Hiloni

''Hiloni'' ( he, חִלּוֹנִי), plural ''hilonim'' ( he, חִלּוֹנִים; "secular"), is a social category in Israel, designating the least religious segment among the Jewish public. The other three subgroups on the scale of Jewish-Israeli religiosity are the ''masortim'', "traditional"; '' datiim'', "religious"; and ''haredim'', "ultra-religious" ("ultra-Orthodox"). In the 2018 Israel Central Bureau of Statistics' survey, 43.2% of Jews identified as ''hiloni''.

Although considered "secular", many of them do practice bris for baby boys; Bar and Bat Mitzvah for adolescent boys and girls (although only boys have an Aliyah la-Torah at a synagogue); an Aliyah la-Torah at a synagogue for men prior to their weddings; celebrating major Israeli and Jewish holidays; and a fewer number of them even keep kosher at various levels. However, it is quite noteworthy to mention the affinity of most secular Jews to rabbis and mohels of Orthodox Judaism (Israel's Rabbanut). The things that do set the most distinction between them and religious Israeli Jews: lack of daily religious-related wardrobe such as yarmulke (except for during major Jewish holidays' evenings at a family home, and while having an Aliyah la-Torah for males at a synagogue prior to a Bar Mitzvah or a wedding); not observing the Shabbat on Saturdays; and not attending synagogue for either Shabbat or Jewish holiday prayers.

Definitions

In the Israeli parlance, ''hiloni'' is used to identify Jews who observe fewer traditional practices than the other, more religious, Jewish subgroups (apart from that, the term may also be used as a derogatory epithet by observant Jews, or to be associated with secularism).Charles Liebman, Yaacov Yadgar.
Secular-Jewish Identity and the Condition of Secular Judaism in Israel
'. Rutgers University Press, 2009. Definition: p. 2, beliefs and practice: p. 10-11, 30. Between 2002 and 2018, among Jewish adult respondents to ICBS polls, self-identified ''hilonim'' numbered between a maximum of 45% in 2005 and a minimum of 41.4% in 2009. In 2018, the figure was 43.2%.

Though ''hiloni'' literally means "secular", many scholars noted it is problematic in translation. Professor Yoav Peled preferred to render it as "nonobservant." Kenneth D. Wald and Samuel Shye commented that:

The demarcation between the ''hiloni'' category and the nearest, the ''masorti'' or "traditional", is highly porous. Surveys demonstrated that it is not reliant on objective levels of belief or ritual observance, but mainly on socioethnic lines: Ashkenazi Israelis, either native or post-Soviet immigrants, tend to describe themselves as "secular" even when they observe or believe quite substantially, and Mizrahi and Sephardi Israelis usually regard themselves as "traditional" regardless of lifestyle and conviction. Among Mizrahim and Sephardim, those who aspire to emulate the European-descended also tend to adopt the label ''hiloni''. Nevertheless, some MENA-descended Jews, such as those who emigrated from Iraq and Algeria, have labelled themselves as ''hiloni'' for other reasons, likely since they had been highly influenced by European colonial powers and certain aspects of enlightenment. Many surveys offer to the ''masortim'' the sub-category of "not very religious/tending to ''hiloni''". Between 2002 and 2018, those who identified as such in ICBS polls, ranged from a minimum of 21.4% to a maximum of 28.4% of the entire sample, or roughly two-thirds of all ''masortim''.ICBS 2018 Survey
p. 82 (76).

Israeli social scientists measure levels of religiosity/secularity among Jews in terms of practice, not faith, and use the category of "totally nonobservant" to identify the completely secular. In the 2009 Guttman Center survey, the most comprehensive on the matter, 46% of all respondents reported they were ''hiloni''. About 16% of the entire sample, virtually all of them ''hiloni'', stated they were "totally nonobservant". Almost all the rest of the ''hiloni'' were "somewhat observant", and a negligible minority stated "observance to great extent". As many ritual behaviours, like setting a doorpost amulet, are part of Jewish-Israeli lifestyle and lack an overt religious connotation, the "totally nonobservant" often perform some. In the 1999 Guttman survey, only a third of them did not practice any of the ten common rituals studied.Charles S. Liebman, Elihu Katz, ''Jewishness of Israelis, The Responses to the Guttman Report''. SUNY Press, 2012. pp. 66, 130-131. At the other end, Yaacov Yadgar and Charles Liebman estimated in 2009 that about 25% of the ''hilonim'' are highly observant, on par with the more religious subgroups.

In matters of faith, four surveys between 2009 and 2019 imply that on average, 60% of the ''hiloni'' respondents believe in God, 20% are convinced atheists, and 20% do not believe but "sometimes think God exists". Pertaining to other supernatural notions, the Guttman surveys and other polls show that a considerable share hold various such: between 25% to 36%, believe that God revealed the Law and precepts at Sinai, that a higher power guides Jewish history, that the Jews are a chosen people and that there is a soul that survives death. Only disbelief in the Messiah and the World to Come closely correlates with self-identification as ''hiloni''. Denominational identification, as known among American and other Western Jews, is mostly irrelevant in the Israeli context (''hilonim'' have no equivalent category in the American Jewish community). Yet, when asked in the 2015 Pew Research Center survey of Israeli society, 23% of the ''hiloni'' respondents identified as Orthodox, 5% as Reform and 2% as Conservative. 64% did not identify with any particular movement.

While ''hilonim'' are often hostile to the state rabbinate, fear the growth of the ''haredi'' populace, and oppose further religious legislation in Israel, secularism in the common sense of the word is rather rare in the country. Orthodoxy plays a central role in defining national identity, and religious issues like conversion are regarded as crucial by the vast majority. When "separation of religion and state" is used in the Israeli context, it is mostly understood as a wish to abolish the many laws curtailing personal freedom, not actual separation. This innate tension led to a state of affairs dubbed by Professor Stephen Sharot as "secularization without secularism": since the 1990s, the demand of both ''masorti'' and ''hiloni'' Israelis for consumer activity on the Sabbath (technically illegal), non-kosher food and the like, considerably liberalized the public sphere, but barely affected religious legislation and did not introduce principled secularism into the political arena.Guy ben-Porat, ''Between State and Synagogue: The Secularization of Contemporary Israel''. Cambridge University Press, 2013. pp. xi-xii, 37, etc.

See also

* Secularism in Israel
* Irreligion in Israel
* Religion in Israel
* Jewish secularism
* Masortim
* Dati
* Yoram Kaniuk

References

External links

*Barbara S. Okun,
Seculars in a Religious Society: Fertility of Jews in Israel
'. Submission to the EAPS Conference, October 2011.
*Adam Ferziger,
Religion for the Secular: the new Israeli rabbinate
'. Journal of Modern Jewish Studies. Vol 7, No. 1, March 2008.

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