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TRAJAN (/ˈtreɪdʒən/ ; Latin : _Imperator Caesar Nerva
Nerva
Traianus Divi Nervae filius Augustus_; 18 September 53 – 8 August 117 AD) was Roman emperor
Roman emperor
from 98 to 117 AD. Officially declared by the Senate _optimus princeps_ ("the best ruler"), Trajan
Trajan
is remembered as a successful soldier-emperor who presided over the greatest military expansion in Roman history , leading the empire to attain its maximum territorial extent by the time of his death. He is also known for his philanthropic rule, overseeing extensive public building programs and implementing social welfare policies , which earned him his enduring reputation as the second of the Five Good Emperors who presided over an era of peace and prosperity in the Mediterranean world .

Born in the city of Italica
Italica
in the province of Hispania
Hispania
Baetica , Trajan's non-patrician family was of Italian and Iberian origin. Trajan
Trajan
rose to prominence during the reign of emperor Domitian
Domitian
. Serving as a legatus legionis in Hispania
Hispania
Tarraconensis , in 89 Trajan supported Domitian
Domitian
against a revolt on the Rhine
Rhine
led by Antonius Saturninus . In September 96, Domitian
Domitian
was succeeded by Marcus Cocceius Nerva
Nerva
, an old and childless senator who proved to be unpopular with the army. After a brief and tumultuous year in power, culminating in a revolt by members of the Praetorian Guard , Nerva
Nerva
was compelled to adopt the more popular Trajan
Trajan
as his heir and successor. He died on 27 January 98 and was succeeded by his adopted son without incident.

As a civilian administrator, Trajan
Trajan
is best known for his extensive public building program, which reshaped the city of Rome
Rome
and left numerous enduring landmarks such as Trajan\'s Forum , Trajan\'s Market and Trajan\'s Column . Early in his reign, he annexed the Nabataean Kingdom , creating the province of Arabia Petraea . His conquest of Dacia
Dacia
enriched the empire greatly, as the new province possessed many valuable gold mines. However, its exposed position north of the Danube made it susceptible to attack on three sides, and it was later abandoned by Emperor Aurelian .

Trajan's war against the Parthian Empire ended with the sack of the capital Ctesiphon
Ctesiphon
and the annexation of Armenia
Armenia
and Mesopotamia . His campaigns expanded the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
to its greatest territorial extent. In late 117, while sailing back to Rome, Trajan
Trajan
fell ill and died of a stroke in the city of Selinus . He was deified by the Senate and his ashes were laid to rest under Trajan's Column. He was succeeded by his adopted son Hadrian
Hadrian
.

CONTENTS

* 1 Sources * 2 Early life and rise to power

* 3 Roman Emperor
Roman Emperor

* 3.1 The _Correctores_: Greek/Roman relations * 3.2 Conquest of Dacia
Dacia
* 3.3 Annexation of Nabataea * 3.4 Period of peace: public buildings and festivities * 3.5 Devaluation of the currency * 3.6 The _alimenta_ * 3.7 War against Parthia

* 4 Death and succession * 5 Building activities * 6 Trajan\'s legacy * 7 Notes

* 8 References and further reading

* 8.1 Primary sources * 8.2 Secondary material

* 9 External links

SOURCES

As an emperor, Trajan's reputation has endured – he is one of the few rulers whose reputation has survived nineteen centuries. Every new emperor after him was honoured by the Senate with the wish _felicior Augusto, melior Traiano _ (that he be "luckier than Augustus
Augustus
and better than Trajan"). Among medieval Christian
Christian
theologians, Trajan
Trajan
was considered a virtuous pagan . In the Renaissance
Renaissance
, Machiavelli
Machiavelli
, speaking on the advantages of adoptive succession over heredity, mentioned the five successive good emperors "from Nerva
Nerva
to Marcus " – a trope out of which the 18th-century historian Edward Gibbon popularized the notion of the Five Good Emperors , of whom Trajan
Trajan
was the second.

As far as ancient literary sources are concerned, an extant continuous account of Trajan's reign does not exist. An account of the Dacian Wars , the _Commentarii de bellis Dacicis _, written by Trajan himself or a ghostwriter and modelled after Caesar 's _Commentarii de Bello Gallico _, is lost with the exception of one sentence. Only fragments remain of the _Getiká_, a book by Trajan's personal physician Titos Statilios Kriton . The _Parthiká_, a 17-volume account of the Parthian Wars written by Arrian , has met a similar fate. Book 68 in Cassius Dio 's _Roman History_, which survives mostly as Byzantine
Byzantine
abridgments and epitomes , is the main source for the political history of Trajan's rule. Besides this, Pliny the Younger\'s _Panegyricus_ and Dio of Prusa 's orations are the best surviving contemporary sources. Both are adulatory perorations , typical of the late Roman era, that describe an idealized monarch and an equally idealized view of Trajan's rule, and concern themselves more with ideology than with actual fact. The tenth volume of Pliny's letters contains his correspondence with Trajan, which deals with various aspects of imperial Roman government, but this correspondence is neither intimate nor candid: it is an exchange of official mail, in which Pliny's stance borders on the servile. It is certain that much of text of the letters that appear in this collection over Trajan's signature was written and/or edited by Trajan's Imperial secretary, his _ab epistulis_. Therefore, discussion of Trajan
Trajan
and his rule in modern historiography cannot avoid speculation, as well as recourse to non-literary sources such as archaeology and epigraphy .

EARLY LIFE AND RISE TO POWER

Denarius
Denarius
of Trajan, minted in Rome
Rome
in 101–102 AD

Marcus Ulpius Traianus was born on 18 September 53 AD in the Roman province of Hispania
Hispania
Baetica (in what is now Andalusia
Andalusia
in modern Spain
Spain
), in the city of Italica
Italica
(now in the municipal area of Santiponce, in the outskirts of Seville
Seville
). Although frequently designated the first provincial emperor, and dismissed by later writers such as Cassius Dio (himself of provincial origin) as "an Iberian, and neither an Italian nor even an Italiot", Trajan
Trajan
appears to have hailed on his father's side from the area of Tuder (modern Todi
Todi
) in Umbria , at the border with Etruria , and on his mother's side from the Gens Marcia , of an Italic family of Sabine origin. Trajan's birthplace of Italica
Italica
was founded as a Roman military colony of _Italian_ settlers in 206 BC, though it is unknown when the Ulpii arrived there. It is possible, but cannot be substantiated, that Trajan's ancestors married local women and lost their citizenship at some point, but they certainly recovered their status when the city became a municipium with Latin citizenship in the mid-1st century BC.

Trajan
Trajan
was the son of Marcia , a Roman noblewoman and sister-in-law of the second Flavian Emperor Titus
Titus
, and Marcus Ulpius Traianus , a prominent senator and general from the _gens Ulpia _. Marcus Ulpius Traianus the elder served Vespasian
Vespasian
in the First Jewish-Roman War
First Jewish-Roman War
, commanding the _Legio X Fretensis_ . Trajan
Trajan
himself was just one of many well-known Ulpii in a line that continued long after his own death. His elder sister was Ulpia Marciana , and his niece was Salonina Matidia . The _patria _ of the Ulpii was Italica, in Spanish Baetica, where their ancestors had settled late in the 3rd century BC.

As a young man, he rose through the ranks of the Roman army
Roman army
, serving in some of the most contested parts of the Empire's frontier. In 76–77, Trajan's father was Governor of Syria (_ Legatus pro praetore Syriae_), where Trajan
Trajan
himself remained as _ Tribunus legionis_. From there, after his father's replacement, he seems to have been transferred to an unspecified Rhine
Rhine
province, and Pliny implies that he engaged in active combat duty during both commissions. In about 86, Trajan's cousin P. Aelius Afer died, leaving his young children Hadrian
Hadrian
and Paulina orphans. Trajan
Trajan
and a colleague of his, Publius Acilius Attianus , became co-guardians of the two children.

In 91, Trajan
Trajan
was created ordinary Consul
Consul
for the year, which was a great honour as he was in his late thirties and therefore just above the minimum legal age (32) for holding the post. This can be explained in part by the prominence of his father's career, as his father had been instrumental to the ascent of the ruling Flavian dynasty , held consular rank himself and had just been made a patrician . Around this time Trajan
Trajan
brought Apollodorus of Damascus with him to Rome
Rome
. and also married Pompeia Plotina , a noble woman from the Roman settlement at Nîmes ; the marriage ultimately remained childless. Trajan
Trajan
wearing the civic crown and military garb such as a muscle cuirass , 2nd century AD, Antalya Archaeological Museum

It has been remarked by later authors (among them Trajan's late successor Julian ) that Trajan
Trajan
was personally inclined towards homosexuality , far in excess of the usual bisexual activity that was common among upper class Roman men of the period. Although Julian's scathing comments on the matter reflect a change of mores that began with the Severan dynasty
Severan dynasty
, an earlier author, Cassius Dio, already makes reference to Trajan's marked personal preference for the male sex. Trajan's putative lovers included Hadrian
Hadrian
, pages of the imperial household, the actor Pylades, a dancer called Apolaustus, Lucius Licinius Sura , and Nerva.

As the details of Trajan's military career are obscure, it is only sure that in 89, as legate of Legio VII Gemina in Hispania Tarraconensis , he supported Domitian
Domitian
against an attempted _coup_. Later, after his 91 consulate (held with Acilius Glabrio , a rare pair of consuls at the time, in that neither consul was a member of the ruling dynasty), he held some unspecified consular commission as governor on either Pannonia or Germania Superior – possibly both. Pliny – who seems to deliberately avoid offering details that would stress personal attachment between Trajan
Trajan
and the "tyrant" Domitian – attributes to him, at the time, various (and unspecified) feats of arms.

Since Domitian's successor, Nerva, was unpopular with the army and had just been forced by his Praetorian Prefect Casperius Aelianus to execute Domitian's killers, he felt the need to gain the support of the military in order to avoid being ousted. He accomplished this in the summer of 97 by naming Trajan
Trajan
as his adoptive son and successor, allegedly solely on Trajan's outstanding military merits. There are hints, however, in contemporary literary sources that Trajan's adoption was imposed on Nerva. Pliny implied as much when he wrote that, although an emperor could not be coerced into doing something, if this were the way in which Trajan
Trajan
was raised to power, then it was worth it. If this was what actually occurred, Trajan
Trajan
would be a usurper, and the notion of a natural continuity between Nerva's and Trajan's reigns would be an _ex post_ fiction developed later by historians such as Tacitus .

According to the _ Augustan History _, it was the future Emperor Hadrian
Hadrian
who brought word to Trajan
Trajan
of his adoption. Hadrian
Hadrian
was then retained on the Rhine
Rhine
frontier by Trajan
Trajan
as a military tribune, becoming privy to the circle of friends and relations with which Trajan
Trajan
surrounded himself – among them the then governor of Germania Inferior , the Spaniard Lucius Licinius Sura , who would become Trajan's chief personal adviser and official friend. As a token of his influence, Sura would later become consul for the third time in 107. Some ancient sources also tell about his having built a bath named after him on the Aventine Hill
Aventine Hill
in Rome, or having this bath built by Trajan
Trajan
and then named after him, in either case a signal of honour as the only exception to the established rule that a public building in the capital could be dedicated only to a member of the imperial family. These baths were later expanded by the third century emperor Decius as a means of stressing his link to Trajan. Sura is also described as telling Hadrian
Hadrian
in 108 about his selection as imperial heir. According to a modern historian, Sura's role as kingmaker and éminence grise was deeply resented by some senators, especially the historian Tacitus, who acknowledged Sura's military and oratory virtues but at the same time resented his rapacity and devious ways, similar to those of Vespasian\'s éminence grise Licinius Mucianus .

When Nerva
Nerva
died on 27 January 98, Trajan
Trajan
succeeded to the role of emperor without any outward incident. However, the fact that he chose not to hasten towards Rome, but instead to make a lengthy tour of inspection on the Rhine
Rhine
and Danube
Danube
frontiers, hints to the possible fact that his power position in Rome
Rome
was unsure and that he had first to assure himself of the loyalty of the armies at the front. It is noteworthy that Trajan
Trajan
ordered Prefect Aelianus to attend him in Germany
Germany
, where he was apparently executed ("put out of the way"), with his post being taken by Attius Suburanus . Trajan's accession, therefore, could qualify more as a successful _coup_ than an orderly succession.

ROMAN EMPEROR

Bust of Trajan
Trajan
in 108 AD, in the Museum of Art History in Vienna, Austria

On his entry to Rome, Trajan
Trajan
granted the plebs a direct gift of money. The traditional donative to the troops, however, was reduced by half. There remained the issue of the strained relations between the emperor and the Senate, especially after the supposed bloodiness that had marked Domitian's reign and his dealings with the Curia . By feigning reluctance to hold power, Trajan
Trajan
was able to start building a consensus around him in the Senate. His belated ceremonial entry into Rome
Rome
in 99 was notably low-key, something on which Pliny the Younger elaborated.

By not openly supporting Domitian's preference for equestrian officers, Trajan
Trajan
appeared to conform to the idea (developed by Pliny) that an emperor derived his legitimacy from his adherence to traditional hierarchies and senatorial morals. Therefore, he could point to the allegedly republican character of his rule. In a speech at the inauguration of his third consulship, on 1 January 100, Trajan exhorted the Senate to share the care-taking of the Empire with him – an event later celebrated on a coin. In reality, Trajan
Trajan
did not share power in any meaningful way with the Senate, something that Pliny admits candidly: "verything depends on the whims of a single man who, on behalf of the common welfare, has taken upon himself all functions and all tasks". One of the most significant trends of his reign was his encroachment on the Senate's sphere of authority, such as his decision to make the senatorial provinces of Achaea and Bythinia into imperial ones in order to deal with the inordinate spending on public works by local magnates and the general mismanagement of provincial affairs by various proconsuls appointed by the Senate.

In the formula developed by Pliny, however, Trajan
Trajan
was a "good" emperor in that, by himself, he approved or blamed the same things that the Senate would have approved or blamed. If in reality Trajan was an autocrat, his deferential behavior towards his peers qualified him to be viewed as a virtuous monarch. The whole idea was that Trajan
Trajan
wielded autocratic power through _moderatio_ instead of _contumacia_ – moderation instead of insolence. In short, according to the ethics for autocracy developed by most political writers of the Imperial Roman Age, Trajan
Trajan
was a good ruler in that he ruled less by fear, and more by acting as a role model, for, according to Pliny, "men learn better from examples".

Eventually, Trajan's popularity among his peers was such that the Roman Senate bestowed upon him the honorific of _optimus_, meaning "the best", which appears on coins from 105 on. This title had mostly to do with Trajan's role as benefactor, such as in the case of him returning confiscated property.

That Trajan's ideal role was a conservative one becomes evident from Pliny's works as well as from the orations of Dio of Prusa – in particular his four _Orations on Kingship_, composed early during Trajan's reign. Dio, as a Greek notable and intellectual with friends in high places, and possibly an official friend to the emperor (_amicus caesaris_), saw Trajan
Trajan
as a defender of the _status quo_. In his third kingship oration, Dio describes an ideal king ruling by means of "friendship" – that is, through patronage and a network of local notables who act as mediators between the ruled and the ruler. Dio's notion of being "friend" to Trajan
Trajan
(or any other Roman emperor), however, was that of an _informal_ arrangement, that involved no formal entry of such "friends" into the Roman administration - exactly what was to put Greek-speaking elites and Trajan
Trajan
unto a course of collision.

THE _CORRECTORES_: GREEK/ROMAN RELATIONS

As a senatorial Emperor, Trajan
Trajan
was inclined to choose his local base of political support from among the members of the ruling urban oligarchies. In the West, that meant local senatorial families like his own. In the East, that meant the families of Greek notables. The Greeks, though, had their own memories of independence – and a commonly acknowledged sense of cultural superiority – and, instead of seeing themselves as Roman, disdained Roman rule. What the Greek oligarchies wanted from Rome
Rome
was, above all, to be left in peace, to be allowed to exert their right to self-government (i.e., to be excluded from the provincial government, as was Italy) and to concentrate on their local interests. This was something the Romans were not disposed to do as from their perspective the Greek notables were shunning their responsibilities in regard to the management of Imperial affairs – primarily in failing to keep the common people under control, thus creating the need for the Roman governor to intervene.

An excellent example of this Greek alienation was the personal role played by Dio of Prusa in his relationship with Trajan. Dio is described by Philostratus as Trajan's close friend, and Trajan
Trajan
as supposedly engaging publicly in conversations with Dio. Nevertheless, as a Greek local magnate with a taste for costly building projects and pretensions of being an important political agent for Rome, Dio of Prusa was actually a target for one of Trajan's authoritarian innovations: the appointing of imperial _correctores_ to audit the civic finances of the technically free Greek cities . The main goal was to curb the overenthusiastic spending on public works that served to channel ancient rivalries between neighboring cities. As Pliny wrote Trajan, this had as its most visible consequence a trail of unfinished and/or ill-kept public utilities.

Competition among Greek cities and their ruling oligarchies was mainly for marks of preeminence, especially for titles bestowed by the Roman emperor. Such titles were ordered in a ranking system that determined how the cities were to be outwardly treated by Rome. The usual form that such rivalries took was that of grandiose building plans, giving the cities the opportunity to vie with each other over "extravagant, needless ... structures that would make a show". A side effect of such extravagant spending was that junior and thus less wealthy members of the local oligarchies felt disinclined to present themselves to fill posts as local magistrates, positions that involved ever-increasing personal expense.

Roman authorities liked to play the Greek cities against one another – something of which Dio of Prusa was fully aware:

y their public acts have branded you as a pack of fools, yes, they treat you just like children, for we often offer children the most trivial things in place of things of greatest worth In place of justice, in place of the freedom of the cities from spoliation or from the seizure of the private possessions of their inhabitants, in place of their refraining from insulting you your governors hand you titles, and call you 'first' either by word of mouth or in writing; that done, they may thenceforth with impunity treat you as being the very last!"

These same Roman authorities had also an interest in assuring the cities' solvency and therefore ready collection of Imperial taxes. Last but not least, inordinate spending on civic buildings was not only a means to achieve local superiority, but also a means for the local Greek elites to maintain a separate cultural identity – something expressed in the contemporary rise of the Second Sophistic ; this "cultural patriotism" acted as a kind of substitute for the loss of political independence, and as such was shunned by Roman authorities. As Trajan
Trajan
himself wrote to Pliny: "These poor Greeks all love a gymnasium ... they will have to content with one that suits their real needs".

The first known _corrector_ was charged with a commission "to deal with the situation of the free cities", as it was felt that the old method of _ad hoc_ intervention by the Emperor and/or the proconsuls had not been enough to curb the pretensions of the Greek notables. It is noteworthy that an embassy from Dio's city of Prusa was not favorably received by Trajan, and that this had to do with Dio's chief objective, which was to elevate Prusa to the status of a free city, an "independent" city-state exempt from paying taxes to Rome. Eventually, Dio gained for Prusa the right to become the head of the assize-district, conventus (meaning that Prusans did not have to travel to be judged by the Roman governor), but _eleutheria_ (freedom, in the sense of full political autonomy) was denied. Statue of Trajan, Luna marble and Proconessian marble , 2nd century AD, from Ostia Antica
Ostia Antica

Eventually, it fell to Pliny, as imperial governor of Bithynia in 110 AD, to deal with the consequences of the financial mess wrought by Dio and his fellow civic officials. "It's well established that are in a state of disorder", Pliny once wrote to Trajan, plans for unnecessary works made in collusion with local contractors being identified as one of the main problems. One of the compensatory measures proposed by Pliny expressed a thoroughly Roman conservative position: as the cities' financial solvency depended on the councilmen' purses, it was necessary to have more councilmen on the local city councils. According to Pliny, the best way to achieve this was to lower the minimum age for holding a seat on the council, making it possible for more sons of the established oligarchical families to join and thus contribute to civic spending; this was seen as preferable to enrolling non-noble wealthy upstarts.

Such an increase in the number of council members was granted to Dio's city of Prusa, to the dismay of existing councilmen who felt their status lowered. A similar situation existed in Claudiopolis , where a public bath was built with the proceedings from the entrance fees paid by "supernumerary" members of the Council, enrolled with Trajan's permission. Also, according to the Digest , it was decreed by Trajan
Trajan
that when a city magistrate promised to achieve a particular public building, it was incumbent on his heirs to complete the building.

Trajan
Trajan
ingratiated himself with the Greek intellectual elite by recalling to Rome
Rome
many (including Dio) who had been exiled by Domitian, and by returning (in a process begun by Nerva) a great deal of private property that Domitian
Domitian
had confiscated. He also had good dealings with Plutarch , who, as a notable of Delphi
Delphi
, seems to have been favored by the decisions taken on behalf of his home-place by one of Trajan's legates, who had arbitrated a boundary dispute between Delphi
Delphi
and its neighboring cities. However, it was clear to Trajan that Greek intellectuals and notables were to be regarded as tools for local administration, and not be allowed to fancy themselves in a privileged position. As Pliny said in one of his letters at the time, it was official policy that Greek civic elites be treated according to their status as notionally free but not put on an equal footing with their Roman rulers. When the city of Apamea complained of an audit of its accounts by Pliny, alleging its "free" status as a Roman colony, Trajan
Trajan
replied by writing that it was by his own wish that such inspections had been ordered. Concern about independent local political activity is seen in Trajan's decision to forbid Nicomedia from having a corps of firemen ("If people assemble for a common purpose ... they soon turn it into a political society", Trajan
Trajan
wrote Pliny) as well as in his and Pliny's fears about excessive civic generosities by local notables such as distribution of money and/or gifts. For the same reason, judging from Pliny's letters it can also be assumed that Trajan
Trajan
and his aides were as much bored as they were alarmed by the claims of Dio and other Greek notables to political influence based on what they saw as their "special connection" to their Roman overlords. A revealing case-history, told by Pliny, tells of Dio of Prusa placing a statue of Trajan
Trajan
in a building complex where Dio's wife and son were buried- therefore incurring a charge of treason for placing the Emperor's statue near a grave. Trajan, however, dropped the charge.

Nevertheless, while the office of _corrector_ was intended as a tool to curb any hint of independent political activity among local notables in the Greek cities, the _correctores_ themselves were all men of the highest social standing entrusted with an exceptional commission. The post seems to have been conceived partly as a reward for senators who had chosen to make a career solely on the Emperor's behalf. Therefore, in reality the post was conceived as a means for "taming" both Greek notables and Roman senators. It must be added that, although Trajan
Trajan
was wary of the civic oligarchies in the Greek cities, he also admitted into the Senate a number of prominent Eastern notables already slated for promotion during Domitian's reign by reserving for them one of the twenty posts open each year for minor magistrates (the _vigintiviri _). Such must be the case of the Galatian notable and "leading member of the Greek community" (according to one inscription) Gaius Julius Severus , who was a descendant of several Hellenistic dynasts and client kings. Severus was the grandfather of the prominent general Gaius Julius Quadratus Bassus , consul in 105. Other prominent Eastern senators included Gaius Julius Alexander Berenicianus , a descendant of Herod the Great , suffect consul in 116. Trajan
Trajan
created at least 14 new senators from the Greek-speaking half of the Empire, an unprecedented recruitment number that opens to question the issue of the "traditionally Roman" character of his reign, as well as the "Hellenism" of his successor Hadrian. But then Trajan's new Eastern senators were mostly very powerful and very wealthy men with more than local influence and much interconnected by marriage, so that many of them were not altogether "new" to the Senate. On the local level, among the lower section of the Eastern propertied, the alienation of most Greek notables and intellectuals towards Roman rule, and the fact that the Romans were seen by most such Greek notables as aliens, persisted well after Trajan's reign. It is interesting to note that one of Trajan's senatorial creations from the East, the Athenian
Athenian
Gaius Julius Antiochus Epiphanes Philopappos , a member of the Royal House of Commagene
Commagene
, left behind him a funeral monument on the Mouseion Hill that was later disparagingly described by Pausanias as "a monument built to a Syrian
Syrian
man".

CONQUEST OF DACIA

Main article: Trajan\'s Dacian Wars Trajan\'s Column , Rome
Rome

It was as a military commander that Trajan
Trajan
is best known to history, particularly for his conquests in the Near East
Near East
, but initially for the two wars against Dacia
Dacia
– the reduction to client kingdom (101–102), followed by actual incorporation into the Empire of the trans- Danube
Danube
border group of Dacia
Dacia
– an area that had troubled Roman thought for over a decade with the unstable peace negotiated by Domitian\'s ministers with the powerful Dacian king Decebalus . According to the provisions of this treaty, Decebalus was acknowledged as _rex amicus_, that is, client king; nevertheless, in exchange for accepting client status, he received a generous stipend from Rome, as well as being supplied with technical experts. The treaty seems to have allowed Roman troops the right of passage through the Dacian kingdom in order to attack the Marcomanni , Quadi and Sarmatians . However, senatorial opinion never forgave Domitian
Domitian
for paying what was seen as "tribute" to a Barbarian king. In addition, unlike the Germanic tribes, the Dacian kingdom was an organized state capable of developing alliances of its own, thus making it a strategic threat and giving Trajan
Trajan
a strong motive to attack it.

In May of 101, Trajan
Trajan
launched his first campaign into the Dacian kingdom, crossing to the northern bank of the Danube
Danube
and defeating the Dacian army at Tapae (see Second Battle of Tapae ), near the Iron Gates of Transylvania . It was not a decisive victory, however. Trajan's troops were mauled in the encounter, and he put off further campaigning for the year in order to regroup and reinforce his army.

The following winter, King Decebalus took the initiative by launching a counter-attack across the Danube
Danube
further downstream, supported by Sarmatian cavalry, forcing Trajan
Trajan
to come to the aid of the troops in his rearguard. The Dacians
Dacians
and their allies were repulsed after two battles in Moesia, at Nicopolis ad Istrum and Adamclisi . Trajan's army then advanced further into Dacian territory, and, a year later, forced Decebalus to submit. He had to renounce claim to some regions of his kingdom, return all Roman runaways (most of them technical experts), and surrender all his war machines.

Trajan
Trajan
returned to Rome
Rome
in triumph and was granted the title _Dacicus_.

The peace of 102 had returned Decebalus to the condition of more or less harmless client king; however, he soon began to rearm, to again harbor Roman runaways, and to pressure his Western neighbors, the Iazyges Sarmatians, into allying themselves with him. By trying to develop an anti-Roman bloc, Decebalus eventually left Trajan
Trajan
without the alternative of treating Dacia
Dacia
as a protectorate, rather than an outright conquest. In 104 Decebalus devised a failed attempt on Trajan's life by means of some Roman deserters, and held prisoner Trajan's legate Longinus, who eventually poisoned himself while in custody. Finally, in 105, Decebalus undertook an invasion of Roman-occupied territory north of the Danube.

Prior to the campaign, Trajan
Trajan
had raised two entirely new legions: II Traiana – which, however, may have been posted in the East, at the Syrian
Syrian
port of Laodicea – and XXX Ulpia Victrix , which was posted to Brigetio , in Pannonia . By 105, the concentration of Roman troops assembled in the middle and lower Danube
Danube
amounted to fourteen legions (up from nine in 101) – about half of the entire Roman army. Even after the Dacian wars, the Danube
Danube
frontier would permanently replace the Rhine
Rhine
as the main military axis of the Roman Empire. Including auxiliaries , the number of Roman troops engaged on both campaigns was between 150,000 and 175,000, while Decebalus could dispose of up to 200,000.

Following the design of Apollodorus of Damascus , Trajan
Trajan
ordered the building of a massive bridge over the Danube
Danube
, over which the Roman army was able to cross the river swiftly and in numbers, as well as to send in reinforcements, even in winter when the river was not frozen enough to bear the passage of a party of soldiers. Trajan
Trajan
also reformed the infrastructure of the Iron Gates region of the Danube
Danube
. He commissioned either the creation or enlargement of the road along the Iron Gates, carved into the side of the gorge. Additionally, Trajan
Trajan
commissioned a canal to be built around the rapids of the Iron Gates. Evidence of this comes from a marble slab discovered near Caput Bovis , the site of a Roman fort. The slab, dated to the year 101, commemorates the building of at least one canal that went from the Kasajna tributary to at least Ducis Pratum, whose embankments were still visible until recently. However, the placement of the slab at Caput Bovis suggests that the canal extended to this point or that there was a second canal downriver of the Kasajna-Ducis Pratum one. Statue of Trajan, posing in military garb, in front of the Amphitheater of Colonia Ulpia Traiana in the Xanten Archaeological Park

These costly projects completed, in 105 Trajan
Trajan
again took to the field. In a fierce campaign which seems to have consisted mostly of static warfare: the Dacians, devoid of maneuvering room, kept to their network of fortresses, which the Romans sought systematically to storm (see also Second Dacian War ). The Romans gradually tightened their grip around Decebalus' stronghold in Sarmizegetusa Regia
Sarmizegetusa Regia
, which they finally took and destroyed. Decebalus fled, but, when cornered by Roman cavalry, committed suicide. His severed head, brought to Trajan by the cavalryman Tiberius Claudius Maximus , was later exhibited in Rome
Rome
on the steps leading up to the Capitol and thrown on the Gemonian stairs .

Trajan
Trajan
built a new city, Colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica Sarmizegetusa , on another site (north of the hill citadel holding the previous Dacian capital) although bearing the same full name, Sarmizegetusa. This capital city was conceived as a purely civilian administrative center and was provided the usual Romanized administrative apparatus (decurions , aediles , etc.). Urban life in Roman Dacia seems to have been restricted to Roman colonists, mostly military veterans; there is no extant evidence for the existence in the province of peregrine cities. Native Dacians
Dacians
continued to live in scattered rural settlements, according to their own ways. In another arrangement with no parallels in any other Roman province, the existing quasi-urban Dacian settlements disappeared after the Roman conquest. A number of unorganized urban settlements (_vici_ ) developed around military encampments in Dacia
Dacia
proper - the most important being Apulum - but were only acknowledged as cities proper well after Trajan's reign.

The main regional effort of urbanization was concentrated by Trajan at the rearguard, in Moesia, where he created the new cities of Nicopolis ad Istrum and Marcianopolis . A vicus was also created around the Tropaeum Traianum. The garrison city of Oescus received the status of Roman colony after its legionary garrison was redeployed. The fact that these former Danubian outposts had ceased to be frontier basis and were now in the deep rear acted as an inducement to their urbanization and development.

Not all of Dacia
Dacia
was permanently occupied. What was permanently included in the province, after the post-Trajanic evacuation of some land across the lower Danube, were the lands extending from the Danube
Danube
to the inner arch of the Carpathian Mountains , including Transylvania , the Metaliferi Mountains and Oltenia .The Roman province eventually took the form of an "excrescence" North of the Danube, with ill-defined limits, stretching from the Danube
Danube
northwards to the Carpathians
Carpathians
, and was intended perhaps as a basis for further expansion in Eastern Europe – which the Romans conceived to be much more "flattened", and closer to the ocean, than it actually was. Defense of the province was entrusted to a single legion, the XIII Gemina , stationed at Apulum , which functioned as an advanced guard that could, in case of need, strike either west or east at the Sarmatians living at the borders. Therefore, the indefensible character of the province did not appear to be a problem for Trajan, as the province was conceived more as a sally-base for further attacks. Even in the absence of further Roman expansion, the value of the province depended on Roman overall strength: while Rome
Rome
was strong, the Dacian salient was an instrument of military and diplomatic control over the Danubian lands; when Rome
Rome
was weak, as during the Crisis of the Third Century , the province became a liability and was eventually abandoned.

Trajan
Trajan
resettled Dacia
Dacia
with Romans and annexed it as a province of the Roman Empire. Aside from their enormous booty (over half a million slaves, according to John Lydus ), Trajan's Dacian campaigns benefited the Empire's finances through the acquisition of Dacia's gold mines, managed by an imperial procurator of equestrian rank (_procurator aurariarum_). On the other hand, commercial agricultural exploitation on the villa model, based on the centralized management of a huge landed estate by a single owner (_fundus_) was poorly developed. Therefore, use of slave labor in the province itself seems to have been relatively undeveloped, and epigraphic evidence points to work in the gold mines being conducted by means of labor contracts (_locatio conductio rei_) and seasonal wage-earning.

The victory was commemorated by the construction both of the 102 cenotaph generally known as the Tropaeum Traiani in Moesia, as well of the much later (113) Trajan's Column in Rome, the latter depicting in stone carved bas-reliefs the Dacian Wars' most important moments.

ANNEXATION OF NABATAEA

In 106, Rabbel II Soter , one of Rome's client kings, died. This event might have prompted the annexation of the Nabataean kingdom , but the manner and the formal reasons for the annexation are unclear. Some epigraphic evidence suggests a military operation, with forces from Syria and Egypt . What is known is that by 107, Roman legions were stationed in the area around Petra
Petra
and Bostra
Bostra
, as is shown by a papyrus found in Egypt. The furthest south the Romans occupied (or, better, garrisoned, adopting a policy of having garrisons at key points in the desert) was Hegra , over 300 kilometres (190 mi) south-west of Petra
Petra
. The empire gained what became the province of Arabia Petraea (modern southern Jordan
Jordan
and north west Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia
). As Nabataea was the last client kingdom in Asia west of the Euphrates, the annexation meant that the entire Roman East had been provincialized, completing a trend towards direct rule that had begun under the Flavians.

PERIOD OF PEACE: PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND FESTIVITIES

Tabula Traiana near Trajan\'s Bridge in Đerdap National Park , Serbia
Serbia

For the next seven years, Trajan
Trajan
ruled as a civilian emperor, to the same acclaim as before. It was during this time that he corresponded with Pliny the Younger on the subject of how to deal with the Christians of Pontus , telling Pliny to continue to persecute Christians but not to accept anonymous denounciations in the interests of justice as well as of "the spirit of the age". People who admitted to their being Christians and refused to recant, however, were to be executed "for obstinacy" when non-citizens, and sent to Rome
Rome
for trial if they were Roman citizens.

Trajan
Trajan
built several new buildings, monuments and roads in Italia and his native Hispania
Hispania
. His magnificent complex in Rome
Rome
raised to commemorate his victories in Dacia
Dacia
(and largely financed from that campaign's loot) – consisting of a forum , Trajan's Column, and Trajan's Market still stands in Rome
Rome
today. He was also a prolific builder of triumphal arches, many of which survive, and a rebuilder of roads ( Via Traiana and Via Traiana Nova ).

One of Trajan's notable acts during this period was the hosting of a three-month gladiatorial festival in the great Colosseum
Colosseum
in Rome
Rome
(the precise date is unknown). Combining chariot racing, beast fights and close-quarters gladiatorial bloodshed, this gory spectacle reputedly left 11,000 dead (mostly slaves and criminals, not to mention the thousands of ferocious beasts killed alongside them) and attracted a total of five million spectators over the course of the festival. The care bestowed by Trajan
Trajan
on the managing of such public spectacles led the orator Fronto to state approvingly that Trajan
Trajan
had paid equal attention to entertainments as well as to serious issues. Fronto concluded that "neglect of serious matters can cause greater damage, but neglect of amusements greater discontent". As Fronto added, amusements were a means to assure the _general_ acquiescence of the populace, while the more "serious" issue of the corn dole aimed ultimately only at individuals.

DEVALUATION OF THE CURRENCY

In 107 Trajan
Trajan
devalued the Roman currency . He decreased the silver purity of the denarius from 93.5% to 89% – the actual silver weight dropping from 3.04 grams to 2.88 grams. This devaluation, coupled with the massive amount of gold and silver carried off after Trajan's Dacian Wars, allowed the emperor to mint a larger quantity of denarii than his predecessors. Also, Trajan
Trajan
withdrew from circulation silver denarii minted before the previous devaluation achieved by Nero, something that allows for thinking that Trajan's devaluation had to do with political ends, such as allowing for increased civil and military spending.

THE _ALIMENTA_

Another important act was his formalisation of the _alimenta _, a welfare program that helped orphans and poor children throughout Italy. It provided general funds, as well as food and subsidized education. The program was supported initially out of Dacian War booty, and then later by a combination of estate taxes and philanthropy. In general terms, the scheme functioned by means of mortgages on Italian farms (_fundi_), through which registered landowners received a lump sum from the imperial treasure, being in return expected to pay yearly a given proportion of the loan to the maintenance of an alimentary fund.

Although the system is well documented in literary sources and contemporary epigraphy, its precise aims are controversial and have generated considerable dispute among modern scholars, especially about its actual aims and scope as a piece of welfare policy. It is usually assumed that the program was intended to bolster citizen numbers in Italy, following the provisions of Augustus' moral legislation (_Lex Julia _) favoring procreation on moral grounds – something openly acknowledged by Pliny. Nevertheless, this reproductive aim was anachronistic, based as it was on a view of the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
as centered on Rome
Rome
and Italy, with a purely Italian manpower base, both increasingly no longer the case. This outdated stance was confirmed by Pliny when he wrote that the recipients of the _alimenta_ were supposed to people "the barracks and the tribes " as future soldiers and electors – two roles ill-fitted to the contemporary reality of an empire stretching across the entire Mediterranean and ruled by an autocrat. The fact that the scheme was restricted to Italy
Italy
suggests that it might have been conceived as a form of political privilege accorded to the original heartland of the empire. According to the French historian Paul Petit, the _alimenta_ should be seen as part of a set of measures aimed towards the economic recovery of Italy. Finley, however, thinks otherwise: in his view, the whole scheme had as its chief aim the artificial bolstering of the political weight of Italy, as seen, for example, in the stricture – heartily praised by Pliny – laid down by Trajan
Trajan
that ordered all senators, even when from the provinces, to have at least a third of their landed estates in Italian territory, as it was "unseemly that should treat Rome
Rome
and Italy
Italy
not as their native land, but as a mere inn or lodging house".

"Interesting and unique" as the scheme was, it remained small. The fact that it was subsidized by means of interest payments on loans made by landowners – mostly large ones, assumed to be more reliable debtors – actually benefited a very low percentage of potential welfare recipients ( Paul Veyne has assumed that, in the city of Veleia , only one child out of ten was an actual beneficiary) – thus the idea, put forth by Moses I. Finley , that the grandiose aims amounted to at most a form of random charity, an additional imperial benevolence. Reliance solely on loans to great landowners (in Veleia, only some 17 square kilometers were mortgaged) restricted funding sources even further. It seems that the mortgage scheme was simply a way of making local notables participate, albeit in a lesser role, in imperial benevolence. It is possible that the scheme was, to some extent, a forced loan, something that tied unwilling landowners to the imperial treasure in order to make them supply some funds to civic expenses. The same notion of exploiting private – and supposedly more efficient – management of a landed estate as a means to obtain public revenue was also employed by other similar and lesser schemes. The senator Pliny had endowed his city of Comum a perpetual right to an annual charge (_vectigal_) of thirty thousand sestertii on one of his estates in perpetuity even after his death (Pliny's heirs or any subsequent purchaser of the estate being liable), with the rent thus obtained contributing to the maintenance of Pliny's semi-private charitable foundation. With such a scheme, Pliny probably hoped to engender enthusiasm among fellow landowners for such philanthropic ventures. Trajan
Trajan
did likewise, but since "willingness is a slippery commodity", Finley suspects that, in order to ensure Italian landowners' acceptance of the burden of borrowing from the _alimenta_ fund, some "moral" pressure was exerted.

In short, the scheme was so limited in scope that it could not have fulfilled a coherent economic or demographic purpose – it was the usual Ancient charity, directed, not towards the poor, but to the community (in the case, the Italian cities) as a whole. The fact that the _alimenta_ was begun during and after the Dacian Wars and twice came on the heels of a distribution of money to the population of Rome (_congiaria_) following Dacian triumphs, points towards a purely charitable motive. The fact that the _alimenta_ was restricted to Italy
Italy
highlights the ideology behind it: to reaffirm the notion of the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
as an _Italian_ overlordship. Given its limited scope, the plan was, nevertheless, very successful in that it lasted for a century and a half: the last known official in charge of it is attested during the reign of Aurelian .

WAR AGAINST PARTHIA

Aureus
Aureus
issued by Trajan
Trajan
to celebrate the conquest of Parthia The extent of the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
under Trajan
Trajan
(117) Anatolia, western Caucasus and northern Levant under Trajan
Trajan
Main article: Trajan\'s Parthian campaign

In 113, Trajan
Trajan
embarked on his last campaign, provoked by Parthia\'s decision to put an unacceptable king on the throne of Armenia
Armenia
, a kingdom over which the two great empires had shared hegemony since the time of Nero
Nero
some fifty years earlier. It's noteworthy, however that Trajan, already in Syria early in 113, consistently refused to accept diplomatic approaches from the Parthians in order to settle the Armenian imbroglio peacefully.

As the surviving literary accounts of Trajan's Parthian War are fragmentary and scattered, it is difficult to assign them a proper context, something that has led to a long-running controversy about its precise happenings and ultimate aims. Many modern historians consider that Trajan's decision to wage war against Parthia might have had economic motives: after Trajan's annexation of Arabia, he built a new road, Via Traiana Nova , that went from Bostra
Bostra
to Aila on the Red Sea. That meant that Charax on the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
was the sole remaining western terminus of the Indian trade route outside direct Roman control, and such control was important in order to lower import prices and to limit the supposed drain of precious metals created by the deficit in Roman trade with the Far East.

That Charax traded with the Roman Empire, there can be no doubt, as its actual connections with merchants from Palmyra
Palmyra
at the period are well documented in contemporary Palmyrene epigraph, which tells of various Palmyrene citizens honoured for holding office in Charax. Also, Charax's rulers domains at the time possibly included the Bahrain
Bahrain
islands (where a Palmyrene citizen held office, shortly after Trajan's death, as satrap – but then, the appointment was made by a Parthian king of Charax ) something which offered the possibility of extending Roman hegemony into the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
itself. The rationale behind Trajan's campaign, in this case, would be one of breaking down a system of Far Eastern trade through small Semitic ("Arab") cities under Parthia's control and to put it under Roman control instead.

In his Dacian conquests, Trajan
Trajan
had already resorted to Syrian auxiliary units, whose veterans, along with Syrian
Syrian
traders, had an important role in the subsequent colonization of Dacia. He had recruited Palmyrene units into his army, including a camel unit, therefore apparently procuring Palmyrene support to his ultimate goal of annexing Charax. It has even been ventured that, when earlier in his campaign Trajan
Trajan
annexed Armenia, he was bound to annex the whole of Mesopotamia lest the Parthians interrupt the flux of trade from the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
and/or foment trouble at the Roman frontier on the Danube.

Other historians reject these motives, as the supposed Parthian "control" over the maritime Far Eastern trade route was, at best, conjectural and based on a selective reading of Chinese sources – trade by land through Parthia seems to have been unhampered by Parthian authorities and left solely to the devices of private enterprise. Commercial activity in second century Mesopotamia seems to have been a general phenomenon, shared by many peoples within and without the Roman Empire, with no sign of a concerted Imperial policy towards it. As in the case of the _alimenta_, scholars like Moses Finley and Paul Veyne have considered the whole idea of a foreign trade "policy" behind Trajan's war anachronistic: according to them, the sole Roman concern with the Far Eastern luxuries trade – besides collecting toll taxes and customs – was moral and involved frowning upon the "softness" of luxuries, but no economic policy. In the absence of conclusive evidence, trade between Rome
Rome
and India might have been far more balanced, in terms of quantities of precious metals exchanged: one of our sources for the notion of the Roman gold drain – Pliny's the Younger's uncle Pliny the Elder – had earlier described the Gangetic Plains as one of the gold sources for the Roman Empire. Therefore, the fact that, in his controversial book on the Ancient economy, Finley considers Trajan's "badly miscalculated and expensive assault on Parthia" to be an example of the many Roman "commercial wars" that had in common the fact of existing only in the books of modern historians. Trajan, "the Palladium ", white marble statue at the Colosseum
Colosseum
in Rome, late 1st century AD

The alternative view is to see the campaign as triggered by the lure of territorial annexation and prestige, the sole motive ascribed by Cassius Dio. As far as territorial conquest involved tax-collecting, especially of the 25% tax levied on all goods entering the Roman Empire, the _tetarte_, one can say that Trajan's Parthian War had an "economic" motive. Also, there was the propaganda value of an Eastern conquest that would emulate, in Roman fashion, those of Alexander the Great . The fact that emissaries from the Kushan Empire might have attended to the commemorative ceremonies for the Dacian War may have kindled in some Greco-Roman intellectuals like Plutarch – who wrote about only 70,000 Roman soldiers being necessary to a conquest of India – as well as in Trajan's closer associates, speculative dreams about the booty to be obtained by reproducing Macedonian Eastern conquests. There could also be Trajan's idea to use an ambitious blueprint of conquests as a way to emphasize quasi-divine status, such as with his cultivated association, in coins and monuments, to Hercules
Hercules
. Also, it is possible that the attachment of Trajan
Trajan
to an expansionist policy was supported by a powerful circle of conservative senators from Hispania
Hispania
committed to a policy of imperial expansion, first among them being the all-powerful Licinius Sura. Finally, one can explain the campaign by the fact that, for the Romans, their empire was in principle unlimited, and that Trajan
Trajan
only took advantage of an opportunity to make idea and reality coincide.

Finally, there are other modern historians who think that Trajan's original aims were purely military and quite modest: to assure a more defensible Eastern frontier for the Roman Empire, crossing Northern Mesopotamia along the course of the Khabur River in order to offer cover to a Roman Armenia. This interpretation is backed by the fact that all subsequent Roman wars against Parthia would aim at establishing a Roman presence deep into Parthia itself.

The campaign was carefully planned in advance: ten legions were concentrated in the Eastern theater; since 111, the correspondence of Pliny the Younger witnesses to the fact that provincial authorities in Bithynia had to organize supplies for passing troops, and local city councils and their individual members had to shoulder part of the increased expenses by supplying troops themselves. The intended campaign, therefore, was immensely costly from its very beginning.

Trajan
Trajan
marched first on Armenia, deposed the Parthian-appointed king (who was afterwards murdered while kept in the custody of Roman troops in an unclear incident, later described by Fronto as a breach of Roman good faith ) and annexed it to the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
as a province, receiving in passing the acknowledgement of Roman hegemony by various tribes in the Caucasus and on the Eastern coast of the Black Sea – a process that kept him busy until the end of 114. At the same time, a Roman column under the legate Lusius Quietus – an outstanding cavalry general who had signaled himself during the Dacian Wars by commanding a unit from his native Mauretania – crossed the Araxes river from Armenia
Armenia
into Media Atropatene and the land of the Mardians (present-day Ghilan ). It is possible that Quietus' campaign had as its goal the extending of the newer, more defensible Roman border eastwards towards the Caspian Sea and northwards to the foothills of the Caucasus. This newer, more "rational" frontier, depended, however, on an increased, permanent Roman presence East of the Euphrates.

The chronology of subsequent events is uncertain, but it is generally believed that early in 115 Trajan
Trajan
launched a Mesopotamian campaign, marching down towards the Taurus mountains in order to consolidate territory between the Tigris
Tigris
and Euphrates
Euphrates
rivers. He placed permanent garrisons along the way to secure the territory. While Trajan
Trajan
moved from west to east, Lusius Quietus moved with his army from the Caspian Sea towards the west, both armies performing a successful pincer movement, whose apparent result was to establish a Roman presence into the Parthian Empire proper, with Trajan
Trajan
taking the northern Mesopotamian cities of Nisibis and Batnae and organizing a province of Mesopotamia , including the Kingdom of Osrhoene – where King Abgaros VII submitted to Trajan
Trajan
publicly – as a Roman protectorate. This process seems to have been completed at the beginning of 116, when coins were issued announcing that Armenia
Armenia
and Mesopotamia had been put under the authority of the Roman people. The area between the Khabur River and the mountains around Singara seems to have been considered as the new frontier, and as such received a road surrounded by fortresses. _ Sestertius issued by the Senate (SC, Senatus Consultus_) during 116 to commemorate Trajan's Parthian victories. Obverse: bust of Trajan, with laurel crown. Caption: Trajan's titulature. Reverse: Trajan
Trajan
standing between prostrate allegories of Armenia
Armenia
(crowned with a tiara ) and the Rivers Tigris
Tigris
& Euphrates. Caption: " Armenia
Armenia
"> Bronze bust of Trajan
Trajan
in his later years, Museum of Anatolian Civilizations , Ankara
Ankara
, Turkey
Turkey

After wintering in Antioch during 115/116 – and, according to literary sources, barely escaping from a violent earthquake that claimed the life of one of the consuls, M. Pedo Virgilianus – Trajan
Trajan
again took to the field in 116, with a view to the conquest the whole of Mesopotamia, an overambitious goal that eventually backfired on the results of his entire campaign. According to some modern historians, the aim of the campaign of 116 was to achieve a "preemptive demonstration" aiming not toward the conquest of Parthia, but for tighter Roman control over the Eastern trade route. However, the overall scarcity of manpower for the Roman military establishment meant that the campaign was doomed from the start. It is noteworthy that no new legions were raised by Trajan
Trajan
before the Parthian campaign, maybe because the sources of new citizen recruits were already over-exploited.

As far as the sources allow a description of this campaign, it seems that one Roman division crossed the Tigris
Tigris
into Adiabene , sweeping south and capturing Adenystrae ; a second followed the river south, capturing Babylon
Babylon
; Trajan
Trajan
himself sailed down the Euphrates
Euphrates
from Dura-Europos – where a triumphal arch was erected in his honour – through Ozogardana , where he erected a "tribunal" still to be seen at the time of Julian the Apostate\'s campaigns in the same area. Having come to the narrow strip of land between the Euphrates
Euphrates
and the Tigris, he then dragged his fleet overland into the Tigris, capturing Seleucia and finally the Parthian capital of Ctesiphon
Ctesiphon
.

He continued southward to the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
, when, after escaping with his fleet a tidal bore on the Tigris, he received the submission of Athambelus, the ruler of Charax . He declared Babylon
Babylon
a new province of the Empire and had his statue erected on the shore of the Persian Gulf, after which he sent the Senate a laurelled letter declaring the war to be at a close and bemoaning that he was too old to go on any further and repeat the conquests of Alexander the Great . Since Charax was a _de facto_ independent kingdom whose connections to Palmyra
Palmyra
were described above, Trajan's bid for the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
may have coincided with Palmyrene interests in the region. Another hypothesis is that the rulers of Charax had expansionist designs on Parthian Babylon, giving them a rationale for alliance with Trajan. The Parthian summer capital of Susa
Susa
was apparently also occupied by the Romans.

According to late literary sources (not backed by numismatic or inscriptional evidence) a province of Assyria was also proclaimed, apparently covering the territory of Adiabene. Some measures seem to have been considered regarding the fiscal administration of Indian trade – or simply about the payment of customs (_portoria_) on goods traded on the Euphrates
Euphrates
and Tigris. It is possible that it was this "streamlining" of the administration of the newly conquered lands according to the standard pattern of Roman provincial administration in tax collecting, requisitions and the handling of local potentates' prerogatives, that triggered later resistance against Trajan.

According to some modern historians, Trajan
Trajan
might have busied himself during his stay on the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
with ordering raids on the Parthian coasts, as well as probing into extending Roman suzerainty over the mountaineer tribes holding the passes across the Zagros Mountains into the Iranian Plateau eastward, as well as establishing some sort of direct contact between Rome
Rome
and the Kushan Empire. No attempt was made to expand into the Iranian Plateau itself, where the Roman army, with its relative weakness in cavalry, would have been at a disadvantage. A coin of Trajan, found together with coins of the Kushan ruler Kanishka
Kanishka
, at the Ahin Posh Buddhist Monastery, Afghanistan
Afghanistan

However, as Trajan
Trajan
left the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
for Babylon
Babylon
– where he intended to offer sacrifice to Alexander in the house where he had died in 323 BC – a sudden outburst of Parthian resistance, led by a nephew of the Parthian king Osroes I , Sanatruces .

Sanatruces, who had retained a cavalry force, possibly strengthened by the addition of Saka archers, imperiled Roman positions in Mesopotamia and Armenia, something Trajan
Trajan
sought to deal with by forsaking direct Roman rule in Parthia proper, at least partially.

Trajan
Trajan
sent two armies towards Northern Mesopotamia: the first, under Lusius Quietus, recovered Nisibis and Edessa
Edessa
from the rebels, probably having King Abgarus deposed and killed in the process, with Quietus probably earning the right to receive the honors of a senator of praetorian rank (_adlectus inter praetorios_). The second army, however, under Appius Maximus Santra (probably a governor of Macedonia) was defeated and Santra killed. Later in 116, Trajan, with the assistance of Quietus and two other legates, Marcus Erucius Clarus and Tiberius
Tiberius
Julius Alexander Julianus , defeated a Parthian army in a battle where Sanatruces was killed (possibly with the assistance of Osroes' son and Sanatruces' cousin, Parthamaspates , whom Trajan
Trajan
wooed successfully). After re-taking and burning Seleucia, Trajan
Trajan
then formally deposed the Osroes, putting Parthamaspates on the throne as client ruler . This event was commemorated in a coin so as to be presented as the reduction of Parthia to client kingdom status: REX PARTHIS DATUS, "a king is given to the Parthians". That done, Trajan retreated north in order to retain what he could of the new provinces of Armenia
Armenia
– where he had already accepted an armistice in exchange for surrendering part of the territory to Sanatruces' son Vologeses and Mesopotamia. Bust of Trajan, Glyptothek
Glyptothek
, Munich
Munich

It was at this point that Trajan's health started to fail him. The fortress city of Hatra
Hatra
, on the Tigris
Tigris
in his rear, continued to hold out against repeated Roman assaults. He was personally present at the siege , and it is possible that he suffered a heat stroke while in the blazing heat.

Shortly afterwards, the Jews inside the Eastern Roman Empire, in Egypt, Cyprus and Cyrene – this last province being probably the original trouble hotspot – rose up in what probably was an outburst of religious rebellion against the local pagans, this widespread rebellion being afterwards named the Kitos War . Another rebellion flared up among the Jewish communities of Northern Mesopotamia, probably part of a general reaction against Roman occupation. Trajan was forced to withdraw his army in order to put down the revolts. He saw this withdrawal as simply a temporary setback, but he was destined never to command an army in the field again, turning his Eastern armies over to Lusius Quietus, who meanwhile (early 117) had been made governor of Judaea and might have had to deal earlier with some kind of Jewish unrest in the province. Quietus discharged his commissions successfully, so much that the war was afterward named after him – _Kitus_ being a corruption of _Quietus_. If the Kitos War theater included Judea proper, or only the Jewish Eastern diaspora, remains doubtful in the absence of clear epigraphic and archaeological evidence. What is certain is that there was an increased Roman military presence in Judea at the time

Quietus was promised a consulate in the following year (118) for his victories, but he was killed before this could occur, during the bloody purge that opened Hadrian\'s reign, in which Quietus and three other former consuls were sentenced to death after being tried on a vague charge of conspiracy by the (secret) court of the Praetorian Prefect Attianus . It has been theorized that Quietus and his colleagues were executed on Hadrian's direct orders, for fear of their popular standing with the army and their close connections to Trajan.

In contrast, the next prominent Roman figure in charge of the repression of the Jewish revolt, the equestrian Quintus Marcius Turbo , who had dealt with the rebel leader from Cyrene, Loukuas, retained Hadrian's trust, eventually becoming his Praetorian Prefect . Apparently, Hadrian
Hadrian
could not allow the continued existence alongside him of a group of independent-minded senatorial generals inherited from his predecessor. As all four consulars were senators of the highest standing and as such generally regarded as able to take imperial power (_capaces imperii_), Hadrian
Hadrian
seems to have decided on a preemptive strike against these prospective rivals.

DEATH AND SUCCESSION

The Alcántara Bridge , widely hailed as a masterpiece of Roman engineering Statue of Trajan at Tower Hill , London

Early in 117, Trajan
Trajan
grew ill and set out to sail back to Italy. His health declined throughout the spring and summer of 117, something publicly acknowledged by the fact that a bronze bust displayed at the time in the public baths of Ancyra showed him clearly aged and emaciated. After reaching Selinus (modern Gazipasa ) in Cilicia , which was afterwards called _Trajanopolis_, he suddenly died from edema on August 8. Some say that Trajan
Trajan
had adopted Hadrian
Hadrian
as his successor, but others that it was his wife Pompeia Plotina who assured the succession to Hadrian
Hadrian
by keeping his death secret and afterwards hiring someone to impersonate Trajan
Trajan
by speaking with a tired voice behind a curtain, well after Trajan
Trajan
had died. Dio, who tells this narrative, offers his father – the then governor of Cilicia Apronianus – as a source, and therefore his narrative is possibly grounded on contemporary rumor. It may also originate in Roman displeasure at an empress meddling in political affairs. He had reigned for 19 years, longer than anyone since Tiberius
Tiberius
, which would be broken by Hadrian.

Hadrian
Hadrian
held an ambiguous position during Trajan's reign. After commanding Legio I Minervia during the Dacian Wars, he had been relieved from front-line duties at the decisive stage of the Second Dacian War, being sent to govern the newly created province of Pannonia Inferior . He had pursued a senatorial career without particular distinction and had not been officially adopted by Trajan (although he received from him decorations and other marks of distinction that made him hope for the succession). He received no post after his 108 consulate, and no further honours other than being made Archon eponymos for Athens
Athens
in 111/112. He probably did not take part in the Parthian War. Literary sources relate that Trajan
Trajan
had considered others, such as the jurist Lucius Neratius Priscus , as heir. However, Hadrian, who was eventually entrusted with the governorship of Syria at the time of Trajan's death, was Trajan's cousin and was married to Trajan's grandniece, which all made him as good as heir designate. In addition Hadrian
Hadrian
was born in Hispania
Hispania
and seems to have been well connected with the powerful group of Spanish senators influential at Trajan's court through his ties to Plotina and the Prefect Attianus. The fact that during Hadrian's reign he did not pursue Trajan's senatorial policy may account for the "crass hostility" shown him by literary sources.

Aware that the Parthian campaign was an enormous setback, and that it revealed that the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
had no means for an ambitious program of conquests, Hadrian's first act as emperor was to abandon – outwardly out of his own free will – the distant and indefensible Mesopotamia and to restore Armenia, as well as Osrhoene, to the Parthian hegemony under Roman suzerainty. However, all the other territories conquered by Trajan
Trajan
were retained. Roman friendship ties with Charax (also known by the name of Mesene) were also retained (although it is debated whether this had to do more with trade concessions than with common Roman policy of exploiting dissensions amid the Empire's neighbors). Trajan's ashes were laid to rest underneath Trajan's column, the monument commemorating his success.

BUILDING ACTIVITIES

Trajan
Trajan
was a prolific builder in Rome
Rome
and the provinces, and many of his buildings were erected by the gifted architect Apollodorus of Damascus. Notable structures include the Baths of Trajan , Trajan\'s Forum , Trajan\'s Column , Trajan\'s Bridge , Alcántara Bridge , the road and canal around the Iron Gates (see conquest of Dacia
Dacia
), and possibly the Alconétar Bridge . Some historians also attribute the construction of the Babylon
Babylon
fortress in Egypt to Trajan; the remains of the fort is what is now known as the Church of Mar Girgis and its surrounding buildings. In order to build his forum and the adjacent brick market that also held his name Trajan
Trajan
had vast areas of the surrounding hillsides leveled.

TRAJAN\'S LEGACY

Unlike many lauded rulers in history, Trajan's reputation has survived undiminished for nearly nineteen centuries. Ancient sources on Trajan's personality and accomplishments are unanimously positive. Pliny the Younger, for example, celebrates Trajan
Trajan
in his panegyric as a wise and just emperor and a moral man. Cassius Dio added that he always remained dignified and fair. A Third Century Emperor, Decius, even received from the Senate the name Trajan
Trajan
as a decoration. After the setbacks of the third century , Trajan, together with Augustus, became in the Later Roman Empire
Roman Empire
the paragon of the most positive traits of the Imperial order. At the inauguration of later Roman Emperors, the Senate would say the phrase _Felicior Augusto, melior Traiano _ (""be more fortunate than Augustus
Augustus
better than Trajan"). The Christianisation of Rome
Rome
resulted in further embellishment of his legend: it was commonly said in medieval times that Pope Gregory I , through divine intercession, resurrected Trajan
Trajan
from the dead and baptized him into the Christian
Christian
faith. An account of this features in the Golden Legend .

Some theologians such as Thomas Aquinas discussed Trajan
Trajan
as an example of a virtuous pagan. In the _ Divine Comedy
Divine Comedy
_, Dante
Dante
, following this legend, sees the spirit of Trajan
Trajan
in the Heaven of Jupiter with other historical and mythological persons noted for their justice. Also, a mural of Trajan
Trajan
stopping to provide justice for a poor widow is present in the first terrace of Purgatory as a lesson to those who are purged for being proud.

I noticed that the inner bank of the curve...

Was of white marble, and so decorated With carvings that not only Polycletus But nature herself would there be put to shame...

There was recorded the high glory Of that ruler of Rome
Rome
whose worth Moved Gregory to his great victory;

I mean by this the Emperor Trajan; And at his bridle a poor widow Whose attitude bespoke tears and grief...

The wretched woman, in the midst of all this, Seemed to be saying: 'Lord, avenge my son, Who is dead, so that my heart is broken...'

So he said: 'Now be comforted, for I must Carry out my duty before I go on: Justice requires it and pity holds me back.'

_Dante, The Divine Comedy, Purgatorio X, ll. 32 f. and 73 f._

He also features in _ Piers Plowman _. An episode referred to as the justice of Trajan
Trajan
was reflected in several art works.

In the 18th-century King Charles III of Spain
Spain
commissioned Anton Raphael Mengs to paint _The Triumph of Trajan_ on the ceiling of the banquet hall of the Royal Palace of Madrid – considered among the best works of this artist.

It was only during the Enlightenment that this legacy began to be contested, when Edward Gibbon expressed doubts about the militarized character of Trajan's reign in contrast to the "moderate" practices of his immediate successors. Mommsen adopted a divided stance towards Trajan, at some point of his posthumously published lectures even speaking about his "vainglory" (_Scheinglorie_). Mommsen also speaks of Trajan's "insatiable, unlimited lust for conquest". Although Mommsen had no liking for Trajan's successor Hadrian
Hadrian
– "a repellent manner, and a venomous, envious and malicious nature" – he admitted that Hadrian, in renouncing to Trajan's conquests, was "doing what the situation clearly required".

It was exactly this military character of Trajan's reign that attracted his early twentieth century biographer, the Italian Fascist historian Roberto Paribeni, who in his 1927 two volume biography _Optimus Princeps_ described Trajan's reign as the acme of the Roman principate, which he saw as Italy's patrimony. Following in Paribeni's footsteps, the German historian Alfred Heuss saw in Trajan "the accomplished human embodiment of the imperial title" (_die ideale Verkörperung des humanen Kaiserbegriffs_). Trajan's first English-language biography by Julian Bennett is also a positive one in that it assumes that Trajan
Trajan
was an active policy-maker concerned with the management of the empire as a whole – something his reviewer Lendon considers an anachronistic outlook that sees in the Roman emperor a kind of modern administrator.

During the 1980s, the Romanian historian Eugen Cizek took a more nuanced view as he described the changes in the _personal_ ideology of Trajan's reign, stressing the fact that it became ever more autocratic and militarized, especially after 112 and towards the Parthian War (as "only an universal monarch, a _kosmocrator_, could dictate his law to the East"). The biography by the German historian Karl Strobel stresses the continuity between Domitian's and Trajan's reigns, saying that Trajan's rule followed the same autocratic and sacred character of Domitian's, culminating in a failed Parthian adventure intended as the crown of his personal achievement. It is in modern French historiography that Trajan's reputation becomes most markedly deflated: Paul Petit writes about Trajan's portraits as a "lowbrow boor with a taste for booze and boys". For Paul Veyne, what is to be retained from Trajan's "stylish" qualities was that he was the last Roman emperor
Roman emperor
to think of the empire as a purely Italian and Rome-centered hegemony of conquest. In contrast, his successor Hadrian would stress the notion of the empire as ecumenical and of the Emperor as universal benefactor and not _kosmocrator_.

NOTES

* ^ Trajan's regal name had an equivalent English meaning of "Commander Caesar Nerva
Nerva
Trajan, son of the Divine Nerva, the Emperor" * ^ Discourses on Livy , I, 10, 4 * ^ Nelson, Eric (2002). _Idiots guide to the Roman Empire_. Alpha Books. pp. 207–209. ISBN 0-02-864151-5 . * ^ Strobel 2010 , p. 14. * ^ Strobel 2010 , p. 15. * ^ Bennett 2001 , pp. xii/xiii PIR Vlpivs 575 * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 1–3. * ^ Arnold Blumberg, _Great Leaders, Great Tyrants? Contemporary Views of World Rulers who Made History_, 1995, Greenwood Publishing Group, p.315: " Trajan
Trajan
is frequently but misleadingly designated the first provincial emperor, because the Ulpii were from Baetica (southern Spain). The family, resident in Spain
Spain
for some time, originated in Italian Tuder, not far from the Flavian home of Reate. The emperor's father, M. Ulpius Traianus, was an early adherent of Vespasian
Vespasian
and perhaps the old family friend. This Trajan
Trajan
evidently married a Marcia (her name is inferred from that of their daughter Marciana) whose family owned brickyards in the vicinity of Ameria, near both Reate and Tuder. She was possibly an older sister of Marcia Furnilla, second wife of Vespasian's son Titus. Further, Ulpia, sister of the senior Trajan, was a grandmother of Hadrian. In other words, the emperor Trajan
Trajan
was succeeded in 117 by his cousin, member of another Italian family resident in Baetica." * ^ Strobel 2010 , p. 41. * ^ Goldsworthy, Adrian (2003). _In the name of Rome: The men who won the Roman Empire_. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. p. 320. * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 22–23. * ^ Garzetti 2014 , p. 378. * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 13. * ^ _A_ _B_ Augustan History, _Life of Hadrian_ 2.5–6 * ^ "Pompei Plotina". Britannica. Retrieved 26 January 2017. * ^ _A_ _B_ Bennett 2001 , p. 58. * ^ Robert H. Allen, _The Classical Origins of Modern Homophobia_. Jefferson: McFarland, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7864-2349-1 , page 131 * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 43. * ^ _A_ _B_ Bennett 2001 , p. 45–46. * ^ Alston 2014 , p. 261. * ^ Jason König, Tim Whitmarsh, eds., _Ordering Knowledge in the Roman Empire_. Cambridge University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-521-85969-1 , page 180 * ^ Grainger 2004 , p. 91 & 109. * ^ Garrett G. Fagan, _Bathing in Public in the Roman World_. University of Michigan Press, 2002, ISBN 0-472-08865-3 , pages 113/114 * ^ Veyne 1976 , p. page 686-note 399. * ^ Stephen L. Dyson, _Rome: A Living Portrait of an Ancient City_. Baltimore: JHU Press,2010,ISBN 978-0-8018-9253-0 , page 338 * ^ Barbara M. Levick, _Faustina I and II: Imperial Women of the Golden Age_.Oxford University Press, 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-537941-9 , page 42 * ^ Eugen Cizek, "Tacite face à Trajan", available at , pages 127/128. Retrieved July 20, 2014 * ^ Grainger 2004 , p. 111. * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 52. * ^ Alston 2014 , p. 262. * ^ Alston 2014 , p. 200 & 206. * ^ Rees 2012 , p. 198. * ^ Peter V. Jones, Keith C. Sidwell, eds., _The World of Rome: An Introduction to Roman Culture_. Cambridge University Press, 1997, ISBN 0-521-38421-4 , page 254 and 231 * ^ Jones 2002 , p. 178. * ^ Anastasia Serghidou, _Fear of slaves, fear of enslavement in the ancient Mediterranean_. Presses Univ. Franche-Comté, 2007, ISBN 978-2-84867-169-7 , page 314 * ^ Sam Wilkinson, _Republicanism during the Early Roman Empire_. New York: Continuum, 2012, ISBN 978-1-4411-2052-6 , page 131 * ^ Rees 2012 , p. 121. * ^ Veyne 2005 , p. 402. * ^ _Letters_ III, 20, 12, * ^ Veyne 2005 , p. 38, footnote. * ^ Kathleen Kuiper, ed., _Ancient Rome: From Romulus and Remus to the Visigoth Invasion_. New York: Rosen Publishing Group, 2010, ISBN 978-1-61530-207-9 , page 128 * ^ M.S. Gsell, "Étude sur le rôle politique du Sénat Romain à l'époque de Trajan", _Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire_, 1887, V.7.7, available at . Accessed January 20, 2015 * ^ Veyne 2005 , p. 37. * ^ Ryan K. Balot, ed., _A Companion to Greek and Roman Political Thought_.John Wiley & Sons, 2012, * ^ Roger Rees, ed., _Latin Panegyric_, Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-957671-5 , page 137 * ^ Carlos F. Noreña, "The Ethics of Autocracy in the Roman World". IN Ryan K. Balot, ed., _A Companion to Greek and Roman Political Thought_. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4051-5143-6 , page 277 * ^ Bernard W. Henderson, "Five Roman Emperors" (1927). * ^ F. A. Lepper, "Trajan's Parthian War" (1948). * ^ Edward Togo Salmon,_A History of the Roman World from 30 B.C. to A.D. 138_. London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-04504-5 , page 274 * ^ Elizabeth Forbis, _Municipal Virtues in the Roman Empire: The Evidence of Italian Honorary Inscriptions_. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1996, ISBN 3-519-07628-4 , pages 23/24 * ^ Christopher J. Fuhrmann, _Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order_.Oxford University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-973784-0 , page 175 * ^ Veyne 2005 , p. 241. * ^ Joshua Rice, _Paul and Patronage: The Dynamics of Power in 1 Corinthians_. Eugene, OR: Wipf de Gruyter, 1980, ISBN 3-11-008015-X , pp. 668–669 * ^ Paul Veyne, "L'identité grecque devant Rome
Rome
et l'empereur", _Revue des Études Grecques_, 1999, V.122-2, page 515. Available at . Retrieved December 20, 2014 * ^ Jesper Majbom Madsen, Roger David Rees, eds. _Roman rule in Greek and Latin Writing: Double Vision_. Leiden: Brill, 2014, ISBN 978-90-04-27738-0 , p. 36 * ^ Quoted by Hooper, _Roman Realities_, 429 * ^ JC Carrière ,"À propos de _la Politique_ de Plutarque " – _Dialogues d'histoire ancienne_, V.3, no.3, 1977. Available at Retrieved December 13, 2014 * ^ Fergus Millar, _Rome, the Greek World, and the East: Government, society, and culture in the Roman Empire_. Univ of North Carolina Press, 2004, ISBN 0-8078-2852-1 , page 31 * ^ Jesper Majbom Madsen, _Eager to be Roman: Greek Response to Roman Rule in Pontus and Bithynia_. London: Bloombury, 2009, ISBN 978-0-7156-3753-1 , page 116 * ^ Simon Swain, ed., _Dio Chrysostom: Politics, Letters, and Philosophy_. Oxford University Press, 2002, ISBN 0-19-925521-0 , p. 68 * ^ Paraskevi Martzavou, Nikolaos Papazarkadas, eds., _Epigraphical Approaches to the Post-Classical Polis: Fourth Century BC to Second Century AD_ . Oxford University Press, 2013, ISBN 978-0-19-965214-3 , p. 115 * ^ Temporini Leonard L. Thompson, _The Book of Revelation_, Oxford University Press, 1997, ISBN 0-19-511580-5 , p. 112. * ^ Lukas De Blois, ed., _The Statesman in Plutarch's Works: Proceedings of the Sixth International Congerence of the International Plutarch Society Nijmegen/Castle Hernen, May 1–5, 2002_. Leiden: Brill, 2004, ISBN 90-04-13795-5 , page 28. * ^ Giuseppe Zecchini, " Plutarch as Political Theorist and Trajan" _in_ Philip A. Stadter, L. Van der Stockt, eds.,_Sage and Emperor: Plutarch, Greek Intellectuals, and Roman Power in the Time of Trajan (98–117 A.D.)_. Leuven University Press, 2002, ISBN 90-5867-239-5 , page 196 * ^ Benjamin Isaac, _The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity_. Princeton University Press, 2013, ISBN 0-691-11691-1 , page 399 * ^ Benjamin Isaac, 487; Albino Garzetti, _From Tiberius
Tiberius
to the Antonines_, 348 * ^ Veyne 2005 , p. 240. * ^ Simon Swain, _Hellenism and Empire: Language, Classicism, and Power in the Greek World, AD 50-250_. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996, ISBN 0-19-814772-4 , page 237 * ^ Thérèse Renoirte (Sœur), _Les "Conseils politiques" de Plutarque. Une lettre ouverte aux Grecs à l'époque de Trajan_. Review by Robert Flacelière, _L'antiquité classique_, 1952, available at . Retrieved December 12, 2014 * ^ E. Guerber, "Les correctores dans la partie hellénophone de l'empire Romain du règne de Trajan
Trajan
à l'avènement de Dioclétien : étude prosopographique" _Anatolia Antiqua_, V.5, no. 5, 1997; available at . Retrieved December 12, 2014 * ^ Brian Jones, _The Emperor Domitian_, Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-203-03625-5 , p. 171 * ^ Brian Jones, _The Emperor Domitian_, 172; Petit, _Pax Romana_, 52; Martin Goodman, _The Roman World 44 BC–AD 180_. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 978-0-415-55978-2 , page 120 * ^ Pergamum inscription (Smallwood NH 214), reproduced in Brian Campbell, _The Roman Army, 31 BC – AD 337: A Sourcebook_. London: Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-07172-0 , page 63 * ^ Junghwa Choi, _Jewish Leadership in Roman Palestine from 70 C.E. to 135 C.E._ . Leiden: Brill, 2013, ISBN 978-90-04-24516-7 , page 162 * ^ Pierre Lambrechts, " Trajan
Trajan
et le récrutement du Sénat", _L'antiquité classique_, 1936, 5-1, pages 105–114. Available at . Retrieved January 4, 2015 * ^ Stanley E. Hoffer, _The Anxieties of Pliny, the Younger_. Oxford University Press, 1999, ISBN 0-7885-0565-3 , page 121 * ^ de Ste. Croix 1989 , p. 119. * ^ de Ste. Croix 1989 , p. 466. * ^ Hildegard Temporini, ed., _Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der Neueren Forschung. Principat, Part 2, Volume 2_ .Leiden: De Gruyter, 1975, ISBN 3-11-004971-6 , pages 367/368 * ^ K. W. Arafat, _Pausanias' Greece: Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers_. Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 0-521-55340-7 , page 192 * ^ "De Imperatoribus Romanis". _An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors_. Retrieved July 21, 2007. Battle of Sarmizegetusa (Sarmizegetuza), A.D. 105. During Trajan's reign one of the most important Roman successes was the victory over the Dacians. The first important confrontation between the Romans and the Dacians
Dacians
had taken place in the year 87 and was initiated by Domitian. The praetorian prefect Cornelius Fuscus led five or six legions across the Danube
Danube
on a bridge of ships and advanced towards Banat (in Romania
Romania
). The Romans were surprised by a Dacian attack at Tapae (near the village of Bucova , in Romania). Legion V Alaude was crushed and Cornelius Fuscus was killed. The victorious Dacian general was called Decebalus (the brave one). * ^ Schmitz 2005 , p. 9. * ^ Marcel Emerit. "Les derniers travaux des historiens roumains sur la Dacie". In: _Revue des Études Anciennes_. Tome 41, 1939, n°1. pp. 57–64. available at . Retrieved February 23, 2016 * ^ Luttwak 1979 , p. 100. * ^ Schmitz 2005 , p. 13. * ^ "De Imperatoribus Romanis". _An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors_. Retrieved November 8, 2007. Because the Dacians
Dacians
represented an obstacle against Roman expansion in the east, in the year 101 the emperor Trajan
Trajan
decided to begin a new campaign against them. The first war began on 25 March 101 and the Roman troops, consisting of four principal legions (X Gemina, XI Claudia, II Traiana Fortis, and XXX Ulpia Victrix), defeated the Dacians. * ^ _A_ _B_ Le Roux 1998 , p. 73. * ^ "Battle of Sarmizegetusa (Sarmizegetuza), A.D. 105: De Imperatoribus Romanis". _An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors_. Retrieved November 8, 2007. Although the Dacians
Dacians
had been defeated, the emperor postponed the final siege for the conquering of Sarmizegetuza because his armies needed reorganization. Trajan
Trajan
imposed on the Dacians
Dacians
very hard peace conditions: Decebalus had to renounce claim to part of his kingdom, including the Banat, Tara Hategului, Oltenia, and Muntenia in the area south-west of Transylvania. He had also to surrender all the Roman deserters and all his war machines. At Rome, Trajan
Trajan
was received as a winner and he took the name of Dacicus, a title that appears on his coinage of this period. At the beginning of the year 103 A.D., there were minted coins with the inscription: IMP NERVA TRAIANVS AVG GER DACICVS. * ^ José Maria Blázquez, _Las res gestae de Trajano militar: las guerras dácicas_. _Aquila Legionis_, 6 (2005) 19 * ^ Ioan Glodariu, _LA ZONE DE SARMIZEGETUSA REGIA ET LES GUERRES DE TRAJAN_. _Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica_, VII, Iasi, 2000. Available at VII, Iasi,2000).pdf.Retrieved July 2, 2014 * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 94–95. * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 96. * ^ _A_ _B_ Christol & Nony, 171 * ^ _A_ _B_ Dando-Collins 2012 , p. not numbered. * ^ "Battle of Sarmizegetusa (Sarmizegetuza), A.D. 105: De Imperatoribus Romanis". _An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors_. Retrieved November 8, 2007. However, during the years 103–105, Decebalus did not respect the peace conditions imposed by Trajan
Trajan
and the emperor then decided to destroy completely the Dacian kingdom and to conquer Sarmizegetuza. * ^ In the absence of literary references, however, the positioning of the new legions is conjectural: some scholars think that Legio II Traiana Fortis was originally stationed on the Lower Danube
Danube
and participated in the Second Dacian War, being only later deployed to the East:cf. Ritterling, E., 1925. RE XII. Col. 1485. Syme, R., 1971. _Danubian Papers_, Bucharest. Page 106. Strobel, K., 1984. "Untersuchungen zu den Dakerkriegen Trajans. Studien zur Geschichte des mittleren und unteren Donauraumes in der Hohen Kaiserzeit", _Antiquitas_ I 33. Bonn. Page 98. Strobel, K., 2010. _Kaiser Traian. Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte_, Verlag Friedrich Pustet. Regensburg. Page 254–255, 265, 299, 364. Urloiu, R-L., AGAIN ON LEGIO II TRAIANA FORTIS,. _History and Civilization_. EUBSR 2013 International Conference, Volume 2. * ^ Mattern 1999 , p. 93. * ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ Le Roux 1998 , p. 74. * ^ N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, _Exploratio: Military & Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople_. London: Routledge, 2002, page 177 * ^ Wiseman, James 1997 "Beyond the Danube's Iron Gates." _Archaeology_ 50(2): 24–9. * ^ Šašel, Jaroslav. 1973 "Trajan's Canal at the Iron Gate." _The Journal of Roman Studies_. 63:80–85. * ^ Their military function fulfilled, most of them fell into disrepair or were wrecked on purpose after Trajan's reign: cf. Alan Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Averil Cameron, eds., _The Cambridge Ancient History: Volume 12, The Crisis of Empire, AD 193–337_,2005, ISBN 0-521-30199-8 , page 238 * ^ Găzdac 2010 , p. 49. * ^ Anton J. L. van Hooff, _From Autothanasia to Suicide: Self-killing in Classical Antiquity_. London: Routledge, 2002, ISBN 0-415-04055-8 , page 277, note 41 * ^ Harriet I. Flower, _The Art of Forgetting: Disgrace & Oblivion in Roman Political Culture_.University of North Carolina Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0-8078-3063-5 , page 253 * ^ Martin Goodman, _The Roman World 44 BC–AD 180_, 253 * ^ Jennifer Trimble, _Women and Visual Replication in Roman Imperial Art and Culture_. Cambridge U. Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0-521-82515-3 , page 288 * ^ Ioana A. Oltean, _Dacia: Landscape, Colonization and Romanization_. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007, ISBN 0-203-94583-2 , page 222 * ^ Le Roux 1998 , p. 268. * ^ Carbó García, Juan Ramón. " _ Dacia
Dacia
Capta_: particularidades de un proceso de conquista y romanización." _Habis_, 41, 275-292 (2010). * ^ Meléndez, Javier Bermejo, Santiago Robles Esparcia, and Juan M. Campos Carrasco. "Trajano fundador. El último impulso colonizador del imperio." _Onoba. Revista de Arqueología y Antigüedad_ 1 (2013). * ^ _A_ _B_ Sartre 1994 , p. 269. * ^ _A_ _B_ Luttwak 1979 , p. 101 & 104. * ^ Luttwak 1979 , p. 101. * ^ Mattern 1999 , p. 61. * ^ Frank Vermeulen, Kathy Sas, Wouter Dhaeze, eds. _Archaeology in Confrontation: Aspects of Roman Military Presence in the Northwest : Studies in Honour of Prof. Em. Hugo Thoen_. Ghent: Academia Press, 2004, ISBN 90-382-0578-3 , page 218 * ^ Luttwak 1979 , p. 104. * ^ Moses I. Finley, ed., _Classical Slavery_, London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 0-7146-3320-8 , page 122 * ^ Le Roux 1998 , p. 241. * ^ Le Roux 1998 , p. 202 Paul du Plessis, _Studying Roman Law_. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2014, page 82 * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 102 ">"". Tulane.edu. Retrieved December 5, 2011. * ^ Petit 1976 , p. 188. * ^ "Alimenta". Tjbuggey.ancients.info. Retrieved April 25, 2014. * ^ John Rich, Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, eds., _City and Country in the Ancient World_. London: Routledge, 2003, ISBN 0-203-41870-0 , page 158 * ^ Judith Evans Grubbs, Tim Parkin, eds., _The Oxford Handbook of Childhood and Education in the Classical World_, Oxford University Press, 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-978154-6 , page 344 * ^ _A_ _B_ Veyne 1976 , p. 654. * ^ Veyne 1976 , p. 769. * ^ José María Blanch Nougués, _Régimen jurídico de las fundaciones en derecho romano_. Madrid: Dykinson, 2007, ISBN 978-84-9772-985-7 , page 151 * ^ Petit 1976 , p. 76. * ^ Finley 1999 , p. 119. * ^ Finley 1999 , p. 40. * ^ Richard Duncan-Jones, _The Economy of the Roman Empire: Quantitative Studies_. Cambridge University Press: 1982, ISBN 0-521-24970-8 , page 297 * ^ Finley 1999 , p. 201–203. * ^ Luuk de Ligt, S. J. Northwood, eds., _People, Land, and Politics: Demographic Developments and the Transformation of Roman Italy
Italy
300 BC–AD 14_, Leiden: Brill, 2008, ISBN 978-90-04-17118-3 , page 95 * ^ Julián González, ed. _Trajano Emperador De Roma: Atti Del Congresso. Siviglia 1998, 14–17 Settembre_. Rome
Rome
: L'ERMA di BRETSCHNEIDER, 2000, ISBN 88-8265-111-8 , page 297 * ^ Susan R. Holman, _The Hungry Are Dying : Beggars and Bishops in Roman Cappadocia_. Oxford University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-19-513912-7 , page 117 * ^ Duncan-Jones, 298/299 * ^ Finley 1999 , p. 203. * ^ Finley 1999 , p. 39. * ^ Suzanne Dixon , ed., _Childhood, Class and Kin in the Roman World_. London: Routledge, 2005, ISBN 0-415-23578-2 , page 26 * ^ Pat Southern, _The Roman Empire
Roman Empire
from Severus to Constantine_. London: Routledge, 2015, ISBN 978-0-415-73807-1 , page 181 * ^ Bennett, J. _Trajan: Optimus Princeps_. 1997. Fig. 1 * ^ Brian Campbell, "War and Diplomacy: Rome
Rome
& Parthia 31 BC - AD 235". IN John Rich, Graham Shipley, eds._War and Society in the Roman World_. London: Routledge, 1993, ISBN 0-203-07554-4 , page 234 * ^ R. P. Longden, "Notes on the Parthian Campaigns of Trajan". The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 21 (1931), pp. 1–35. Available at . Retrieved November 15, 2014 * ^ Sidebotham 1986 , p. 154. * ^ Christol "> Retrieved March 17, 2017 * ^ Des Boscs-Plateaux 2005 , p. 304 & 311. * ^ Dexter Hoyos, ed., _A Companion to Roman Imperialism_. Leiden: Brill, 2012, ISBN 978-90-04-23593-9 , page 262 * ^ Luttwak 1979 , p. 108. * ^ David Kennedy & Derrick Riley, _Rome's Desert Frontiers_ . London: B.T. Datsford Limited, 2004, ISBN 0-7134-6262-0 , pages 31/32 * ^ Fergus Millar, _The Roman Near East, 31 B.C. – A.D. 337_. Harvard University Press, 1993, ISBN 0-674-77886-3 , page 103 * ^ M.Christol & D. Nony, _ Rome
Rome
et son Empire_. Paris: Hachette, 2003, ISBN 2-01-145542-1 , page 171 * ^ John Rich, Graham Shipley, eds., _War and Society in the Roman World_. London: Routledge, 1993, ISBN 0-415-06644-1 , page 235 * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 194–195. * ^ Hermann Bengtson, _Römische Geschichte: Republik und Kaiserzeit bis 284 n. Chr_. Munich: Beck, 2001, ISBN 3-406-02505-6 , page 289 * ^ Alfred S. Bradford, _With Arrow, Sword, and Spear: A History of Warfare in the Ancient World_. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2001, ISBN 0-275-95259-2 , page 232 * ^ Choisnel 2004 , p. 164. * ^ S.J. De Laet, review of Lepper, _Trajan's Parthian War_. _L'Antiquité Classique_, 18-2, 1949, pages 487–489 * ^ Richard Stoneman, _ Palmyra
Palmyra
and Its Empire: Zenobia's Revolt Against Rome_. Ann Arbor: 1994, University of Michigan Press, ISBN 0-472-08315-5 , page 89 * ^ Sheldon, Rose Mary (2010). _Rome's Wars in Parthia: Blood in the Sand_. London: Vallentine Mitchell. p. 133. * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 195. * ^ Maurice Sartre , _The Middle East Under Rome_. Harvard University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-674-01683-1 , page 146. According to Cassius Dio, the deal between Trajan
Trajan
and Abgaros was sealed by the king's son offering himself as Trajan's paramour—Bennett, 199 * ^ _A_ _B_ Bennett 2001 , p. 199. * ^ Bennett, Trajan, 196; Christol Chris S. Lightfood ("Trajan's Parthian War and the Fourth-Century Perspective", _Journal of Roman Studies_ 80, 1990, pages 115–126), doubts the actual existence of the province; Maria G. Angeli Bertinelli ("I Romani oltre l'Eufrate nel II secolo d. C. - le provincie di Assiria, di Mesopotamia e di Osroene", In _Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt_, Bd. 9.1, Berlin 1976, pages 3/45) puts Assyria between Mesopotamia and Adiabene; Lepper (1948, page 146) considers Assyria and Adiabene to be the same province. * ^ _A_ _B_ Luttwak 1979 , p. 110. * ^ Janos Harmatta and others, eds., _History of Civilizations of Central Asia: The development of sedentary and nomadic civilizations, 700 B.C. to A.D. 250_. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 1999, ISBN 81-208-1408-8 , page 135 * ^ Pirouz Mojtahed-Zadeh, _Security and Territoriality in the Persian Gulf: A Maritime Political Geography_, London: Routledge, 2013, ISBN 0-7007-1098-1 , page 120 * ^ Choisnel 2004 , p. 164/165. * ^ Axel Kristinsson, _Expansions: Competition and Conquest in Europe Since the Bronze Age_. Reykjavík: ReykjavíkurAkademían, 2010, ISBN 978-9979-9922-1-9 , page 129 * ^ Bennett, Trajan, 199 * ^ Kaveh Farrokh, _Shadows in the Desert: Ancient Persia at War_. Oxford: Osprey, 2007, ISBN 978-1-84603-108-3 , page 162 * ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ _D_ Bennett 2001 , p. 200. * ^ _The Cambridge Ancient History: The Imperial peace, A.D. 70-192_, 1965 ed., page 249 * ^ Julián González, ed., _Trajano Emperador De Roma_, 216 * ^ The last two were made consuls (_suffecti_) for the year 117 * ^ González, 216 * ^ E. Yarshater, ed., _The Cambridge History of Iran_, Volume 3(1). Cambridge University Press, 1983, ISBN 0-521-20092-X , page 91 * ^ Mommsen 1999 , p. 289. * ^ _A_ _B_ Bennett 2001 , p. 203. * ^ James J. Bloom, _The Jewish Revolts Against Rome, A.D. 66–135: A Military Analysis_. McFarland, 2010, page 191 * ^ Bloom, 194 * ^ A precise description of events in Judea at the time being impossible, due to the non-historical character of the Jewish (rabbinic) sources, and the silence of the non-Jewish ones: William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz, eds., _The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman–Rabbinic Period_.Cambridge U. Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0-521-77248-8 , page 100 * ^ Bloom, 190 * ^ Christer Bruun, "the Spurious 'Expeditio Ivdaeae' under Trajan". _Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik_ 93 (1992) 99–106 * ^ He was already consul _in absentia_: Tanja Gawlich, _Der Aufstand der jüdischen Diaspora unter Traian_. GRIN Verlag, 2007, ISBN 978-3-640-32753-9 , page 11 * ^ Margret Fell, ed., _Erziehung, Bildung, Recht_. Berlim: Dunker & Hunblot, 1994, ISBN 3-428-08069-6 , page 448 * ^ Histoire des Juifs, Troisième période, I – Chapitre III – Soulèvement des Judéens sous Trajan
Trajan
et Adrien * ^ Bloom, 195/196 * ^ Hoyos, _A Companion to Roman Imperialism_, 325 * ^ Gabriele Marasco, ed., _Political Autobiographies and Memoirs in Antiquity: A Brill Companion_. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-18299-8 , page 377 * ^ Bennett 2001 , p. 201. * ^ Francesca Santoro L'Hoir, _Tragedy, Rhetoric, and the Historiography of Tacitus' Annales_.University of Michigan Press, 2006, ISBN 0-472-11519-7 , page 263 * ^ Birley 2013 , p. 52. * ^ Birley 2013 , p. 50 & 52. * ^ Des Boscs-Plateaux 2005 , p. 306. * ^ Birley 2013 , p. 64. * ^ Birley 2013 , p. 50. * ^ Christopher S. Mackay, _Ancient Rome: A Military and Political History_. Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 0-521-80918-5 , page 229 * ^ Petit 1976 , p. 53. * ^ Des Boscs-Plateaux 2005 , p. 307. * ^ Garzetti 2014 , p. 379. * ^ According to _ Historia Augusta _, Hadrian
Hadrian
declared that he was following the precedent set by Cato the Elder towards the Macedonians, who "were to be set free because they could not be protected" – something Birley sees as an unconvincing precedent * ^ Birley 2013 , p. 78. * ^ Young 2001 , p. 132. * ^ D. S. Potter, _The Inscriptions on the Bronze Herakles from Mesene: Vologeses IV's War with Rome
Rome
and the Date of Tacitus' "Annales"_. _Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik_ Bd. 88, (1991), pp. 277–290 * ^ Butler, A. J. (1914). _ Babylon
Babylon
of Egypt: A study in the history of Old Cairo_. Oxford: Clarendon Press. p. 5. * ^ Dio Cassius, Epitome of Book 6; 21.2–3 * ^ Eric M. Thienes, "Remembering Trajan
Trajan
in Fourth-Century Rome: Memory and Identity in Spatial, Artistic, and Textual Narratives". Ph.D Thesis, University of Missouri, 2015, page 70. Available at . Retrieved March 28 2017 * ^ Karl Strobel, _Das Imperium Romanum im "3. Jahrhundert": Modell einer historischen Krise? Zur Frage mentaler Strukturen breiterer Bevölkerungsschichten in der Zeit von Marc Aurel bis zum Ausgang des 3. Jh.n.Chr_. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993, ISBN 3-515-05662-9 , page 319 * ^ Dante
Dante
1998, p. 593. David H. Higgins in his notes to Purgatorio X l. 75 says: "Pope Gregory the Great (d. 604) was held to have swayed the justice of God by prayer ('his great victory'), releasing Trajan's soul from Hell, who, resuscitated, was converted to Christianity. Dante
Dante
accepted this, as Aquinas before him, and places Trajan
Trajan
in Paradise (Paradiso XX.44-8)." * ^ Dante
Dante
1998, pp. 239-40 * ^ Robert Mankin, "Edward Gibbon: Historian in Space", _A Companion to Enlightenment Historiography_, Leiden: Brill, 2013, page 34 * ^ Mommsen 1999 , p. 488. * ^ _Römische Kaisergeschichte_. Munich: 1992, page 389. * ^ Mommsen 1999 , p. 290. * ^ A. G. G. Gibson, ed. _Robert Graves and the Classical Tradition_. Oxford University Press, 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-873805-3 , pages 257/258 * ^ Heuß, Alfred (1976). _Römische Geschichte_. 4. Braunschweig: Westermann. pp. 344ff. * ^ J.E. Lendon, "Three Emperors and the Roman Imperial Regime", _The Classical Journal_ 94 (1998) pp. 87–93 * ^ Richard Jean-Claude, "Eugen Cizek, _L'époque de Trajan. Circonstances politiques et problèmes idéologiques_ . _Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé_, Année 1985, Volume 44, Numéro 4 pp. 425–426. Available at . Retrieved December 13, 2015. * ^ Jens Gering, Rezension zu: Karl Strobel, Kaiser Traian – Eine Epoche der Weltgeschichte,_Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde_ 15 (2011), . Retrieved December 15, 2015. * ^ Petit, _Histoire Générale de L'Empire Romain, 1: Le Haut Empire (27 av. J.C.- 161 apr. J.C.)_. Paris: Seuil, 1974, ISBN 978-2-02-004969-6 , page 166 * ^ Veyne 1976 , p. 654/655.

REFERENCES AND FURTHER READING

* _Biography portal * History portal * Italy
Italy
portal * Spain
Spain
portal

* Alighieri, Dante
Dante
(1998) . The Divine Comedy_. Translated by Sisson, Charles H. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-283502-5 . * Alston, Richard (2014). _Aspects of Roman History 31BC-AD117_. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-61120-6 . * Ancel, R. Manning. "Soldiers." _ Military Heritage ._ December 2001. Volume 3, No. 3: 12, 14, 16, 20 (Trajan, Emperor of Rome). * Bennett, Julian (2001). _Trajan. Optimus Princeps_. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 0-253-21435-1 . * Birley, Anthony R. (2013). _Hadrian: The Restless Emperor_. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-16544-X . * (in French)Des Boscs-Plateaux, Françoise (2005). _Un parti hispanique à Rome?: ascension des élites hispaniques et pouvoir politique d'Auguste à Hadrien, 27 av. J.-C.-138 ap. J.-C_. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez. ISBN 84-95555-80-8 . * Bowersock, G.W. _Roman Arabia_, Harvard University Press, 1983 * (in French)Choisnel, Emmanuel (2004). _Les Parthes et la Route de la Soie_. Paris: L'Harmattan. ISBN 2-7475-7037-1 . * (in French)Christol, M.; Nony, N. (2003). _ Rome
Rome
et son Empire_. Paris: Hachette. ISBN 2-01-145542-1 . * (in French) Cizek, Eugen. _L'époque de Trajan: circonstances politiques et problèmes idéologiques_. Bucharest, Editura Științifică și Enciclopedică, 1983, ISBN 978-2-251-32852-2 * Dando-Collins, Stephen (2012). _Legions of Rome: The definitive history of every Roman legion_. London: Quercus. ISBN 978-1-84916-230-2 . * Edwell, Peter (2007). _Between Rome
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and Persia: The Middle Euphrates, Mesopotamia and Palmyra
Palmyra
Under Roman Control_. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0-203-93833-X . * Finley, M.I. (1999). _The Ancient Economy_. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21946-5 .

* Fuller, J.F.C. _A Military History of the Western World_. Three Volumes. New York: Da Capo Press, Inc., 1987 and 1988.

* v. 1. _From the late times to the Battle of Lepanto_; ISBN 0-306-80304-6 . 255, 266, 269, 270, 273 (Trajan, Roman Emperor).

* Garzetti, Albino (2014). _From Tiberius
Tiberius
to the Antonines: A History of the Roman Empire
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AD 14-192_. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-01920-1 . * Găzdac, Cristian (2010). _Monetary Circulation in Dacia
Dacia
and the Provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube
Danube
from Trajan
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to Constantine I (AD 106–337)_. Cluj-Napoca: Mega. ISBN 978-606-543-040-2 . * Grainger, John D. (2004). _ Nerva
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and the Roman Succession Crisis of AD 96–99_. Abingdon: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-34958-3 . * Isaac, B. _The Limits of Empire_, The Roman Army in the East, Revised Edition, Oxford University Press, 1990 ISBN 0-19-814891-7 OCLC 20091873 * Kennedy, D. _The Roman Army in Jordan_, Revised Edition, Council for British Research in the Levant, 2004. ISBN 0-9539102-1-0 OCLC 59267318 * Jones, Brian (2002). _The Emperor Domitian_. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-203-03625-5 . * Lepper, F.A. _Trajan's Parthian War_. London: Oxford University Press, 1948. OCLC
OCLC
2898605 Also available online. * Luttwak, Edward N. (1979). _The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third_. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-2158-4 . * Mattern, Susan P. (1999). _ Rome
Rome
and the Enemy: Imperial Strategy in the Principate_. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21166-9 . * Mommsen, Theodor (1999). _A History of Rome
Rome
Under the Emperors_. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-203-97908-7 . * (in French) Minaud, Gérard, _Les vies de 12 femmes d'empereur romain – Devoirs, Intrigues & Voluptés_ , Paris, L'Harmattan, 2012, ch. 6, _La vie de Plotine, femme de Trajan_, p. 147–168. ISBN 978-2-336-00291-0 . * Petit, Paul (1976). _Pax Romana_. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-02171-1 . * Rees, Roger (2012). _Latin Panegyric_. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-957671-5 . * (in French)Le Roux, Patrick (1998). _Le Haut-Empire Romain en Occident, d'Auguste aux Sévères_. Paris: Seuil. ISBN 2-02-025932-X .

* de Ste. Croix, G.E.M. (1989). _The Class Struggle in t