Active–stative Alignment
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Active–stative Alignment
In linguistic typology, active–stative alignment (also split intransitive alignment or semantic alignment) is a type of morphosyntactic alignment in which the sole argument ("subject") of an intransitive clause (often symbolized as ''S'') is sometimes marked in the same way as an agent of a transitive verb (that is, like a subject such as "I" or "she" in English) but other times in the same way as a direct object (such as "me" or "her" in English). Languages with active–stative alignment are often called ''active languages''. The case or agreement of the intransitive argument (''S'') depends on semantic or lexical criteria particular to each language. The criteria tend to be based on the degree of volition, or control over the verbal action exercised by the participant. For example, if one tripped and fell, an active–stative language might require one to say the equivalent of "fell me." To say "I fell" would mean that the person had done it on purpose, such as taking a ...
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Linguistic Typology
Linguistic typology (or language typology) is a field of linguistics that studies and classifies languages according to their structural features to allow their comparison. Its aim is to describe and explain the structural diversity and the common properties of the world's languages. Its subdisciplines include, but are not limited to phonological typology, which deals with sound features; syntactic typology, which deals with word order and form; lexical typology, which deals with language vocabulary; and theoretical typology, which aims to explain the universal tendencies. Linguistic typology is contrasted with genealogical linguistics on the grounds that typology groups languages or their grammatical features based on formal similarities rather than historic descendence. The issue of genealogical relation is however relevant to typology because modern data sets aim to be representative and unbiased. Samples are collected evenly from different language families, emphasizing t ...
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Volition (linguistics)
In linguistics, volition is a concept that distinguishes whether the subject, or agent of a particular sentence intended an action or not. Simply, it is the intentional or unintentional nature of an action.Tournadre, Nicolas. The Rhetorical Use of the Tibetan Ergative. 1991. Web. Volition concerns the idea of control and for the purposes outside of psychology and cognitive science, is considered the same as intention in linguistics. Volition can then be expressed in a given language using a variety of possible methods. These sentence forms usually indicate that a given action has been done intentionally, or willingly. There are various ways of marking volition cross-linguistically. When using verbs of volition in English, like "want" or "prefer", these verbs are not expressly marked.Hogeweg, Lotte, Helen de Hoop, Andrej Malchukov. Cross-linguistic Semantics of Tense, Aspect and Modality. Linguistics Today. 148 (2009). Print. Other languages handle this with affixes, while other ...
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Kamayurá Language
The Kamayurá language (''Kamaiurá'' in Portuguese) belongs to the Tupi–Guarani family, and is spoken by the Kamayurá people of Brazil – who numbered about 600 individuals in 2014. There is speculation that as the indigenous peoples who spoke the Tupi languages mingled with other indigenous peoples, their languages gradually changed accordingly. This speculation is consistent with research done by linguists who study languages in different regions in order to find similarities and differences between languages. The Kamayurá people live in the Mato Grosso region of Brazil, specifically in the Upper Xingu area. The Kamayurá people do not have their own specific schools and rely on teaching each other the language, however, there have been a couple of youths, since the year 2000, that have participated in the Teacher Training Course. The Teacher Training Course strives to keep an indigenous language alive as well as educates individuals in the current national language of B ...
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Sirionó Language
Sirionó (Mbia Cheë; also written as Mbya, Siriono) is a Tupian (Tupi–Guarani, Subgroup II) language spoken by about 400 Sirionó people (50 are monolingual) and 120 Yuqui in eastern Bolivia (eastern Beni and northwestern Santa Cruz departments) in the village of Ibiato (Eviato) and along the Río Blanco in farms and ranches. Phonology Sirionó has phonemic contrasts between front, central, and back, close and mid vowels, i.e. Notes References * Firestone, Homer L. (1965). ''Description and Classification of Sirionó''. London: Mouton. * Holmberg, Allan. (1958). The Sirionó. In J. Steward (Ed.), ''Handbook of South American Indians: The Tropical Forest Tribes'' (Vol. 3, pp. 455–463. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. * Holmberg, Allan. (1969). ''Nomads of the Long Bow: The Sirionó of Eastern Bolivia'' (rev. ed.). Garden City, NY: Natural History Press. * Ingham, John M. (1971). Are the Siriono Raw or Cooked? ''American Anthropologist'', ''73 ...
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Tupi Language
Old Tupi, Ancient Tupi or Classical Tupi (also spelled as Tupí) is an extinct Tupian language which was spoken by the aboriginal Tupi people of Brazil, mostly those who inhabited coastal regions in South and Southeast Brazil. It belongs to the Tupi–Guarani language family, and has a written history spanning the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries. In the early colonial period, Tupi was used as a ''lingua franca'' throughout Brazil by Europeans and aboriginal Americans, and had literary usage, but it was later suppressed almost to extinction. Today, only one modern descendant is living, the Nheengatu language. The names Old Tupi or classical Tupi are used for the language in English and by modern scholars (it is referred to as in Portuguese), but native speakers called it variously "the good language", "common language", "human language", in Old Tupi, or, in Portuguese, "general language", "Amazonian general language", "Brazilian language". History Old Tupi was firs ...
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Tupi–Guarani Languages
Tupi–Guarani () is the most widely distributed subfamily of the Tupian languages of South America. It consists of about fifty languages, including Guarani and Old Tupi. The words ''petunia, jaguar, piranha, ipecac, tapioca, jacaranda, anhinga, carioca'', and ''capoeira'' are of Tupi–Guarani origin. Classification Rodrigues & Cabral (2012) Rodrigues & Cabral (2012) propose eight branches of Tupí–Guaraní: *Guaraní (Group I) * Guarayu (Group II): Guarayu, Pauserna**, Sirionó (dialects: Yuqui, Jorá**) *Tupí (Group III): Old Tupi (lingua franca dialect: Tupí Austral), Tupinambá (dialects: Nheengatu, Língua Geral as lingua franca, and Potiguára), Cocama–Omagua*, Tupinikin** * Tenetehara (Group IV): Akwáwa (dialects: Asuriní, Suruí do Pará, Parakanã), Avá-Canoeiro, Tapirapé, Tenetehára (dialects: Guajajara, Tembé), Turiwára * Kawahíb (Group VI): Apiacá, Kawahíb (numerous varieties; incl. Piripkúra, Diahói?), Kayabí, Karipúna, ? Uru-Pa-I ...
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Timbira Language
Timbira is a dialect continuum of the Northern Jê language group of the Jê languages ̣( Macro-Jê) spoken in Brazil. The various dialects are distinct enough to sometimes be considered separate languages. The principal varieties, Krahô Laurie Bauer, 2007, ''The Linguistics Student’s Handbook'', Edinburgh (Craó), and Canela (Kanela), have 2000 speakers apiece, few of whom speak Portuguese. Pará Gavião has 600–700 speakers. Krẽje, however, is nearly extinct, with only 30 speakers in 1995. Timibira has been intensive contact with various Tupi-Guarani languages of the lower Tocantins- Mearim area, such as Guajajára, Tembé, Guajá, and Urubú-Ka'apór. Ararandewára, Turiwára, Tupinamba, and Nheengatu have also been spoken in the area. Some of people in the area are also remembers of Anambé and Amanajé. Varieties Linguistic varieties of Timbira include: *Canela (subdivided into Apànjêkra and Mẽmõrtũmre (a.k.a. Ràmkôkãmẽkra)), 2,500 speakers in Maranh ...
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Apinayé Language
Apinayé or Apinajé (otherwise known as Afotigé, Aogé, Apinagé, Otogé, Oupinagee, Pinagé, Pinaré, Uhitische, Utinsche, and Western Timbira) is a Northern Jê language ( Jê, Macro-Jê) spoken in Tocantins, Eastern Central Brazil by some 2277 speakers of Apinajé people according to the most recent census taken by SIASI/SESAI in 2014. There are thirteen villages that speak the Apinayé language. The biggest and oldest villages include São José and Mariazinha; and the smaller villages are Cocalinho, Patizal, Buriti Comprido, Palmeiras, Prata, Cocal Grande, Serrinha, Botica, Riachinho, Bonito and Brejão. It is a subject–object–verb language. Ethnologue considers Apinayé "developing," with a rating of 5 on the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS). It can be hypothesized that language transmission is high, since Apinayé was ranked as a threatened language in the past 10 years, but presently it is no longer at that level. History Before the ...
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Jê Languages
The Jê languages (also spelled Gê, Jean, Ye, Gean), or Jê–Kaingang languages, are spoken by the Jê, a group of indigenous peoples in Brazil. Genetic relations The Jê family forms the core of the Macro-Jê family. Kaufman (1990) finds the proposal convincing. Family division According to Ethnologue (which omits Jeikó), the language family is as follows: * Jeikó (†) * Northern Jê ** Apinayé (2,300 speakers) ** Mẽbengokre (Kayapó) (8,638 speakers) ** Panará (Kreen Akarore) (380 speakers) ** Suyá (350 speakers) ** Timbira (Canela-Krayô, with the Canela and Kreye dialects) (5,100 speakers) * Central Jê ** Acroá (†) ** Xavante (9,600 speakers) ** Xerente (1,810 speakers) ** Xakriabá (†) * Southern Jê ** Xokleng (760 speakers) ** Kaingáng *** Kaingáng (18,000 speakers) *** São Paulo Kaingáng (†) *** Ingain (†) *** Guayana (†) Ramirez (2015) Internal classification of the Jê languages according to Ramirez, et al. (2015): ;Jê *Sou ...
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Verb
A verb () is a word (part of speech) that in syntax generally conveys an action (''bring'', ''read'', ''walk'', ''run'', ''learn''), an occurrence (''happen'', ''become''), or a state of being (''be'', ''exist'', ''stand''). In the usual description of English, the basic form, with or without the particle ''to'', is the infinitive. In many languages, verbs are inflected (modified in form) to encode tense, aspect, mood, and voice. A verb may also agree with the person, gender or number of some of its arguments, such as its subject, or object. Verbs have tenses: present, to indicate that an action is being carried out; past, to indicate that an action has been done; future, to indicate that an action will be done. For some examples: * I ''washed'' the car yesterday. * The dog ''ate'' my homework. * John ''studies'' English and French. * Lucy ''enjoys'' listening to music. *Barack Obama ''became'' the President of the United States in 2009. ''(occurrence)'' * Mike Trout ''is ...
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Adposition
Prepositions and postpositions, together called adpositions (or broadly, in traditional grammar, simply prepositions), are a class of words used to express spatial or temporal relations (''in'', ''under'', ''towards'', ''before'') or mark various semantic roles (''of'', ''for''). A preposition or postposition typically combines with a noun phrase, this being called its complement, or sometimes object. A preposition comes before its complement; a postposition comes after its complement. English generally has prepositions rather than postpositions – words such as ''in'', ''under'' and ''of'' precede their objects, such as ''in England'', ''under the table'', ''of Jane'' – although there are a few exceptions including "ago" and "notwithstanding", as in "three days ago" and "financial limitations notwithstanding". Some languages that use a different word order have postpositions instead, or have both types. The phrase formed by a preposition or postposition together with its comp ...
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Agreement (linguistics)
In linguistics, agreement or concord ( abbreviated ) occurs when a word changes form depending on the other words to which it relates. It is an instance of inflection, and usually involves making the value of some grammatical category (such as gender or person) "agree" between varied words or parts of the sentence. For example, in Standard English, one may say ''I am'' or ''he is'', but not "I is" or "he am". This is because English grammar requires that the verb and its subject agree in ''person''. The pronouns ''I'' and ''he'' are first and third person respectively, as are the verb forms ''am'' and ''is''. The verb form must be selected so that it has the same person as the subject in contrast to notional agreement, which is based on meaning. By category Agreement generally involves matching the value of some grammatical category between different constituents of a sentence (or sometimes between sentences, as in some cases where a pronoun is required to agree with its ante ...
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