some of these have continued to influence later generations. Among them are Confucian respect for elders.[38] Similarly, education and the civil service were the most important path for upward social mobility in China.[38][39] The first Broadway show about Asian Americans
Asian Americans
was Flower Drum Song
Flower Drum Song
which premiered on Broadway in 1958;[40] the hit Chinglish premiered on Broadway in 2011.[41] In most American cities with significant Chinese populations, the new year is celebrated with cultural festivals and parties. In Seattle, the Chinese Culture
Culture
and Arts Festival is held every year. Other important festivals include the Dragon Boat Festival
Dragon Boat Festival
and the Mid-Autumn Festival. Stereotypes[edit] Analysis indicated that most non- Asian Americans
Asian Americans
do not differentiate between Chinese Americans
Americans
and East Asian Americans
Asian Americans
generally, and perceptions of both groups are nearly identical.[42] A 2001 survey of Americans' attitudes toward Asian Americans
Asian Americans
and Chinese Americans indicated that one fourth of the respondents had somewhat or very negative attitude toward Chinese Americans
Americans
in general.[43] The study did find several positive perceptions of Chinese Americans: strong family values (91%); honesty as entrepreneurs (77%); high value on education (67%).[42] Chinese Americans
Americans
struggled surviving in America because of discrimination and stereotypes. During 1980s, due to decreasing spending on social programs and racial bias from American colleges and high school, Asian Americans
Asian Americans
had difficulties blending into American life.[citation needed] Languages[edit] Main article: Chinese language
Chinese language
and varieties in the United States According to the United States Census Bureau, the various varieties of Chinese, collectively referred to as just Chinese, is the third most-spoken language in the United States. It is almost completely spoken within Chinese American populations and by immigrants or the descendants of immigrants, especially in California.[44] Over 2 million Americans
Americans
speak some variety or dialect of Chinese, with Standard Chinese
Standard Chinese
(Mandarin) becoming increasingly common due to immigration from China and supplanting the previous widespread Cantonese.[44] In New York City
New York City
at least, although Standard Chinese
Standard Chinese
(Mandarin) is spoken as a native language among only 10% of American born Chinese speakers, it is used as a secondary dialect to English.[45] In addition, immigration from Fuzhou, Fujian
Fujian
is bringing large numbers of Fuzhounese
Fuzhounese
(Eastern Min) (particularly Changle dialect
Changle dialect
speakers. Varieties of Wu Chinese, particularly Shanghainese
Shanghainese
the mutually unintelligible Wenzhounese is now spoken by a minority of recent Chinese immigrants hailing from Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Shanghai. Although Chinese Americans
Americans
grow up learning English, some teach their children Chinese for a variety of reasons: preservation of an ancient civilization, preservation of a group identity, preservation of their cultural ancestry, desire for easy communication with each other and their relatives, and the perception that Chinese is a very useful language, regardless of China's economic strength. Although Simplified Chinese is the most oft-written language in China,[46] United States public notices and signage in Chinese are generally in Traditional Chinese.[47] Religion[edit]

Religions of Chinese Americans
Americans
(2012)[4][48]    Protestantism
Protestantism
(22%)    Buddhism
Buddhism
(15%)   Catholicism (8%)   Other (3%)   Not declared (52%)

The Chinese American community differs from the rest of the population in that the majority of Chinese Americans
Americans
do not report a religious affiliation. 43% of Chinese Americans
Americans
switched to a different religion and 54% stayed within their childhood religion within their lifetime. According to the Pew Research Center's 2012 Asian-American Survey, 52% of Chinese Americans
Americans
aged 15 and over said that they didn't have any religious affiliation. This is also compared with the religious affiliation of Asian American
Asian American
average of 26% and a national average of 19%. Of the survey respondents, 15% were Buddhist, 8% were Catholic, and 22% belonged to a Protestant
Protestant
denomination. Fully half of Chinese Americans
Americans
(52%)—including 55% of those born in the U.S. and 51% of those born overseas—describe themselves as religiously unaffiliated. Because Chinese Americans
Americans
are the largest subgroup of Asian Americans, nearly half of all religiously unaffiliated Asians in the U.S. are of Chinese descent (49%).[4][48] Politics[edit] Chinese Americans
Americans
are divided among many subgroups based on factors such as age, nativity, and socioeconomic status and politics between China and the United States, or about Chinese nationalism. Different subgroups of Chinese Americans
Americans
also have radically different and sometimes very conflicting political priorities and goals. In 2013, Chinese Americans
Americans
were the least likely Asian American ethnicity to be affiliated with a political party.[49] Nonetheless, Chinese Americans
Americans
are clustered in majority-Democratic states and have increasingly voted Democratic in recent presidential elections, following the trend for Asian Americans
Asian Americans
in general.[50] Polling just before the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election found John Kerry was favored by 58% of Chinese Americans
Americans
and George W. Bush
George W. Bush
by only 23%,[51] as compared with a 54/44 split in California, a 58/40 split in New York, and a 48/51 split in America as a whole on Election Day itself. In the 2012 presidential election, 81% of Chinese American voters selected Barack Obama
Barack Obama
over Mitt Romney.[52] Chinese Americans
Americans
were an important source of funds for Han revolutionaries during the later Qing dynasty, and Sun Yat-sen
Sun Yat-sen
was raising money in America at the time of the Xinhai Revolution, which established the Republic of China. During the Cultural Revolution, Chinese Americans, as overseas Chinese in general, were viewed as capitalist traitors by the PRC government. This attitude changed dramatically in the late 1970s with the reforms of Deng Xiaoping. Increasingly, Chinese Americans
Americans
were seen as sources of business and technical expertise and capital who could aid in China's economic and other development. Immigration[edit] Economic growth in the People's Republic of China has given mainland Chinese more opportunities to emigrate. A 2011 survey showed that 60% of Chinese millionaires plan to emigrate and 40% of Chinese millionaires selecting the United States as the top destination for immigration.[53][54][55][56][57][58] The EB-5 Investment Visa allows many Chinese to seek U.S. citizenship. It has a yearly quota of around 10,000 applicants or families, and recent reports show that 75% of applicants for this visa in 2011 were Chinese.[59][60] Under this program, applicants, together with their spouses and unmarried children under 21 years old will be eligible to apply for US permanent residency as a group. Because EB-5 program allows applicants to apply as a family, it has been reported to be a significant method for Chinese students to obtain authorization to work in the United States. Chinese multimillionaires benefited most from the EB-5 Immigrant Investor Program in the U.S. Now, as long as one has at least US $500,000 to invest in projects listed by United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), where it is possible to get an EB-5 green card that comes with permanent U.S. residency rights, but only in states specified by the pilot project.[61][62] The H-1B visa is also becoming one of the main immigration pathways for the Chinese with 9% of the approved petitions in 2016.[63] History of illegal immigration of Chinese to the United States go back to the 19th century.[64] Smuggling of immigrants without authorization increased during 1990s following policy changes by the American government, but by the 21st century some have returned to China due to its growing economy.[65] By 2017, it is estimated that there are more than a quarter million immigrants without authorization from China.[66] In 2015, there were about 39,000 Chinese nationals who were suppose to be deported, however the People's Republic of China government had not provided paperwork to verify their citizenship.[67] China has become one of the leading sources of new immigrants without authorization in the 21st century.[68] Socioeconomics[edit] Main article: Model minority Education[edit] Overall, as a demographic group, Chinese Americans
Americans
are highly educated and earn higher median household incomes when compared to other demographic groups in the United States.[69] Educational achievements of Chinese in the United States are one of the highest among Asian Americans
Americans
and also among all ethnic groups in the United States.[70] Chinese Americans
Americans
often have some of the highest averages in tests such as SAT, GRE, etc. in the United States. Although verbal scores lag somewhat due to the influx of new immigrants, combined SAT
SAT
scores have also been higher than for most Americans. Chinese Americans
Americans
are the largest racial group on all but one of the nine fully established University of California
California
campuses.[71][72][73][74] They are the largest group among US National Merit Scholarship awardees in California,[citation needed] They are more likely to apply to competitively elite higher education institutions.[75][76][77][78] They also constitute 24% of all Olympic Seattle
Seattle
Scholarship winners, 33% of USA Math Olympiad winners, 15.5% of Putnam Math Competition winners, and 36% of Duke Talent Identification Grand Recognition Ceremony attendees from the Dallas Metropolitan area.[79][80] International students studying at various higher education institutions around the United States account for a significant percentage of the international student body. International undergraduates, who make up 8% of Duke's undergraduate body, come from China more than any other country.[81][82] International Chinese students also comprise 11% of the nearly 5,800 freshmen at the University of Washington.[83] Mainland China
Mainland China
is the top sending country of international students to the United States.[84][85] After the 1970s, the globalization and Chinese Reform and Opening-Up Act resulted in a growing economy, more middle-class families from China are able to afford American college tuition, bringing an influx of Chinese students to study abroad in the United States. With a more diverse educational background and higher level of English proficiency, international Chinese students also value American degrees, as it gives them a notable advantage over their college-educated counterparts in China by the time they return to their native country to seek employment.[86] Due to cultural factors, many Chinese international students are brand name conscious, choosing nationally ranked elite higher education institutes throughout the United States as their target schools.[87][88][89] International Chinese students are also widely found at many elite liberal arts colleges such as Barnard College
Barnard College
and Mount Holyoke College.[90][91] Students from China gravitate towards Americans
Americans
colleges and universities for their high quality and the style of education which stresses interdisciplinary approaches, creativity, student participation and critical thinking.[89] China is the leading country in sending international students to the U.S, which comprise 18% of the international student population. In the 2015-16 school year there where close to 329,000 enrolled students in higher education.[92] Chinese students also make up 32.2% of the undergraduate students and 48.8% of the graduate students. Chinese international students tend to gravitate towards technical and scientific majors that involve heavy use of mathematics, engineering and the natural sciences. 27.5% of international Chinese students study business management, finance, or economics, 19.2% study engineering, 11.5% study the life sciences and 10.6% study math or computer science.[93] Largely driven by educational immigration, among American PhD recipients in fields related to science and engineering, 25% of the recipients are ethnic Chinese.[94] According to the Pew Research Center
Pew Research Center
in 2015, 54% of Chinese Americans had a bachelor's degree or more.[95] 27% of all Chinese Americans, aged over 25, have attained at least a bachelor's degree and 27% also have a postgraduate degree.[95]

Ethnicity Percent of population

Taiwanese 73.6%

Chinese 51.8%

Total US population 28.2%

Employment[edit]

Technology conglomerates such as eBay (pictured above) located within technology centers across the United States, including California's Silicon Valley, remain attractive hotspots for Chinese Americans
Americans
and foreign-born Chinese entrepreneurs from all over the world.[96]

There has been a significant change in the perceptions about Chinese Americans. In as little as 100 years of American history, stereotypes of Chinese Americans
Americans
have changed to portraying a hard working and educated minority. Thus, most Chinese Americans
Americans
work as white collar professionals, many of whom are highly educated, salaried professionals whose work is largely self-directed in management, professional, and related occupations such as engineering, medicine, investment banking, law, and academia. 53.1% of Chinese Americans
Americans
work in many white collar professions compared with 48.1% for all Asian Americans
Americans
and a national average of 35.1%.[26] They make up 2% of working physicians in the United States.[97] Chinese Americans
Americans
also make up a third of the Asian American
Asian American
high tech professional workforce and a tenth of the entire Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
workforce.[98] Chinese Americans
Americans
also hold lower unemployment rates than the population average with a figure of 4.7% compared to a national rate of 5.9% in 2010.[26] Many Chinese Americans
Americans
have turned to the high tech center to jump-start potential computer science and programming startups to capitalize on the regions wealth of venture capital, business expertise, and cultural and financial incentives for innovation. Ethnic Chinese have been successful in starting new firms in technology centers across the United States, including California's Silicon Valley. Chinese Americans
Americans
have been disproportionately successful in high technology sectors, as evidenced by the Goldsea 100 Compilation of America's Most Successful Asian Entrepreneurs.[99] Chinese Americans
Americans
accounted for 4% of people listed in the 1998 Forbes Hi Tech 100 List.[79] Annalee Saxenian, a UC Berkeley
UC Berkeley
professor, whose research interests include the contribution of Chinese immigrants on America's technology concludes that in Silicon Valley, carried out a study that showed that since 1998, one out of five high tech start-ups in Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
were led by Chinese Americans. During the same year, 5 of the 8 fastest growing companies had Chinese American CEO's except for Yahoo, whose Jerry Yang was a founder but not a CEO. In Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
there are at least 2 to 3 dozen Chinese American organizations according to professional interests each with at least 100 members. One prominent organization of which is the Committee of 100.[100] Immigrants from China and Taiwan
Taiwan
were key founders in 12.8% of all Silicon Valley start-ups between 1995 and 2005.[101] Almost 6% of the immigrants who founded companies in the innovation/manufacturing-related services field are from China and Taiwan.[102] Research funded by the Public Policy Institute of California
California
indicates that in 1996, 1,786 Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
technology companies with $12.5 billion in sales and 46,000 employees were run by Indian or Chinese executives. Moreover, the pace of entrepreneurship among local immigrants is increasing rapidly. While Chinese or Indian executives are at the helm of 13% of the Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
technology businesses started between 1980 and 1985, they are running 27% of the more than 4,000 businesses started between 1991 and 1996.[103] Start-up firms remain a primary source for new ideas and innovation for Chinese American internet entrepreneurs. Many of them are employed or directly engaged in new start-up activities. The proportional share of start-up firms by ethnic Chinese in Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
skyrocketed from 9% in 1980-1984 to about 20% between 1995-1998.[104] By 2006, Chinese American internet entrepreneurs continued to start 20% of all Silicon Valley start-up firms, leading 2000 Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
companies, and employing 58,000 workers.[94] They still continue to own about 20% of all information technology companies that were founded in Silicon Valley since 1980. Numerous professional organizations in perspective in the 1990s as a support network for fellow Chinese American high tech start-ups in the valley.[105] Between 1980 and 1999, 17% of the 11,443 high-tech firms in Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
- including some 40 publicly traded firms were controlled by ethnic Chinese. In 1990, Chinese Americans
Americans
made up a third of the Asian American
Asian American
high tech professional workforce or 11% of the entire Silicon Valley
Silicon Valley
professional workforce. In 1998, Chinese Americans
Americans
managed 2001 firms, employing 41,684 workers, and ran up 13.2 billion in sales. They also account for 17% of all Silicon Valley firm owners, 10% of the professional workforce in the Valley, and 13.5% of the total sales accounting for less than 1% of the U.S. population at the time.[106] Although Chinese Americans
Americans
are also noted for their high rates of self-employment, as they have an extensive history of self-employment dating back to the California
California
Gold Rush in the 1880s,[107] However, as more Chinese Americans
Americans
seek higher education to elevate themselves socioeconomically, rates of self-employment are generally lower than population average.[108] In 2007, there were over 109,614 Chinese-owned employer firms, employing more than 780,000 workers, and generating more than $128 billion in revenue.[109] Among Chinese-owned U.S. firms, 40% were in the professional, scientific, and technical services sector; the accommodation and food services sector; and the repair, maintenance, personal, and laundry services sector. Chinese-owned U.S. firms comprised 2% of all U.S. businesses in these sectors. Wholesale trade and accommodation and food services accounted for 50.4% of Chinese-owned business revenue. 66,505 or 15.7% of Chinese-owned firms had receipts of $250,000 or more compared with 2% for all U.S. businesses.[109][110][111][112][113][114] Economics[edit] With their above average educational attainment rates, Chinese Americans
Americans
from all socioeconomic backgrounds have achieved significant advances in their educational levels, income, life expectancy, and other social indicators as the financial and socioeconomic opportunities offered by the United States have lifted many Chinese Americans
Americans
out of poverty, bringing them into the ranks of America's middle class, upper middle class, as well as the enjoyment of substantial well being.[115] Chinese Americans
Americans
are more likely to own homes than the general American population. According to the 2000 U.S. Census, 65% of Chinese Americans
Americans
owned a home, higher than the total population's rate of 54%.[116][117] In 2003, real estate economist Gary Painter of the University of Southern California
California
Lusk Center for Real Estate Research found out that when comparing homeowners with similar income levels Los Angeles, the Chinese-American home-ownership rate is 20% higher than Whites; in San Francisco, 23% higher; and in the New York metropolitan area, 18% higher.[118] A 2008 Asian Real Estate Association of America report released on behalf of the American community survey, Chinese Americans
Americans
living in the states of Texas, New York, and California
California
all had high home ownership rates that were significantly near or above the general population average.[119] According to the 2010 U.S. Census, Chinese American men had a full-time median income of $57,061 and Chinese American women had a median income of $47,224. Chinese Americans
Americans
also have one of the highest median household incomes among most demographic groups in the United States, which is 30% higher than the national average but is slightly lower compared with the Asian American
Asian American
population.[26]

Median household income: 2010[26]

Ethnicity Household income

Taiwanese $68,809

Asian $67,022

Chinese $65,273

Non-Hispanic White $52,480

Scottish $52,444

Korean $50,316

Total US population $50,046

Despite positive economic indicators, a number of economic deterrents have been noted to afflict the Chinese American community. While median income remains above some ethnic groups in the United States, studies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis revealed that Asian men have the highest rate of persistent long-term unemployment.[120] Ethnic minorities[edit] While the vast majority of Chinese Americans
Americans
are of the Han ethnicity, there are also some ethnic minorities in China who have immigrated to the United States directly from the People's Republic of China. A community numbering 20,000 Korean-Chinese (Chaoxianzu (Chinese: 朝鲜族) or Joseonjok (Hangul: 조선족)) is centered in Flushing, Queens, while New York City
New York City
is also home to the largest Tibetan population outside China, India, and Nepal, also centered in Queens.[121] There are some Zhuang people, the largest ethnic minority of China, in the United States.[122] The presence of Miao[122] Uyghur[123] and Manchu Americans[124] has also been attested. Although considered ethnically the same as other Han Chinese, the Muslim Hui people
Hui people
are registered as an ethnic minority by the Chinese government. There are some Hui in the United States, and some have retained their religious and cultural practices in America.[125] There are some restaurants serving Hui cuisine
Hui cuisine
such as Ma's Restaurant.[126] Genetics[edit] A research on the whole genome patterns of common DNA variation in different human populations (African-American, Asian-American and European American) finds some common single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in these three populations with diverse ancestry.[127] In the samples of Han Chinese
Han Chinese
in America, 74% of the total SNPs have two alleles, and majority of the segregating SNPs have a minor allele frequency (MAF) greater than 10%. Another noticeable point is that MAFs show similar distributions in European-American and Han Chinese populations. Besides, rarer haplotype is found to be absent in the samples of Han Chinese, and they also possess a high level of redundancy. A study analyzing East Asian
East Asian
Genetic Substructure using genome-wide SNP arrays is carried out with greater than 200,000 genotypes from people of East Asian
East Asian
ancestry.[128] The continental populations are from the Human Genome Diversity Panel (Cambodian, Yi, Daur, Mongolian, Lahu, Dai, Hezhen, Miaozu, Naxi, Oroqen, She, Tu, Tujia, Naxi, Xibo, and Yakut), HapMap ( Han Chinese
Han Chinese
and Japanese), as well as East Asian or East Asian American
Asian American
subjects of Vietnamese, Korean, Filipino and Chinese ancestry. A clear understanding of the genetic substructure of any population helps in the studies of complex diseases, as well as the design and execution of association tests. Results of this study have identified markers that can not only reduce type 1 errors in future genetic disease studies, but also identify homogeneous groups and hence make this study more powerful. The group of Chinese American in the same study consists of subjects with origins from North China, South China and Taiwan. This group is paired with Han Chinese
Han Chinese
from Beijing, and results indicate that the population differentiation values was small (<0.0025). There is substantially less genetic substructure between Han Chinese
Han Chinese
and Chinese American, compared with that between Han Chinese, Japanese and Korean groups, yet there is still a substructure in principal component, according to the split half reliability test. Another study aiming to estimate cardiometabolic risk profile of Chinese adults with diabetes is also useful to reveal the personal genomics of Chinese American.[129] In this study, all subjects are over 18 years old and non-institutionalized. Results derived from a complex, multistage, probability sampling design show that 12607 out of 98658 Chinese adults are suffering from diabetes, based on the criteria of 2010 American Diabetes Association. In addition, the study reaches a conclusion that for those Chinese adults defined with diabetes, cardiometabolic risk factors are highly prevalent, including metabolic syndrome, systolic blood pressure that is higher than 140mmHg, low fruit and vegetable intake, low-density lipoprotein cholesterol that is higher than 110 mg/dL. The circumstance of Asian American
Asian American
population is informative in a way that some knowledge about Chinese American can be inferred from it. The statistics of diabetes in Asian American
Asian American
population reveals that approximately 10% of the entire population are diabetic, and in which 90-95% are type 2 diabetes.[130] The current situation is that there are some challenges in diagnosing diabetes in many Asian Americans. The main obstacle is that many clinical features along with risks factors associated with diabetes are obtained from studies that focus on Caucasian populations, which might result in misdiagnoses between type 1 and type 2 diabetes for Asian Americans. In fact, the reason why classic features of type 1 and type 2 diabetes in America might not apply to Asian American
Asian American
population is about shared absence of common HLA DR-DQ genotype, low prevalence of positive anti-islet antibodies and low BMI in both types of diabetes.[131] Some other studies have pointed out that for people of Asian descent and without diabetes, their insulin resistance levels are higher than non-diabetic people of Caucasian descent. Thus, Asian Americans
Asian Americans
are relatively more predisposed to develop type 2 diabetes. This suggests that insulin resistance, rather than body mass index (BMI) should be targeted while making diagnoses. A potential biomarker to identify diabetes in young Asian American
Asian American
population is adipocyte fatty acid binding protein that has a strong association with insulin resistance but is independent of adiposity. Nevertheless, more research studies should be carried out in order to confirm such finding. With further applying the above outcome on the population of Chinese Americans, it is rational that there is a higher tendency for type 2 diabetes among this group of people, who also face the challenge of correct diagnosis in America. To bring up a new topic, genetic mental illness is stigmatized in China. A study compares the attitude of Chinese American towards mental illness with genetic causes and that of European American. It finds out that there is a perception of eugenics existing among Chinese Americans.[132] Consequently, in order to reduce the stigma in the society, more efforts should be devoted to this population. The journal launched by the above study highlights the idea of genetic essentialism, namely, genes are largely deterministic of individual characteristics and behavior. There is a separation between the normal and the deviant, which drives the process of stigma labeling. On the other hand, since genetic diseases can be passed on from one generation to another, some mental illnesses are shared in a family, stigmatizing all members involved. Another viewpoint relevant to genetic essentialism is that, since genes are perceived by the common people as difficult to modify, genetic mental illness is likely to persist, and so is the stigma. As a result, the mindset of many Chinese Americans
Americans
is formulated as diseases with genetic causes being more serious than those without. The same journal also delivers some hypotheses made on the basis of the long history of eugenics in China. First, Chinese Americans
Americans
are more in favor of eugenic policies than European Americans. Secondly, more stigma would be generated towards genetic attributions of any diseases in Chinese American population. China used to implement restrictions on marriage licenses to people with genetic illnesses, which has made the attitude of Chinese American towards premarital genetic screening more supportive, especially when facing a chance of genetic defects. Moreover, from the perspective of this group of people, knowing whether a marriage partner has family history of mental illness with genetic basis is fairly important. Notable people[edit] For a more comprehensive list, see List of Chinese Americans. See also[edit]

Americans
Americans
in China American-born Chinese China City of America China-United States relations Chinese Americans
Americans
in New York City Embassy of China in Washington, D.C. Chinese Progressive Association Jook-sing

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Genetic Substructure Using Genome-Wide SNP Arrays". PLOS One. 3 (12): e3862. Bibcode:2008PLoSO...3.3862T. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0003862. ISSN 1932-6203. PMC 2587696 . PMID 19057645.  ^ Ding, Lin; Xu, Yu; Wang, Limin; Xu, Min; Jiang, Yong; Zhang, Mei; Li, Yichong; Lu, Jieli; Wang, Tiange (2016-10-26). "The cardiometabolic risk profile of Chinese adults with diabetes: A nationwide cross-sectional survey". Journal of Diabetes and Its Complications. 31 (1): 43–52. doi:10.1016/j.jdiacomp.2016.10.023. ISSN 1873-460X. PMID 27838099.  ^ "Overcoming the obstacles of diagnosing diabetes in Asian Americans Public Health". Public Health. 2012-11-27. Retrieved 2016-12-04.  ^ Hsu, William C.; Okeke, Eyiuche; Cheung, Sophia; Keenan, Hillary; Tsui, Tracy; Cheng, Kyle; King, George L. (2011-12-02). "A Cross-Sectional Characterization of Insulin Resistance by Phenotype and Insulin Clamp in East Asian Americans
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Further reading[edit]

Further information: Asian Americans
Asian Americans
§ Further reading

Chang, Iris. The Chinese in America: A Narrative History (Viking, 2003) 496 pages, ISBN 0-670-03123-2 Chen, Shehong. Being Chinese, Becoming Chinese American (U. of Illinois
Illinois
Press, 2002) ISBN 0-252-02736-1 Cheng, Cindy I-Fen. Citizens of Asian America: Democracy and Race during the Cold War (New York U. Press, 2013). 285p. Gillenkirk, Jeff and Motlow, James, "Bitter Melon: Inside America's Last Rural Chinese Town" (San Francisco, Nine Mile Press, 2015). 140 pp. Hsu, Madeline Y. The Good Immigrants: How the Yellow Peril
Yellow Peril
Became the Model Minority (Princeton U. Press, 2015). xvi, 335 pp. Lee, Jonathan H. X. ed. Chinese Americans: The History and Culture
Culture
of a People (ABC-CLIO, 2016.) 498 pages. Ling, Huping, and Allan W. Austin, eds. Asian American
Asian American
History and Culture: An Encyclopedia (Routledge, 2015) Louie, Vivian S. Compelled To Excel: Immigration, Education, And Opportunity Among Chinese Americans, (Stanford U. Press, 2004) 272 pages, ISBN 0-8047-4985-X Meng, Chih. Chinese American Understanding: A Sixty-Year Search, (China Institute in America, 1981, hardcover, 255 pages, OCLC: 8027928 Miscevic, Dusanka and Peter Kwong, eds. Chinese Americans: The Immigrant Experience, (Hugh Lauter Levin Associates, 2000), 240 pages, ISBN 0-88363-128-8 See, Lisa. On Gold Mountain: The One-Hundred-Year Odyssey of My Chinese American Family, (1996). ISBN 0-679-76852-1. See also the website for an exhibition based on this book [8] from the Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Program. Song, Jingyi. Shaping and Reshaping Chinese American Identity: New York's Chinese during the Depression and World War II
World War II
(2010) Tung, May Pao-May. Chinese Americans
Americans
and Their Immigrant Parents: Conflict, Identity, and Values, Haworth Press, 2000. Xu Guoqi. Chinese and Americans: A Shared History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014. Young, Elliott. Alien Nation: Chinese Migration in the Americas from the Coolie Era through World War II. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2014.

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Chinese Americans.

Factfinder Chinese Americans
Americans
2005 American Community Survey The Rocky Road to Liberty: A Documented History of Chinese American Immigration and Exclusion Museum
Museum
of Chinese in the Americas Chinese Culture
Culture
Center & Chinese Culture
Culture
Foundation of San Francisco Organization of Chinese Americans Chinese Historical Society of America "Paper Son" - one Chinese American's story of coming to America under the Chinese Exclusion Act
Chinese Exclusion Act
of 1882 Becoming American: The Chinese Experience a PBS Bill Moyers special. Thomas F. Lennon, Series Producer. Chinese American Contribution to Transcontinental Railroad
Transcontinental Railroad
- Central Pacific Railroad Photographic History Museum Emerging Information Technology Conference (EITC), organized by several Chinese American organizations Famous Chinese Americans
Americans
Comprehensive list of famous Chinese Americans
Americans
organized by professions. Includes short biographical notes and Chinese names. Chinese Information and Networking Association (CINA) Northwest Chinese Professionals Association The Yung Wing Project hosts the memoir of the first Chinese American graduate of an American university (Yale 1854). Chinese American Museum Documentary about the Golden Venture tragedy Americans
Americans
and Chinese : purpose and fulfillment in great civilizations

v t e

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Notes

1 The U.S. Census
U.S. Census
Bureau definition of Asians refers to a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent. [9][10] 2 The United States Government classified Kalmyks as Asian until 1951, when Kalmyk Americans
Americans
were reclassified as White Americans.[11] 3 The U.S. Census
U.S. Census
Bureau considers Mongolians and Uzbeks as Central Asians,[12] but a specific Central Asian American
Asian American
group similar to Middle Eastern American does not yet exist.[13] 4 The U.S. Census
U.S. Census
Bureau reclassifies anyone identifying as "Tibetan American" as "Chinese American".[14] 5 Bengali Americans
Americans
may be classified as Bangladeshi or Indian.[15] Punjabi Americans
Americans
may be classified as Indian or Pakistani.[16] Tamil Americans
Americans
may be classified as Indian or Sri Lankan.

v t e

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Tacoma riot of 1885
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riot of 1886 Yick Wo v. Hopkins
Yick Wo v. Hopkins
(1886) Hells Canyon Massacre (1887) United States v. Wong Kim Ark
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(1898) Murder of Vincent Chin
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(1982) Shooting of Akai Gurley
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v t e

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v t e

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See Also

Related articles

The Chinese in Latin America and the Caribbean The Chinese in Mexico

1 An overseas department of France
France
in the western Indian Ocean. See also: Hong Kong
Hong Kong
Diaspora * Guyana and Suriname are physically in South America but are culturally a part of the Caribbean.

Asian Americans
Asian Americans
portal China portal Hong Kong

.