Nerthus By Emil Doepler

In Germanic paganism, Nerthus is a goddess associated with a ceremonial wagon procession. Nerthus is attested by first century AD Roman historian Tacitus in his ethnographic work ''Germania''.

In ''Germania'', Tacitus records that a group of Germanic peoples were particularly distinguished by their veneration of the goddess. Tacitus describes the wagon procession in some detail: Nerthus's cart is found on an unspecified island in the "ocean", where it is kept in a sacred grove and draped in white cloth. Only a priest may touch it. When the priest detects Nerthus's presence by the cart, the cart is drawn by heifers. Nerthus's cart is met with celebration and peacetime everywhere it goes, and during her procession no one goes to war and all iron objects are locked away. In time, after the goddess has had her fill of human company, the priest returns the cart to her "temple" and slaves ritually wash the goddess, her cart, and the cloth in a "secluded lake". According to Tacitus, the slaves are then immediately drowned in the lake.

Scholars have linked Tacitus's description of ceremonial wagons found from around Tacitus's time up until the Viking Age, particularly the Germanic Iron Age Dejbjerg wagon in Denmark and the Viking Age Oseberg ship burial wagon in Norway. The goddess name ''Nerthus'' (from Proto-Germanic *''Nerþuz'') is the early Germanic etymological precursor to the Old Norse deity name ''Njörðr'', a male deity who is comparably associated with wagons and water in Norse mythology. Together with his children Freyja and Freyr, the three form the Vanir, a family of gods. The Old Norse record contains three narratives featuring ritual wagon processions that scholars have compared to Tacitus's description of Nerthus's wagon procession, one of which (and potentially all of them) focus on Njörðr's son Freyr.

Additionally, scholars have sought to explain the difference in sex between the early Germanic and Old Norse forms of the deity, discussed potential etymological connections to the obscure female deity name Njörun, mention of the mysterious Sister-wife of Njörðr, proposed a variety of locations for where the procession may have occurred (generally in Denmark), and considered Tacitus's sources for his description.

Tacitus's Nerthus has had some influence on popular culture, and in particular the now widely rejected manuscript reading of ''Hertha'' in Germany.

Etymology

Scholars commonly identify the goddess Nerthus with Njörðr, a deity who is attested in Old Norse texts and in numerous Scandinavian place names. Scholars identify the Romano-Germanic ''Nerthus'' as the linguistic precursor to the Old Norse deity name ''Njörðr'' and have reconstructed the form as Proto-Germanic *''Nerþuz''."Most scholars accept that the name Njǫrðr, the wealthy hostage sent to the Æsir and the father of Freyr and Freyja, is identical to that of a goddess Nerthus "or Mother Earth" described by Tacitus in ''Germania'' ch. 40." (Lindow 2020c: 33); "…since Jacob Grimm, the form ''Nerthum'' has been preferred due to its relation to the Old Norse name Njǫrðr" (Janson 2018: 10-11); "Nerthus has long been seen as the etymon of Njǫrðr." (North 1997: 20); "Since the name Nerthus corresponds phonetically to that of Njǫrðr scholars have accepted her as his female counterpart." (Motz 1992: 3); "Nerthus cannot be other than Njörd ..." (Turville-Petre 1964: 172); "strange has been the history of this goddess Nerthus in modern times. Sixteenth century scholars found irresistible the temptation to emend the name of 'Mother Earth' into ''Herthum'', which nineteenth century scholars further improved into ''Hertham'', ''Ertham''. For many years this false goddess drove out the rightful deity from the fortieth chapter of the ''Germania''" (Chambers 2001 912 70). As outlined by philologist John McKinnell, "Nerthus > *''Njarðuz'' ( breaking) > *''Njǫrðuz'' > ''Njǫrðr''".McKinnell (2005: 50). Scholars have additionally linked both ''Nerthus'' and ''Njörðr'' to the obscure Old Norse goddess name ''Njörun''.See for example Hopkins 2012: 39 ("From this survey we may conclude that academic consensus is that ''Njǫrun'' is potentially related to ''Njǫrðr'' and so too to the Proto-Germanic forebear of the name, *''Nerþuz''"), Sturtevant 1952: 167, de Vries 1977: 410-411, and Finnur Jónsson 1931: 429.

The meaning of the theonym is unclear, but seems to be cognate with Old Irish ''nert'', meaning 'strength', perhaps meaning 'the powerful one'. The name may be related to Old English ''geneorð'', meaning 'contented', and the Old English place name ''Neorxnawang'', used to gloss the word 'paradise' in Old English texts, or the word ''north''. According to philologist Jaan Puhvel, "*Nerthuz is etymologically ambivalent, cognate not only with Old Irish ''nert'' 'strength' and Greek ''andro''- but with Vedic ''sū-nrt́ā'' 'good vigor, vitality' (used especially for Uṣás, thus gender ambivalent)".Puhvel 1989: 205. According to McKinnell, "The meaning of the name has usually been connected with Old Irish ''nert'' ‘strength’ (so ‘the powerful one’), but it might be related to Old English ''geneorð'' ‘contented’ and ''neorxnawang'' ‘paradise’ (literally ‘field of contentment’), or to the word ‘north’ (i.e. ‘deity of the northern people’, cf. Greek νέρτερος ‘belonging to the underworld’)."McKinnell 2005: 51.

''Germania''

In chapter 40 of his ethnography ''Germania'', Roman historian Tacitus, discussing the Suebian tribes of Germania, writes that beside the populous Semnones and warlike Langobardi there are seven more remote Suebian tribes; the Reudigni, Aviones, Anglii, Varini, Eudoses, Suarines, and Nuitones. The seven tribes are surrounded by rivers and forests and, according to Tacitus, there is nothing particularly worthy of comment about them as individuals, yet they are particularly distinguished as a group in that they all worship the goddess Nerthus. The chapter reads as follows:

Tacitus's sources

Tacitus does not provide information regarding his sources for his description of Nerthus (nor the rest of ''Germania''). Tacitus's account may stem from earlier but now lost literary works (such as perhaps Pliny the Elder's lost '' Bella Germaniae''), potentially his own experiences in Germania, or merchants and soldiers, such as Germanic peoples in Rome or Germania and Romans who spent time in the region.For example, according to James B. Rives, "... Tacitus may very well have served on the Germanic frontier himself, and certainly would have had many opportunities to talk both with Romans who had experience in Germania and with Germani serving in the Roman army" (Mattingly 2009: xlii). See also discussion in Bintley 2015: 86-87.

Tacitus's ''Germania'' places particular emphasis on the Semnones, and scholars have suggested that some or all of Tacitus's information may come from king Masyas of the Semnones and/or his high priestess, the seeress Ganna. The two visited Rome for a blessing from Roman emperor Domitian in 92 AD. While Tacitus appears to have been away from Rome during this period, he would have had plenty of opportunity to gain information provided by king Masyas and/or Ganna from those who spent time with the two during their visit.For example, according to Richard North (1997: 22), "Tacitus's informant may have been King Masyos of the Semnones, who visited Rome in 92: The Semnones are described in preferential detail in ch. 39, immediately before the account of Nerthus in ch. 40". See also discussion in Bintley 2015: 86-87.

Reception

Tacitus's description of the Nerthus procession has been the subject of extensive discussion from scholars.

Name and manuscript variations

All surviving manuscripts of Tacitus's ''Germania'' date from around the fifteenth century and these display significant variation in the name of the goddess: All attested forms are in accusative case and include ''Nertum'' (yielding the nominate form ''Nerthus''), ''Herthum'' (implying a nominative form of ''Hertha'') and several others (including ''Nechtum'', ''Neithum'', ''Neherthum'', and ''Verthum'').For discussion on these forms, see for example Lindow 2020b: 1331 and McKinnell 2005: 50-52.

Of the various forms found in the extant ''Germania'' manuscript tradition, two have yielded significant discussion among scholars since at least the 19th century, ''Nerthus'' and ''Hertha''. Hertha was popular in some of the earliest layers of ''Germania'' scholarship, such as the edition of Beatus Rhenanus. These scholars linked the name with a common German word for ''Earth'' (compare modern German ''Erde''). This reading has subsequently been rejected by most scholars. Since pioneering 19th century philologist Jacob Grimm's identification of the form Nerthus as the etymological precursor to the Old Norse deity name '' Njǫrðr'', the reading ''Nerthus'' has been widely accepted as correct in scholarship.

In 1902, the Codex Aesinas (often abbreviated as ''E'') was discovered, and it was also found to contain the form ''Nertum'', yielding the reading ''Nerthus''. The Codex Aesinas is a 15th-century composite manuscript that is considered a direct copy of the Codex Hersfeldensis, the oldest identifiable manuscript of the text. All other manuscripts of Tacitus's ''Germania'' are thought by scholars to stem from the Codex Aesinas.As summarized by M. J. Towsell, "The modern textual history of the Germania begins … with the fifteenth-century humanist manuscript known as the Codex Aesinas, which appears to be the source of all the other Germania manuscripts (and very many copies were made in the Renaissance, all of which appear to be direct or indirect copies of this single manuscript)." (Toswell 2010: 30) Regarding Nerthus and the Codex Aesinas, see discussion in Lindow 2020b: 1331.

Some scholars have continued suggesting alternate readings to ''Nerthus''. For example, in 1992, Lotte Motz proposes that the linguistic correspondence is a coincidence and that "The variant ''nertum'' was chosen by Grimm ''because'' it corresponds to Njǫrðr".Motz, however, states that she does not propose the reading ''Hertha'': "I do not wish to advocate the name Hertha for the goddess; I merely wish to state that the phonetic coincidence of the variant with the name of an Eddic god does not suffice to support an identify of the two numina." (Motz 1992: 3-4). Instead, Motz propose that various female entities from the continental Germanic folklore record, particularly those in central Germany and the Alps, stem from a single source, who she identifies as Nerthus, and that migrating Germanic peoples brought the goddess to those regions from coastal Scandinavia.Motz 1992: 12-16. After her death, Motz's proposal received support from Rudolf Simek. John Lindow rejects Motz's proposal and Simek's support. He highlights the presence of the form in the Codex Aesinas (discovered in 1902, while Grimm died in 1863), and asks, "would it not be an extraordinary coincidence that a deity who fits the pattern of the later fertility gods should have a name that is etymologically identical with one of them?"Lindow (2020a: 108) says: "Rudolf Simek takes seriously the suggestion of Lotte Motz (1992) that other name forms in the humanist editions of ''Germania'' are as valid as Nerthus and that the deity in ch. 40 has nothing to do with Njǫrðr but rather should be associated with Frau Percht or Frau Holle in recent folklore Simek 2003: 56–57. But as Simek admits, Nerthus has manuscript witness. Furthermore, Motz's argument for conceptual similarities seems forced." & Lindow 2020b: 1331.

Location

Scholars have proposed a variety of locations for Tacitus's account of Nerthus. For example, Anders Andrén says:

:In the accounts of specific Germanic tribes, Tacitus also writes about the divine twins, the Alcis, among the Naharvali, and about the goddess Nerthus among a group of tribes, probably located in the southern part of present-day Denmark.Andrén 2020: 212.

Some scholars have proposed that the location of the Nerthus procession occurred on Zealand in Denmark. They link the Nerthus with the medieval place name ''Niartharum'' (modern Nærum) located on Zealand. Further justification is given in that Lejre, who is said to have plowed the island of Zealand from Sweden in the ''Prose Edda'' book ''Gylfaginning'' and in Lejre wed the legendary Danish king Skjöldr.Chadwick 1907:267—268, 289 and Davidson 1964:113.

Chambers notes that the mistaken name ''Hertha'' (see ''Name and manuscript variations'' above) led to the hydronym '' Herthasee'', a lake on the German island of Rügen, which antiquarians proposed as a potential location of the Nerthus site described in Tacitus. However, along with the rejection of the reading ''Hertha'', the location is no longer considered to be a potential site.Chambers 2001: 69-71.

Difference in sex between Nerthus and Njörðr

Although ''Njörðr'' etymologically descends from *''Nerþuz'', Tacitus describes Nerthus female while the Old Norse deity Njörðr is male. The form *''Nerþuz'' does indicate whether the deity was considered male or female. This difference in sex between the two has resulted in significant discussion from scholars. A variety of reasons for this difference have been proposed: Over the years, scholars have variously proposed that that Nerthus was likely one of a pair of deities in a manner similar to Njörðr's incestuous children Freyr and Freyja (perhaps involving ''hieros gamos''), that Nerthus was a hermaphroditic deity, that the deity's sex simply changed from female to male over time, or that Tacitus's account mistakes Nerthus for a female deity rather than male deity.See for example discussion in Lindow 2020: 1332, Simek 2007: 230, North 1997: 20-24, and Turville-Petre 1964: 172. Others have proposed that a 'female Njörðr' continues into the Old Norse corpus as the Sister-wife of Njörðr and/or in the goddess name ''Njörun''.See for example discussion in Hopkins 2012: 39-40.

Wagons, wagon processions, the Vanir, and cyclical rituals

Scholars associate Tacitus's description of Nerthus's ''vehiculum'' (translated above by Birley as "chariot" and by Mattingly as "cart") ritually deposited in a ''lacus'' (translated by Birley and Mattingly above as "lake") with ceremonial wagons found ritually placed in peat bogs around Tacitus's time, ceremonial wagons from the Viking Age, and descriptions of ceremonial wagon processions in Old Norse texts.For example, see Schjødt 2020a: 631-634, McKinnell 2005: 50-52, North 1997: 1-25, Gunnell 1995: 53-60, Davidson 1988: 116-119, and Turville-Petre 1964: 173. Notable examples include the Dejbjerg wagon—in fact a composite of two wagons—discovered in western Jutland, Denmark.For example, as Terry Gunnell puts it, "that such a wagon existed in real life is supported by archaeological evidence in the form of two early Iron Age wagons that were deposited in the bogs at Dejbjerg, Jylland, at a time close to that of Tacitus's account. It is highly tempting to draw direct parallels between these wagons and those of Nerthus and Freyr described above." (Gunnell 1995: 59.) A wagon from the Viking Age was found in the Oseberg ship burial in Norway. This wagon may have been incapable of turning corners and may been solely used for ritual purposes.Gunnell 1995: 59. The ship burial contains tapestry fragments, today known as the Oseberg tapestry fragments. These fragments depict a wagon procession.Gunnell 1995: 60.

File:Dejbjergvognen DO-621 original.jpg, The Dejbjerg wagon on display at the National Museum of Denmark, found deposited in a peat bog in Denmark and dating from around Tacitus's time.
File:Fra Osebergfunnet - no-nb digifoto 20150217 00188 NB MIT FNR 16730.jpg, The reconstructed ceremonial wagon found in the Viking Age Oseberg ship burial. One side of the wagon features a depiction of nine cats.
File:Oseberg Wagon detail 2.jpg, Detail of the Oseberg wagon's depiction of nine cats.

In Norse mythology, Njörðr is strongly associated with water, and he and his children, Freyr and Freyja, are particularly associated with wagons. Together this family is known in Old Norse sources as the Vanir. Njörðr is referred to as "god of wagons" (Old Norse ''vagna guð'') in the principal manuscript of ''Skáldskaparmál'' (the Codex Regius).According to John Lindow, "... we should accept that Snorri knew more valid kennings than are attested in the verse he cites. For example, he tells that Njǫrðr may be kenned as ''vagna guð'' (god of wagons), which can be associated with the wagon that pulled Nerthus in Tacitus. We do not think that the association is fortuitous." (Lindow 2020a: 78 with further discussion in Lindow 2020: 1333). "With regard to Nerthus and the ''vehiculum'' in ch. 40 of ''Germania'', Njǫrðr is known as ''vagna guð'' ('god of wagons') in a scaldic kenning cited in the principal manuscript of ''Skáldskaparmál''" (North 1997: 24). According to the ''Prose Edda'', Freyja drives a chariot driven by cats, which scholars have linked to the depiction of nine cats on the Oseberg ship burial wagon, potentially indicating a wagon procession featuring the goddess.Ingunn Ásdísardóttir 2020: 1278-1279, 1287. Dated to the 14th century, ''Ögmundar þáttr dytts'' tells of a ritual wagon procession wherein a depiction of Freyr is driven around in a wagon by a priestess in a manner scholars have compared to Tacitus's description.Gunnell 1995: 54-59.

Similar wagon procession-narratives may be found in two other texts, namely a description of a god name Lýtir in ''Flateyjarbók'' and one featuring Frotho in ''Gesta Danorum'', who is driven around for three days after his death so that the country wouldn't crumble. Both of these names have been interpreted by scholars as likely bynames for Freyr.Noting a comparable episode in ''Ynglinga saga'' describing a euhemerized account of Freyr's death and Saxo's description of Frotho's death, John Lindow notes that "clearly the two figures played out the same mythic pattern, and many scholars think they may have been the same figure (Lindow 2001: 124). On Lýtir and Freyr, see Simek 2007: 198-199.

Some scholars have interpreted this to reflect that this procession occurred as a cyclic ritual associated with the Vanir. According to Jens Peter Schjødt, "if we accept a close relationship among, perhaps even an identity of, Nerthus, Freyr, and Frotho ... it appears that these three descriptions are all part of a discourse connecting gods of the ''vanir'' type with circumambulations and thus with processions focusing on yearly rituals."Schjødt 2020a: 633. Schjødt further says:
:Cyclical rituals have no doubt taken place during several millennia in the North as well as everywhere else. One of the most famous descriptions of such a ritual from the Early Iron Age is Tacitus's description of the Nerthus ritual in ''Germania'' ch. 40. Although it is not said explicitly that this is a cyclical ritual, there is no doubt that it is recurring and that it involves the whole community. Like with most other rituals of this type, we are not told at what time of the year the Nerthus procession took place, but since it is clearly a ritual connected with fertility and peace, we may conjecture that it was not during the summer, which was the season for war and other kinds of male activities.Schjødt 2020b: 803.

Hilda Davidson draws a parallel between these incidents and Tacitus's account of Nerthus, suggesting that in addition a neck-ring-wearing female figure "kneeling as if to drive a chariot" also dates from the Bronze Age. Davidson says that the evidence suggests that similar customs as detailed in Tacitus's account continued to exist during the close of the pagan period through worship of the Vanir.Davidson 1964:96.

Bog bodies

Known as bog bodies, numerous well-preserved human remains have been found in peat bogs in Northern Europe. Like the wagons interred in peat bogs discussed above, these bodies were intentionally and ritually placed. Various scholars have linked Tacitus's description of drowned slaves in a "lake" as a reference to the interment of human corpses in peat bogs. For example, according to archaeologist Peter Vilhelm Glob:
:The description of the goddess' attendants in the lake on the completion of the rites recalls the sacrificed bog people. There is indeed much to suggest that the bog people were participants in ritual celebrations of this kind, which culminated in their death and deposition in the bogs.Glob 2004 965 163. On Glob and Nerthus, see further discussion in Sanders 2009: 6-7.

"Mother Earth" and the Roman cult of Cybele

In his description of Nerthus, Tacitus refers to the goddess as "Mother Earth" (''Terra Mater''). This has been received by scholars in a variety of ways and impacted early manuscript readings of the deity's name (especially ''Herthum'', see "Name and manuscript variations" section above). In his assessment of the Old Norse personification of earth (''Jörð'', a goddess in Norse mythology), McKinnell says that the Old Norse earth personification does not appear to be notably connected to the Vanir, Njörðr, and/or Nerthus. He concludes that "it seems likely that Tacitus equates Nerthus with ''Terra Mater'' as an ''interpretatio Romana'', a translation into terms his Roman readers would find familiar."McKinnell 2022: 539. John Lindow says that Tacitus's "identification with Mother Earth probably has much less to do with Jörd in Scandinavian mythology than with fertility goddesses in many cultures".Lindow 2001: 237.

The Phyrgian goddess Cybele had been absorbed into the Roman pantheon by Tacitus's time, and Tacitus himself served as a priest in the cult of Cybele, which included duties such as washing a sacred cult stone. Similar to Tacitus's description of Nerthus, Cybele was at times closely connected to or conflated with the concept of ''Terra Mater'' ('Mother Earth') through her identity as ''Mater Deum'' ('Mother of the Gods'), and was at times depicted with a chariot pulled by lions.See discussion in for example North 1995: 20-23.

Modern influence

The minor planet 601 Nerthus is named after Nerthus. The form "Hertha" was adopted by several German football clubs.

Up until its superseding as the dominant reading, ''Hertha'' had some influence in German popular culture. For example, ''Hertha'' and '' Herthasee'' (see "location" section above) play major roles in German novelist Theodor Fontane's 1896 novel ''Effi Briest''.Hardy 2001: 125.

See also

* Auðumbla, a primeval cow in the mythology of the North Germanic peoples
* Baduhenna, a Germanic goddess mentioned by Tacitus in his ''Annals''
* "Isis" of the Suebi, another apparently Germanic goddess mentioned by Tacitus in his ''Germania''
* Nereus, a deity and son of the sea and earth in Greek mythology
* Tamfana, another Germanic goddess mentioned by Tacitus in his ''Annals''

Notes

References

* Andrén, Anders. 2020. "The Spatial and Temporal Frame" in Jens Peter Schjødt, John Lindow, and Anders Andrén, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North. History and Structures, Volume I: Basic Premises and Consideration of Sources'', pp. 135–160. Brepols.
* Bintley, Michael D. J. 2015. ''Trees in the Religions of Early Medieval England''. Boydell Press.
* Birley, A. R. Trans. 1999. ''Agricola and Germany''. Oxford University Press.
* Chambers, Raymond Wilson. 2001 912 ''Widsith: A Study in Old English Heroic Legend''. Cambridge University Press.
* de Vries, Jan. 1977. ''Altnordisches Etymologisches Worterbuch''. Brill.
* Finnur Jónsson. 1931. ''Lexicon poeticum''. S. L. Møllers bogtrykkeri.
* Glob, P. V. 2004 965 ''The Bog People: Iron Age Man Preserved''. New York Review Books.
* Gunnell, Terry. 1995. ''The Origins of Drama in Scandinavia''. D.S. Brewer.
* Chadwick, Hector Munro. 1907. ''The Origin of the English Nation''.
* Davidson, Hilda Ellis. 1988. ''Myths and Symbols in Pagan Europe: early Scandinavian and Celtic religions''. Manchester University Press.
* Hardy, Barbara. 2010. "Tellers and Listeners in ''Effi Briest''" in ''Theodor Fontane and the European Context: Literature, Culture and Society in Prussia and Europe: Proceedings of the Interdisciplinary Symposium at the Institute of Germanic Studies, University of London in March 1999''. Rodopi.
* Hopkins, Joseph. 2012
"Goddesses Unknown I: Njǫrun and the Sister-Wife of Njǫrðr"
''RMN Newsletter''; volume 5. pp. 39–44.
* Ingunn Ásdísardóttir. 2020. "Freyja" in "Written Sources" in Jens Peter Schjødt, John Lindow, and Anders Andrén, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North. History and Structures, Volume III: Social, Geographical, and Historic Contexts, and Communication between Worlds'', pp. 1273–1302. Brepols.
* Lindow, John. 2020a. "Written Sources" in Jens Peter Schjødt, John Lindow, and Anders Andrén, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North. History and Structures, Volume I: Basic Premises and Consideration of Sources'', pp. 63–101. Brepols.
* Lindow, John. 2020b. "Njǫrðr" in Jens Peter Schjødt, John Lindow, and Anders Andrén, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North. History and Structures, Volume III: Social, Geographical, and Historic Contexts, and Communication between Worlds'', pp. 1331–1344. Brepols.
* Lindow, John. 2020c. ''Old Norse Mythology''. Oxford University Press.
* Lindow, John. 2001. ''Norse Mythology: A Guide to the Gods, Heroes, Rituals, and Beliefs''. Oxford University Press.
* Mattingly, Harold. 2009. ''Agricola and Germania''. Penguin.
* McKinnell, John. 2005. ''Meeting the Other in Norse Myth and Legend''. D. S. Brewer.
* McKinnell, John. 2022. "The Earth as Body in Old Norse". ''Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift'' 74: 534–550
Viewable online

* Motz, Lotte. 1992. "The Goddess Nerthus: A New Approach". ''Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik'' 36:1-19.
* North, Richard. 1997. ''Heathen Gods in Old English Literature''. Cambridge University Press.
* Janson, Henrik. 2018. "Pictured by the Other: Classical and Early Medieval Perspectives on Religions in the North" in John McKinnell, John Lindow, and Margaret Clunies Ross, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North'', pp. 7–40. Brepols.
* Puhvel, Jaan. 1989. ''Comparative Mythology''. Johns Hopkins University Press.
* Sanders, Karin. 2009. ''Bodies in the Bog and the Archaeological Imagination''. The University of Chicago Press.
* Schjødt, Jens Peter. 2020a. "Various Ways of Communicating" in Jens Peter Schjødt, John Lindow, and Anders Andrén, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North. History and Structures, Volume III: Social, Geographical, and Historic Contexts, and Communication between Worlds'', pp. 589–642. Brepols.
* Schjødt, Jens Peter. 2020b. "Cyclical Rituals" in Jens Peter Schjødt, John Lindow, and Anders Andrén, ed. ''The Pre-Christian Religions of the North. History and Structures, Volume III: Social, Geographical, and Historic Contexts, and Communication between Worlds'', pp. 797–822. Brepols.
* Simek, Rudolf. 2007. translated by Angela Hall. ''Dictionary of Northern Mythology''. D.S. Brewer
* Stuart, Duane Reed. 1916. ''Tacitus - Germania''. The Macmillan Company.
* Sturtevant, Albert Morey (1952). "Regarding the Old Norse name Gefjon" as published in ''Scandinavian Studies''; volume 24 (number 4, November). ISSN 0036-5637
* Toswell, M. J. 2010. "''Quid Tacitus...?'' The ''Germania'' and the Study of Anglo-Saxon England". ''Florilegium'' 27 (2010): 27–62.
* Turville-Petre, Gabriel. 1964. ''Myth and Religion of the North: The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia''. Weidenfeld and Nicolson.

Further reading

* Polomé, E. "A Propos De La Déesse Nerthus." Latomus 13, no. 2 (1954): 167–200. www.jstor.org/stable/41517674.
* Dumézil, Georges. "Njordr, Nerthus et le folklore scandinave des génies de la mer". In: ''Revue de l'histoire des religions'', tome 147, n°2, 1955. pp. 210–226. OI: https://doi.org/10.3406/rhr.1955.7224; www.persee.fr/doc/rhr_0035-1423_1955_num_147_2_7224

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Fertility goddesses
Germanic goddesses
Harvest goddesses
Vanir