Tondo (historical polity)

In early Philippine history, the Tagalog settlement at Tondo (; Baybayin: ) was a major trade hub located on the northern part of the Pasig River delta, on Luzon island.Abinales, Patricio N. and Donna J. Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines. Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005. as referred to in http://malacanang.gov.ph/75832-pre-colonial-manila/#_ftn1

Together with Maynila, the polity (''bayan'') on the southern part of the Pasig River delta, it established a shared monopoly on the trade of Chinese goods throughout the rest of the Philippine archipelago, making it an established force in trade throughout Southeast Asia and East Asia.

Tondo is of particular interest to Filipino historians and historiographers because it is one of the oldest historically documented settlements in the Philippines. Scholars generally agree that it was mentioned in the Laguna Copperplate Inscription, the Philippines oldest extant locally produced written document, dating back to 900 A.D.

Following contact with the Spanish Empire beginning in 1570 and the defeat of local rulers in the Manila Bay area in 1571, Tondo was ruled from Intramuros, a Spanish fort built on the remains of the Manila polity. Tondo's absorption into the Spanish Empire effectively ended its status as an independent political entity; it now exists as a district of the modern City of Manila.

History

Geographically, the settlement was completely surrounded by bodies of water: mainly the Pasig River to the South and the shore of Manila Bay to the West, but also by several of the delta's rivulets: the Canal de la Reina to the Southeast, the Estero de Sunog Apog to the Northeast, and the Estero de Vitas on its Eastern and Northernmost boundaries.

It is referred to in academic circles as the "Tondo polity" or "Tondo settlement", and the earliest Tagalog dictionaries categorized it as a "Bayan" (a "city-state", "country" or "polity", ). Travellers from monarchical cultures who had contacts with Tondo (including the Chinese, Portuguese and the Spanish) often initially observed it as the "Kingdom of Tondo". Early Augustinian chronicler Pedro de San Buenaventura explained this to be an error as early as 1613 in his ''Vocabulario de la lengua tagala'', but historian Vicente L. Rafael notes that the label was nevertheless later adapted by the popular literature of the Spanish colonial era because Spanish language writers of the time did not have the appropriate words for describing the complex power relations on which Maritime Southeast Asian leadership structures were built. The earliest firsthand Spanish accounts described it as a smaller "village", in comparison to the fortified polity of Maynila.

Politically, Tondo was made up of several social groupings, traditionally referred to by historians as Barangays, which were led by Datus. These Datus in turn recognised the leadership of the most senior among them as a sort of "Paramount datu" called a Lakan over the ''Bayan''. In the middle to late 16th century, its Lakan was held in high regard within the alliance group which was formed by the various Manila Bay area polities, which included Tondo, Maynila, and various polities in Bulacan and Pampanga. Extrapolating from available data, demographer-historian Linda A. Newson has estimated that Tondo may have had a population of roughly 43,000 when the Spanish first arrived in 1570.

Culturally, the Tagalog people of Tondo had a rich Austronesian (specifically Malayo-Polynesian) culture, with its own expressions of language and writing, religion, art, and music dating back to the earliest peoples of the archipelago. This culture was later influenced by its trading relations with the rest of Maritime Southeast Asia. Particularly significant were its relations with Ming dynasty, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Majapahit empire, which served as the main conduit for significant Indian cultural influence, despite the Philippine archipelago's geographical location outside the Indian cultural zone.

Sources and historiography

Only a few comprehensive reviews of source materials for the study of Philippine prehistory and early history have been done, with William Henry Scott's 1968 review being one of the earliest systematic critiques. Scott's review has become a seminal academic work on the study of early Philippine history, having been reviewed early on by a panel of that era's most eminent historians and folklorists including Teodoro Agoncillo, Horacio de la Costa, Marcelino Foronda, Mercedes Grau Santamaria, Nicholas Zafra and Gregorio Zaide. Scott's 1968 review was acknowledged by Laura Lee Junker when she conducted her own comprehensive 1998 review of primary sources regarding archaic Philippine polities, and by F. Landa Jocano in his Anthropological analysis of Philippine Prehistory.

Scott lists the sources for the study of Philippine prehistory as: archaeology, linguistics and paleogeography, foreign written documents, and quasi-historical genealogical documents. In a later work, he conducts a detailed critique of early written documents and surviving oral or folk traditions connected with the Philippines early historic or protohistoric era.

Sources Scott, Jocano, and Junker consider particularly relevant to the study of the Tondo and Maynila settlements include:
* Malay texts,
* Philippine oral traditions,
* Chinese tributary records and geographies,
* early Spanish writings, and
* archeological evidence from the region around Manila Bay, the Pasig River, and Laguna Lake.

Primary sources for the history of Rajah Kalamayin's Namayan, further upriver, include artifacts dug up from archaeological digs (the earliest of which was Robert Fox's work for the National Museum in 1977) and Spanish colonial records (most notably those compiled by the 19th century Franciscan Historian Fray Felix Huerta).

A more detailed discussion of notable archaeological, documentary, and genealogical sources can be found towards the end of this article.

Critical historiography

Junker notes that most of the primary written sources for early Philippine history have inherent biases, which creates a need to counter-check their narratives with one another, and with empirical archaeological evidence. She cites the works of F. Landa Jocano, Felix M. Keesing, and William Henry Scott as notable exceptions.

F. Landa Jocano warns that in the case of early Philippine history, it's essential that "even archaeological findings" be carefully interpreted by experts, because these can be misinterpreted if not analyzed in proper context.

Names and etymology

Alternative names and orthographies

As a result of Tondo's history as a center of commerce, it has been referred to by many names by in various texts and languages. It is variously also referred to as Tundo, Tundun, Tundok, Tung-lio, Tundaan, Tunduh, Tunda, or Tong-Lao.

Origins of the name "Tondo"

Numerous theories on the origin of the name "Tondo" have been put forward. Filipino National Artist Nick Joaquin suggested that it might be a reference to high ground ("tundok"). French linguist Jean-Paul Potet, however, has suggested that the River Mangrove, '' Aegiceras corniculatum'', which at the time was called "tundok" ("tinduk-tindukan" today), is the most likely origin of the name.

Tondo as a "Bayan"

According to the earliest Tagalog dictionaries, large coastal settlements like Tondo and Maynila, which were ultimately led by a Lakan or Rajah, were called "''Bayan''" in the Tagalog language. This term (which is translated today as "country") was common among the various languages of the Philippine archipelago, and eventually came to refer to the entire Philippines, alongside the word ''Bansa'' (or ''Bangsa'', meaning "nation").

However, the precolonial settlement of Tondo has also been described using a number of descriptors.

The earliest firsthand Spanish accounts described it as a smaller "''village''", in comparison to the fortified polity of Maynila. However, this term is no longer used in academic circles because it reflects the strong hispanocentric bias of the Spanish colonizers.

Travellers from monarchical cultures who had contacts with Tondo (including the Chinese, Portuguese and the Spanish) also often initially mislabelled it as the "''Kingdom of Tondo''". Early Augustinian chronicler Pedro de San Buenaventura explained this to be an error as early as 1613 in his ''Vocabulario de la lengua tagala''. Historian Vicente L. Rafael notes, however, that the label was later adapted by the popular literature of the Spanish colonial era anyway, because Spanish language writers of the time did not have the appropriate words for describing the complex power relations on which Maritime Southeast-Asian leadership structures were built.

Historian F. Landa Jocano has described Tondo using the term "large Barangay", making Tondo out to be a larger version of what Filipino historians have traditionally considered the "basic political structure" of pre-colonial societies. However, the use of the term "Barangay" for such purposes has recently been brought to question by historian Damon Woods, who believes that the use of this term was the result of a 20th-century American mistranslation of the writings of Juan de Plasencia.

In an effort to avoid cross-cultural inaccuracies regarding the political structure of Tondo, it is usually described in academic texts using generic umbrella terms, where it is described as the "Tondo polity" or "Tondo settlement".

Geographical location, territory, and political influence

Scholars generally agree that Tondo was located north of the Pasig river, on the northern part of ''Lusong'' or ''Lusung'', which is an Old Tagalog name for the Pasig river delta. This name is thought to have been derived from the Tagalog word for a large wooden mortar used in dehusking rice. This name eventually came to be used as the name for the entire island of modern Luzon.

Territorial boundaries

Except in the case of fortified polities such as Maynila and Cainta, the first-hand descriptions of territorial boundaries of Tagalog polities tend to discourage scholars from providing exact delineations, because the descriptions depict the boundaries of even compact polities like Tondo as slowly diminishing concentrations of households, dissipating into agricultural land (parang) and eventually wild vegetation (sukal).

However, Tondo's territorial boundaries are generally accepted as defined by several bodies of water which gave Tondo an island shape:
* the Pasig River to the ''South'';
* the Canal de la Reina, forming the Isla de Binondo between itself and Estero de Binondo to the ''Southeast'',
* an eastern stretch of the Estero de Vitas to the ''East'',
* the Estero de Sunog Apog to the ''Northeast'' forming the Isla de Balut between itself and the Estero de Vitas,
* a northern stretch the Estero de Vitas merging from the mouth of the Navotas River to the ''North'', and
* the original (pre-reclamation) shoreline of Manila Bay to the ''West''.

Notably, the area of modern Tondo now known as "Gagalangin" is not believed to have been part of Tondo's original "territory", since it was a place grown wild with plants in olden days.

The shoreline of the modern district of Tondo has been significantly altered by reclamation activities. Pre-reclamation maps of Tondo show a relatively straight shoreline from the beachfront of Intramuros to the mouth of Estero de Vitas.

Tondo's territorial boundaries also excluded territory occupied by Maynila Namayan (modern day Santa Ana),Locsin, Leandro V. and Cecilia Y. Locsin. 1967. ''Oriental Ceramics Discovered in the Philippines.'' Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle Company. Tambobong (modern day Navotas), Omaghicon (modern day Malabon), Pandacan, and Pasay - all of which had their own respective leaders.

Notable areas inside Tondo's territory

Reclamation by Chinese refugees in Baybay

One notable area controlled by Tondo under the reign of Bunao Lakandula in the 1500s was called "''Baybay''", now known as the district of San Nicolas, Manila. William Henry Scott, citing Augustinian missionary records, notes that Bunao Lakandula had allowed a group of Chinese refugees, fleeing persecution from Japan, to settle there. These refugees, which included two Christians, then "''diked, drained, and reclaimed land along the waterfront''", extending the shore of Tondo further out to Manila Bay.

Lime production in Sunog-Apog

Another notable area controlled by Tondo was on the banks of Estero de Vitas, called "Sunog Apog", which eventually lent its name to the nearby Estero de Sunog Apog in Gagalangin. This area was noted for the production of lime (''apog'') through the burning (''pag-sunog'') of oyster (''talaba'') shells, and a lime kiln was still present in the area by 1929.

Polities influenced through the Lakan's "alliance network"

Although popular portrayals and early nationalist historical texts sometimes depict Philippine paramount rulers, such as those in the Maynila and Tondo polities, as having broad sovereign powers and holding vast territories, critical historiographers such as Jocano, Scott, and Junker explain that historical sources clearly show that paramount leaders, such as the Lakans of Tondo and the Rajahs of Maynila, exercised only a limited degree of influence, which did not include claims over the barangaysSpecifically meaning their "following", or group of loyal supporters and territories of less-senior datus.
Although popular portrayals and early nationalist historical texts sometimes depict Philippine paramount rulers, such as those in the Maynila and Tondo polities, as having broad sovereign powers and holding vast territories, critical historiographers such as Jocano, Scott, and Junker explain that historical sources clearly show that paramount leaders, such as the Lakans of Tondo and the Rajahs of Maynila, exercised only a limited degree of influence, which did not include claims over the barangaysSpecifically meaning their "following", or group of loyal supporters and territories of less-senior datus.

Junker describes this structure as an "alliance group", which she describes as having "a relatively decentralized and highly segmentary structure" similar to other polities in Maritime Southeast Asia:

''"In the Philippines, the primary unit of collective political action appears to have been an organizationally more fluid “alliance group,” ../nowiki> made up of perpetually shifting leader-focused factions, represented the extension of ../nowiki> power over individuals and groups through various alliance-building strategies, but not over geographically distinct districts or territories."''

The Malacañang Presidential Museum, on the other hand, described this political setup in their 2015 Araw ng Maynila briefers as an "alliance network."

This explains the confusion experienced by Martin de Goiti during the first Spanish forays into Bulacan and Pampanga in late 1571. Until that point, Spanish chroniclers continued to use the terms "king" and "kingdom" to describe the polities of Tondo and Maynila, but Goiti was surprised when Lakandula explained there was "no single king over these lands", and that the leadership of Tondo and Maynila over the Kapampangan polities did not include either territorial claim or absolute command. San Buenaventura (1613, as cited by Junker, 1990 and Scott, 1994) later noted that Tagalogs only applied the term ''Hari'' (King) to foreign monarchs, rather than their own leaders.

Polities in Bulacan and Pampanga

The influence of Tondo and Maynila over the datus of various polities in pre-colonial Bulacan and Pampanga are acknowledged by historical records, and are supported by oral literature and traditions. This influence was assumed by Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, leading him to implore Bunao, the Lakan of Tondo, to join Martin de Goiti on his journey to Bulacan and Pampanga in late 1571. However, since the Lakandula did not have territorial sovereignty over these territories, the effort met with limited success.

Patanne, as well as Abinales and Amoroso, interpret Postma's translation of the Laguna Copperplate Inscription as meaning that this influence-via-alliance-network defined Tondo's relationship with the territories of Binwangan, Pailah, and Puliran, which Postma believed to be in Bulacan/Pampanga.

Polities in Bulacan and Pampanga which were supposedly under the influence of Tondo and Maynila's alliance network include, but are not limited to:
* Paila, in Barangay San Lorenzo, Norzagaray, Bulacan (coordinates 14–54.5 & 121–06.9) - the "Pailah" mentioned in the LCI.
* Pulilan, Bulacan (coordinates: 14–54.2 & 120–50.8) - the "Puliran" mentioned in the LCI.
* Barangay Binwangan in Obando (coordinates: 14–43.2 & 120-543) - the "Binwangan" mentioned in the LCI.
* Candaba, Pampanga
* some other parts of Bulacan

Laguna Lake region polities

Scholars, particularly Junker (1990) and Scott (1994) also acknowledge that Tondo and Maynila had a close relationship with "Puliran", the endonymously identified region covering the South-Eastern shore of Laguna Lake. However, neither Junker nor Scott, or even other scholars such as Jocano, Odal-Devora, or Dery, do not explicitly characterize this relationship as Puliran being a part of Tondo and Maynila's alliance network.

The interpretation of Puliran as part of Tondo and Maynila's alliance network is instead implied by the challenge posed by the Pila Historical Society Foundation and local historian Jaime F. Tiongson to Postma's assertions regarding the exact locations of places mentioned in the Laguna copperplate.

According to Tiongson's interpretation: ''Pailah'' refers to Pila; ''Puliran'' refers to Puliran, the old name of the territory that occupied the southeastern part of Laguna de Bay at the time; and ''Binwangan'' refers to modern day Barangay, Binawangan in Capalonga, Camarines Norte.

Polities in the Puliran region which were supposedly under the influence of Tondo and Maynila's alliance network include, but are not limited to:

• ''The South-Eastern shore region of Laguna Lake'' - interpreted as the "Puliran Kasumuran" mentioned in the LCI


• Pila, Laguna - interpreted as the "Pailah" mentioned in the LCI


• Barangay Binawangan in Capalonga, Camarines Norte- interpreted as the "Binwangan" mentioned in the LCI


• Pakil, Laguna

Other settlements/polities

Inside modern NCR

• ''Bitukang Manok'' - the realm established by Dayang Kalangitan in parian creek


• Tagig


• Pandakan


• Baybay - now San Nicolas, Manila

Outside modern NCR

• Kumintang - now the province of Batangas


• ''Katanghalan''

Culture and society

Since at least the 3rd century, the Tagalog people of Tondo had developed a culture which is predominantly Hindu and Buddhist society. They are ruled by a Lakan, which belongs to a caste of Maharlika, were the feudal warrior class in ancient Tagalog society in Luzon, translated in Spanish as ''Hidalgos'', and meaning freeman, ''libres'' or freedman. They belonged to the lower nobility class similar to the '' Timawa'' of the Visayans. In modern Filipino, however, the term itself has erroneously come to mean "royal nobility", which was actually restricted to the hereditary '' Maginoo'' class.

Social structure

The pre-colonial Tagalog barangays of Manila, Pampanga and Laguna had a more complex social structure than the cultures of the Visayas, enjoying a more extensive commerce through their Bornean political contacts, and engaging in farming wet rice for a living. The Tagalogs were thus described by the Spanish Augustinian friar Martin de Rada as more traders than warriors.

In his seminal 1994 work "''Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Society''" (further simplified in the briefer by the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office in 2015), historian William Henry Scott delineates the three classes of Tagalog society during the 1500s:
:* the ''Maginoo'' (ruling class), which included the Lakan/Rajah and the Datus under him;
:* A class described as "Freemen" consisting of ''Timawa'' and ''Maharlika''; and
:* ''Alipin'' (slaves), which could further be subcategorized as ''Aliping Namamahay'' or ''Aliping Sa Gigilid''.

The term ''datu'' or ''lakan'', or ''apo'' refers to the chief, but the noble class to which the ''datu'' belonged to was known as the '' maginoo'' class. Any male member of the ''maginoo'' class can become a ''datu'' by personal achievement.

The term ''timawa'' referring to freemen came into use in the social structure of the Tagalogs within just twenty years after the coming of the Spaniards. The term, however, was being incorrectly applied to former ''alipin'' (commoner and slave class) who have escaped bondage by payment, favor, or flight. Moreover, the Tagalog ''timawa'' did not have the military prominence of the Visayan ''timawa''. The equivalent warrior class in the Tagalog society was present only in Laguna, and they were known as the ''maharlika'' class.

At the bottom of the social hierarchy are the members of the ''alipin'' class. There are two main subclasses of the ''alipin'' class. The ''aliping namamahay'' who owned their own houses and served their masters by paying tribute or working on their fields were the commoners and serfs, while the '' aliping sa gigilid'' who lived in their masters' houses were the servants and slaves.

The more complex social structure of the Tagalogs was less stable during the arrival of the Spaniards because it was still in a process of differentiating.

Political leadership structure

Tondo was a large coastal settlement led by several leaders, called Datu, who had their own followings, called either "Dulohan" or "Barangay". These Datus with their respective Barangays in turn acknowledged the leadership of a datu with the most senior rank - a "paramount ruler" or "paramount datu", who was called a "Lakan". According to San Buenaventura, a large coastal settlement with this kind of leadership structure was called a "Bayan".

The equivalent Paramount Datus who led the southern polity of Maynila were referred to using the term "Rajah", and in Mindanao, a similar title in more Islamized polities was that of " Sultan".

The term for the Barangay social groupings refers to the large ships called ''balangay'', which were common on such coastal polities, and is used by present-day scholars to describe the leadership structure of settlements in early Philippine history. This leads to some confusion for modern readers, because the term "barangay" was also later adapted (through the 1991 Local Government Code) as a replacement for the Spanish term ''barrio'' to describe the smallest administrative division in the modern Republic of the Philippines - a government structure very different from the original meaning of the word.

In addition, Jocano warns that there were significant differences between "smaller" barangays, which were only 30 to 100 households in size, and considerably larger barangays, which according to Buenaventura were called "Bayan". Jocano asserted that the social and governance structures of these larger Barangays, with high levels of economic specialization and a clear system of social stratification, should be the primary model for the analysis of social structures in early Philippine history, rather than the "smaller" barangays.

Popular literature has described these political entities as either chiefdoms or kingdoms. Although modern scholars such as Renfew note that these are not appropriate technical descriptions.

Contemporary historiographers specializing in early Philippine history prefer to use the generic term "polity" in international journals, avoiding the terms "chiefdom" and "kingdom" altogether.

Scholars such as William Henry Scott and F. Landa Jocano have continued to use the term "barangay", especially in longer-form texts such as books and anthologies, because these longer forms allow space for explanations of the differences between the modern and archaic uses of the word "barangay".

South and Southeast Asian cultural influences

Scholarly analysis of the Laguna Copperplate Inscription, which includes the first historical mention of Tondo, suggests that Tondo was "culturally influenced" by the Hindu and Buddhist cultures of Maritime Southeast Asia as early as the 9th century. The writing system used on the copperplate is the Old Kawi, while the language used is a variety of Old Malay, with numerous loanwords from Sanskrit and a few non-Malay vocabulary elements whose origin may be Old Javanese. Some contend it is between Old Tagalog and Old Javanese. The date indicated on the LCI text says that it was etched in the year 822 of the Saka Era, the month of Waisaka, and the fourth day of the waning moon, which corresponds to Monday, April 21, 900 AD in the Proleptic Gregorian calendar.Morrow, Paul (2006-07-14)
"Laguna Copperplate Inscription"
Sarisari etc.
. Accessed September 04, 2008.

While these Hindu-Buddhist cultural influences can ultimately be traced to the cultures of the Indian subcontinent, scholars generally do not believe that it indicates physical contact between the Philippines and India. The scope, sequence, and mechanism of Indian cultural influences in early Philippine polities continues to be an active area of research and are the subject of much debate among scholars of Philippine and Southeast Asian history and historiography.

During the reign of Sultan Bolkiah in 1485 to 1521, the Sultanate of Brunei decided to break Tondo's monopoly in the China trade by attacking Tondo and establishing the state of Selurung as a Bruneian satellite-state.

Religion

Historical accounts, supported by archeological and linguistic evidence and by corroborated by anthropological studies, show that the Tagalog people, including those in Tondo and Maynila, practiced a set of Austronesian beliefs and practices which date back to the arrival of Austronesian peoples, although various elements were later syncretistically adapted from Hinduism, Mahayana Buddhism, and Islam.

The Tagalogs did not have a specific name for this set of religious beliefs and practices, although later scholars and popular writers refer to it as '' Anitism'',Almocera, Ruel A., (2005) Popular Filipino Spiritual Beliefs with a proposed Theological Response. in Doing Theology in the Philippines. Suk, John., Ed. Mandaluyong: OMF Literature Inc. Pp 78-98 or, less accurately, using the general term "''animism''."

Tagalog religious cosmology

The Tagalog belief system was more or less anchored on the idea that the world is inhabited by spirits and supernatural entities, both good and bad, and that respect must be accorded to them through worship.

According to the early Spanish missionary-ethnographers, the Tagalog people believed in a creator-god named Bathala, whom they referred to both as ''maylicha'' (creator; lit. "actor of creation") and ''maycapal'' (lord, or almighty; lit. "actor of power"). Loarca and Chirino also report that in some places, they were called "Molayri" (Molaiari) or "Diwata" (Dioata)." However, these early missionary-ethnographers also noted that the Tagalogs did not include Bathala in their daily acts of worship (''pag-a-anito''). Buenaventura was informed that this was because the Tagalogs believed Bathala was too mighty and distant to be bothered with the concerns of mortal man, and so the Tagalogs focused their acts of appeasement to "lesser" deities and powers, immediate spirits which they believed had control over their day-to-day life.

Because the Tagalogs did not have a collective word to describe all these spirits together, Spanish missionaries eventually decided to call them "anito," since they were the subject of the Tagalog's act of ''pag-aanito'' (worship). According to Scott, accounts and early dictionaries describe them as intermediaries ("Bathala's agents"), and the dictionaries used the word ''abogado'' (advocate) when defining their realms. These sources also show, however, that in practice, they were addressed directly: "''in actual prayers, they were petitioned directly, not as intermediaries.''" Modern day writers divide these spirits are broadly into the categories of "Ancestor spirits, nature spirits, and guardian spirits," although they also note that the dividing line between these categories is often blurred.

Demetrio, Cordero-Fernando, and Nakpil Zialcita observe that the Luzon Tagalogs and Kapampangans' use of the word "Anito", instead of the word "Diwata" which was more predominant in the Visayan regions, indicated that these peoples of Luzon were less influenced by the Hindu and Buddhist beliefs of the Majapahit empire than the Visayans were. They also observed that the words were used alternately amongst the peoples in the southernmost portions of Luzon - the Bicol Region, Marinduque, Mindoro, etc. They suggested that this have represented transitional area, the front lines of an increased "Indianized" Majapahit influence which was making its way north the same way Islam was making its way north from Mindanao.

Localization of other beliefs

Although most contemporary historians, approaching Philippines from the point of view of critical historiography, assert the predominance of indigenous religious beliefs, they also note that there are significant manifestations of other belief systems in early Tagalog history. While it was common among mid-20th century historians and in earlier texts to use these manifestations as evidence of "influence," more contemporary scholars of southeast Asian history have emphasized that the manifestations of these beliefs do not necessarily reflect outright adoption of these religions, but rather of syncretistic adaptation or "localization."

Osborne (2004) describes a process of "adaptation" happening in connection with Hindu and Buddhist influences in the various cultures of Maritime Southeast Asia, and emphasizes that this "indianization" of Southeast Asia did not per-se overwrite existing indigenous patterns, cultures, and beliefs:

"''Because Indian culture “came” to Southeast Asia, one must not think that Southeast Asians lacked a culture of their own. Indeed, the generally accepted view is that Indian culture made such an impact on Southeast Asia because it fitted easily with the existing cultural patterns and religious beliefs of populations that had already moved a considerable distance along the path of civilization. ��Southeast Asians, to summarize the point, borrowed but they also adapted. In some very important cases, they did not need to borrow at all.''"

Milner (2011) suggests that this pattern of adaptation reflects what Wolters (1999) calls "localization," a process by which foreign ideas ("specifically Indian materials") could be "fractured and restated and therefore drained of their original significance" in the process of being adopted into "various local complexes."

Hindu and Buddhist religious influences

It is not clear exactly how much the various cultures of the Philippine archipelago were influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism before the arrival of European colonizers. The current scholarly consensus is that although the Philippines was not directly influenced by India, Hindu and Buddhist cultural and religious influences reached the Philippines through trade - possibly on a small scale with the SriVijayan empire, and more definitively and extensively with the Madjapahit empire.

The Laguna Copperplate Inscription, which is the artifact which specifically points to an Indian cultural (linguistic) influence in Tondo, does not explicitly discuss religious practices. However, some contemporary Buddhist practitioners believe that its mention of the Hindu calendar month of Vaisakha (which corresponds to April/May in the Gregorian Calendar) implies a familiarity with the Hindu sacred days celebrated during that month.

Elsewhere in the Philippines, Hindu and Buddhist religious influences are evidenced by the presence of explicitly religious artifactsH. Otley Beyer, "Outline Review of Philippine Archaeology by Islands and Provinces," Philippine Journal of Science, Vol.77, Nos.34 (July–August 1947), pp. 205–374 - in at least one case as near to Tondo as Calatagan, Batangas.http://asj.upd.edu.ph/mediabox/archive/ASJ-01-01-1963/Francisco%20Buddhist.pdf

Contemporary Buddhist practitioners believe that Filipino cultures would have been exposed to the Vajrayana and Theravada schools of Buddhism through their trade contacts with the SriVijaya and Madjapahit, and archeological findings on the Island of Luzon have produced artifacts associated with the Mahayana school of Buddhism.

Islamization

One clearer exception to the predominance of "Anitism" in early Tondo and Maynila was that the apex-level leaders of these polities identified themselves as Muslims, as did the migrant sailor Luzones who were encountered by early 15th century chroniclers in Portuguese Malacca. However, the various ethnographic reports of the period indicate that this seemed to only be a nominal identification ("Muslim by name") because there was only a surface level acknowledgement of Muslim norms (avoidance of pork, non-consumption of blood, etc.) without an "understanding of Mohammedan teachings." Scholars generally believe that this nominal practice of Islam actually represented the early stages of Islamization, which would have seen a much more extensive practice of Muslim beliefs had the Spanish not arrived and introduced their brand of Iberian Catholicism.

Islamization was a slow process characterised by with the steady conversion of the citizenry of Tondo and Manila which created Muslim domains. The Bruneians installed the Muslim rajahs, Rajah Salalila and Rajah Matanda in the south (now the Intramuros district) and the Buddhist-Hindu settlement was ruled under Lakan Dula in northern Tundun (now in modern Tondo). Islamization of Luzon began in the 16th century when traders from Brunei settled in the Manila area and married locals while maintaining kinship and trade links with Brunei and thus other Muslim centres in Southeast Asia. The Muslims were called "Moros" by the Spanish who assumed they occupied the whole coast. There is no evidence that Islam had become a major political or religious force in the region, with Father Diego de Herrera recording that the Moros lived only in some villages and were Muslim in name only.

Economic activities

Historians widely agree that the larger coastal polities which flourished throughout the Philippine archipelago in the period immediately prior to the arrival of the Spanish colonizers (including Tondo and Maynila) were "organizationally complex", demonstrating both economic specialization and a level of social stratification which would have led to a local demand for "prestige goods".

Specialized industries in the Tagalog and Kapampangan regions, including Tondo and Maynila, included agriculture, textile weaving, basketry, metallurgy, hunting, among others. The social stratification which gave birth to the Maginoo class created a demand for prestige products including ceramics, textiles, and precious stones. This demand, in turn, served as the impetus for both internal and external trade.

Junker notes that significant work still needs to be done in analyzing the internal/local supply and demand dynamics in pre-Spanish era polities, because much of the prior research has tended to focus on their external trading activities. Scott notes that early Spanish lexicons are particularly useful for this analysis, because these early dictionaries captured many words which demonstrate the varied nuances of these local economic activities.

Trade

Junker describes coastal polities of Tondo and Maynila's size as "administrative and commercial centers functioning as important nodes in networks of external and internal trade." While the basic model for the movement of trade goods in early Philippine history saw coastal settlements at the mouth of large rivers (in this case, the Pasig river delta) controlling the flow of goods to and from settlements further upriver (in this case, the upland polities on the Laguna Lake coast), Tondo and Maynila had trade arrangements which allowed them to control trade throughout the rest of the archipelago. Scott observes that while the port of Tondo had the monopoly on arriving Chinese merchant ships, it was Manila's fleet of trading vessels which in turn retailed them to settlements throughout the rest of the archipelago, so much so that Manyila's ships came to be known as "Chinese" (sinina).

Redistribution of Chinese goods

The most lucrative of Tondo's economic activities involved the redistribution of Chinese goods, which would arrive in Manila bay through Tondo's port and be distributed throughout the rest of the archipelago, mostly through Maynila's extensive shipping activities.

The Chinese migrations to Malaya and the Philippines shore began in the 7th century and reached their peak after 1644 owing to the Manchu conquest of China. These Chinese immigrants settled in Manila, Pasig included, and in the other ports, which were annually visited by their trade junks, they have cargoes of silk, tea, ceramics, and their precious jade stones.

According to William Henry Scott (1982), when ships from China came to Manila bay, Lakandula would remove the sails and rudders of their ships until they paid him duties and anchorage fees, and then he would then buy up all their goods himself, paying half its value immediately and then paying the other half upon their return the following year. In the interim, these goods would be traded throughout the rest of the archipelago. The end result was that other locals were not able to buy anything from the Chinese directly, but from Tondo and Maynila, who made a tidy profit as a result.

Augustinian Fray Martin de Rada Legaspi says that the Tagalogs were "''more traders than warriors''", and Scott notes in a later book (1994) that Maynila's ships got their goods from Tondo and then dominated trade through the rest of the archipelago. People in other parts of the archipelago often referred to Maynila's boats as "Chinese" (Sina or Sinina) because they came bearing Chinese goods.

Trade with other Asian civilizations

Many of the barangay municipalities were, to a varying extent, under the de jure jurisprudence of one of several neighboring empires, among them the Malay Srivijaya, Javanese Majapahit, Po-ni, Malacca, Indian Chola, Champa, Burma and Khmer empires.

Tondo also developed trading links with Sumatra, Borneo, Java, Malay Peninsula, Indochina, China, Japan, India and Arabia. A thalassocracy had emerged based on international trade.

Gold as a currency

Trade among the early Filipinos and with traders from the neighboring islands was conducted through Barter. The inconvenience of barter later led to the use of some objects as medium of exchange. Gold, which was plentiful in many parts of the islands, invariably found its way into these objects that included the Piloncitos, small bead-like gold nuggets/bits considered by the local numismatists as the earliest coin of ancient Filipinos, and gold barter rings.

The Piloncitos a type of gold ingots are small, some are of the size of a corn kernel—and weigh from 0.09 to 2.65 grams of fine gold. Large Piloncitos weighing 2.65 grams approximate the weight of one mass. Piloncitos have been excavated from Mandaluyong, Bataan, the banks of the Pasig River, and Batangas. That gold was mined and worked here is evidenced by many Spanish accounts, like one in 1586 that said:

Other than Piloncitos, the people of Tundun also used the Barter rings, which is gold ring-like ingots. These barter rings are bigger than doughnuts in size and are made of nearly pure gold. Also, they are very similar to the first coins invented in the Kingdom of Lydia in present-day Turkey. Barter rings were circulated in the Philippines up to the 16th century.

Agriculture

The people of Tondo engaged in agriculture, making a living through farming, rice planting and aquaculture (especially in lowland areas). A report during the time of Miguel López de Legazpi noted of the great abundance of rice, fowls, wine as well as great numbers of carabaos, deer, wild boar and goat husbandry in Luzon. In addition, there were also great quantities of cotton and colored clothes, wax, wine, honey and date palms produced by the native peoples, rice, cotton, swine, fowls, wax and honey abound.

Crop production

Rice was the staple food of the Tagalog and Kapampangan polities, and its ready availability in Luzon despite variations in annual rainfall was one of the reasons Legaspi wanted to locate his colonial headquarters on Manila bay. Scott's study of early Tagalog lexicons revealed that the Tagalogs had words for at least 22 different varieties of rice.

In most other places in the archipelago, rootcrops served as an alternate staple in seasons when rice was not readily available. These were also available in Luzon, but they were desired more as vegetables, rather than as a staple. Ubi, Tugi, Gabi and a local root crop which the Spanish called Kamoti (apparently not the same as the sweet potato, sweet potato, Ipomoea batatas) were farmed in swiddens, while "Laksa" and "Nami" grew wild. Sweet potatoes (now called Camote) were later introduced by the Spanish.

Millet was common enough that the Tagalogs had a word which meant "milletlike": "''dawa-dawa''".

Animal husbandry

Duck culture was also practiced by the Tagalogs, particularly those around Pateros and where Taguig City stands today. This resembled the Chinese methods of artificial incubation of eggs and the knowledge of every phase of a duck's life. This tradition is carried on until modern times of making '' balut''. Ancient Philippine Civilization
Accessed January 7, 2013.(archived fro

on 2007-12-01

Relations with contemporaneous polities

Relations with polities within the Philippine archipelago

Relations with the Maynila polity

By virtue of proximity, Tondo had a close and complex relationship with its neighbor-settlement, Maynila. Tondo and Maynila shared a monopoly over the flow of Chinese tradeware throughout the rest of the archipelago, with Tondo's port controlling the arrival of Chinese goods and Maynila retailing those goods to settlements throughout the rest of the archipelago. Historical accounts specifically say that Maynila was also known as the "Kingdom of Luzon", but some scholars such as Potet and Alfonso suggest that this exonym may have referred to the larger area of Manila Bay, from Bataan and Pampanga to Cavite, which includes Tondo. Whatever the case, the two polities' shared alliance network saw both the Rajahs of Maynila and the Lakans of Tondo exercising political influence (although not territorial control) over the various settlements in what are now Bulacan and Pampanga.

Notably, the 1521 account of "Prince" Ache, who would later become Rajah Matanda, cites a bitter territorial dispute between Maynila, then ruled by Ache's mother, and Tondo, then ruled separately by Ache's cousin. This conflict was enough to cause Ache to run away to his uncle, the Sultan of Brunei, in a bid to martial some military support as leverage against the Kingdom of Tondo.

Relations with Butas, Tambobong and Macabebe

Tondo's relations with its neighboring settlements to the north are less clear, but the anonymous 1571 account translated by Blair and Robertson notes that the "neighboring village" of "Butas" (now called Navotas) acted independently of Tondo in 1571, and allied itself with the leader of Macabebe during the Battle of Bangkusay. Other sources mention another independent village, Tambobong was further north of Navotas. This is generally believed to be the origin of the present day city of Malabon.

Relations with the Visayans

Tondo and Maynila are often portrayed as having adversarial relations with the polities of the Visayas, because of the disparaging comments of Rajah Sulayman towards the Visayan "pintados" during the earliest negotiations with Martin de Goiti in 1570. Sulayman had boasted that the people of Maynila were "not like the Painted Visayans" and would not give up their freedoms as easily as the Visayans did. Scott notes that at the very least, this meant that Sulayman had kept up-to-date with events happening in the Visayas, probably arising from the trade relationships Tondo and Maynila had developed with polities throughout the archipelago.

Relations with polities outside the Philippine archipelago

Java ()

One of the primary source of Tondo's historiography—the Laguna Copperplate Inscription ( 900 AD), was written using Kawi script, a writing system developed in