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State security forces

British Armed Forces Royal Ulster
Ulster
Constabulary

Irish Defence Forces Gardaí

Irish republican
Irish republican
paramilitaries

Provisional IRA Official IRA
Official IRA
(1969–1972) Irish National Liberation Army
Irish National Liberation Army
(INLA) (1974–1998) Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO) (1986–1992) Continuity IRA (1994–) Real IRA
Real IRA
(1997–)

Supported by:

Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (arms shipments)

Ulster
Ulster
loyalist paramilitaries

Ulster Volunteer Force
Ulster Volunteer Force
(UVF) Ulster Defence Association
Ulster Defence Association
(UDA) Red Hand Commando
Red Hand Commando
(RHC) Ulster Resistance
Ulster Resistance
(UR) (1986–1989) Loyalist Volunteer Force
Loyalist Volunteer Force
(LVF) (1996–1999)

Casualties and losses

British Army: 705  ∟(inc. UDR) RUC: 301 NIPS: 24 TA: 7 Other UK police: 6 Royal Air Force: 4 Royal Navy: 2 Total: 1,049[7]

Irish Army: 1 Gardaí: 9 IPS: 1 Total: 11[7] PIRA: 291 INLA: 39 OIRA: 27 IPLO: 9 RIRA: 2 Total: 368[7] UDA: 91 UVF: 62 RHC: 4 LVF: 3 UR: 2[8] Total: 162[7]

Civilians killed: 1,841[9] (or 1,935 inc. ex-combatants)[7] Total dead: 3,532[9] Total injured: 47,500+[10] All casualties: around 50,000[11]

v t e

The Troubles

Ireland 1960s

Battle of the Bogside/August 1969 riots

1970s

Battle of St Matthew's Falls Curfew 1970 Crossmaglen
Crossmaglen
bombing Scottish soldiers' killings Operation Demetrius Ballymurphy massacre Newry
Newry
killings McGurk's bombing Balmoral showroom bombing Bloody Sunday Abercorn bombing Donegall St bombing Battle at Springmartin Battle of Lenadoon Springhill massacre Bloody Friday Operation Motorman Claudy bombing Benny's bombing Belturbet bombing Dublin
Dublin
bombings New Lodge Six shooting "Captain Black" killings Coleraine bombings Rose & Crown Bar bombing Dublin- Monaghan
Monaghan
bombings Conway's Bar Mountainview Tavern Strand Bar Bombing Miami Showband killings Bayardo Bar Tullyvallen massacre Belfast
Belfast
& Coleraine attacks Drummuckavall ambush Dublin
Dublin
Airport bombing Dundalk & Silverbridge attacks Gilford bombing Reavey-O'Dowd killings Kingsmill massacre Castleblayney bombing Hillcrest Bar bombing Step Inn Pub Flagstaff incident Chlorane Bar Ramble Inn Jonesboro Gazelle downing La Mon bombing Crossmaglen
Crossmaglen
Ambush Bessbrook bombing Warrenpoint
Warrenpoint
ambush

1980s

Dunmurry train bombing Lough Foyle Bessbrook landmine attack Glasdrumman ambush Ballykelly bombing Ballygawley landmine attack Darkley killings Kesh ambush Gransha shootings Newry
Newry
mortar attack Killeen Landmine attack Ballygawley barracks The Birches barracks Clontibret invasion Loughgall
Loughgall
ambush Enniskillen
Enniskillen
bombing Milltown Cemetery Corporals killings Avenue Bar shooting Lisburn van bombing Ballygawley bus bombing Orange Cross Social Club shooting Jonesborough ambush Derryard checkpoint

1990s

Downpatrick bombing Derrygorry Gazelle shootdown Operation Conservation Fort Victoria 1990 proxy bombs Mullacreevie ambush Cappagh killings Drumbeg killings Glenanne barracks Coagh ambush Donegall Arms shooting Teebane bombing Sean Graham bookmakers Clonoe ambush Cloghoge checkpoint Coalisland
Coalisland
riots South Armagh
Armagh
sniper campaign James Murray's bookmakers IRA purge the IPLO Castlerock killings Cullaville
Cullaville
occupation Battle of Newry
Newry
Road Shankill bombing Greysteel massacre Crossmaglen
Crossmaglen
Lynx shootdown 1994 Shankill Road
Shankill Road
Killings Loughinisland
Loughinisland
massacre Connolly station bomb Drumcree crisis 1996 Killyhevlin Hotel bombing Thiepval barracks 1997 Coalisland
Coalisland
attack July 1997 riots Newtownhamilton bombing Omagh
Omagh
bombing

Great Britain 1970s

Aldershot bombing Old Bailey bombing King's Cross & Euston stations M62 coach bombing Parliament bombing Guildford bombings Brook's bombing Harrow School Woolwich pub bombing Birmingham
Birmingham
bombings Pillar box bombs Oxford Street bombing Caterham bombing London Hilton bombing Green Park bombing Scott's bombing Walton's bombing Balcombe St siege

1980s

Chelsea bombing Hyde & Regent's Park bombings Harrods bombing Woolwich barracks Brighton
Brighton
bombing Inglis barracks Deal barracks

1990s

Lichfield shooting Downing St attack Victoria & Paddington station bombings London Bridge bombing 1992 Manchester bombing Warrington bombings Bishopsgate bombing Heathrow mortar attacks Docklands bombing 1996 Manchester bombing

Mainland Europe

Rheindahlen bombing (Germany) Operation Flavius
Operation Flavius
(Gibraltar) 1988 Netherlands attacks Roermond killings (Netherlands) Osnabrück barracks (Germany)

The Troubles
The Troubles
(Irish: Na Trioblóidí) was an ethno-nationalist[12][13][14][15] conflict in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
during the late 20th century. Also known internationally as the Northern Ireland
Ireland
conflict,[16][17][18][19][20] it is sometimes described as a "guerrilla war" or a "low-level war".[21][22][23][24] The conflict began in the late 1960s and is usually deemed to have ended with the Good Friday Agreement
Good Friday Agreement
of 1998.[3][25][26][27][28] Although the Troubles primarily took place in Northern Ireland, at times the violence spilled over into parts of the Republic of Ireland, England, and mainland Europe. The conflict was primarily political and nationalistic, fuelled by historical events.[29] It also had an ethnic or sectarian dimension,[30] although it was not a religious conflict.[12][31] A key issue was the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Unionists/loyalists, who were mostly Protestants, wanted Northern Ireland
Ireland
to remain within the United Kingdom. Irish nationalists/republicans, who were mostly Catholics, wanted Northern Ireland
Ireland
to leave the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
and join a united Ireland. The conflict began during a campaign to end discrimination against the Catholic/nationalist minority by the Protestant/unionist government and police force.[32][33] The authorities attempted to suppress this protest campaign and were accused of police brutality; it was also met with violence from loyalists, who alleged it was a republican front. Increasing inter-communal violence, and conflict between nationalist youths and police, eventually led to riots in August 1969 and the deployment of British troops. Initially welcomed by Catholic civilians, the army gradually came to be seen as hostile.[34] The emergence of armed paramilitary organisations led to the subsequent warfare over the next three decades. The main participants in the Troubles were republican paramilitaries such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army
Provisional Irish Republican Army
(IRA) and the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA); loyalist paramilitaries such as the Ulster Volunteer Force
Ulster Volunteer Force
(UVF) and Ulster Defence Association
Ulster Defence Association
(UDA); British state security forces – the British Army
British Army
and Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC); and political activists and politicians. The security forces of the Republic played a smaller role. Republican paramilitaries carried out a guerrilla campaign against the British security forces, as well as a bombing campaign against infrastructure, commercial and political targets. Loyalists targeted republicans/nationalists, and attacked the wider Catholic community in what they claimed was retaliation. At times there were bouts of sectarian tit-for-tat violence. The British security forces undertook both a policing and a counter-insurgency role, primarily against republicans. There were some incidents of collusion between British security forces and loyalists, and between the Garda and the IRA. The Troubles also involved numerous riots, mass protests and acts of civil disobedience, and led to segregation and the creation of no-go areas. More than 3,500 people were killed in the conflict, of whom 52% were civilians, 32% were members of the British security forces, and 16% were members of paramilitary groups.[7] There has been sporadic violence since the Good Friday Agreement
Good Friday Agreement
was signed, including a campaign by anti-ceasefire republicans.[3][27][35]

Contents

1 Overview 2 Background

2.1 1609–1791 2.2 1791–1912 2.3 1912–1922 2.4 1922–1966

3 Late 1960s

3.1 Civil rights campaign and unionist backlash 3.2 August 1969 riots and aftermath

4 1970s

4.1 Violence peaks and Stormont collapses 4.2 Bloody Sunday 4.3 Sunningdale Agreement
Sunningdale Agreement
and UWC strike 4.4 Proposal of an independent Northern Ireland 4.5 Mid-1970s 4.6 Late 1970s

5 1980s 6 1990s

6.1 Situation changes in South Armagh 6.2 First ceasefire 6.3 Second ceasefire 6.4 Political process

7 Collusion
Collusion
between British forces and loyalists 8 Collusion
Collusion
between the Garda and the IRA 9 The Disappeared 10 Shoot-to-kill allegations 11 Parades issue 12 Social repercussions 13 Casualties

13.1 Responsibility 13.2 Status 13.3 Location 13.4 Chronological listing 13.5 Additional statistics

14 See also 15 References

15.1 Bibliography

16 External links

Overview[edit]

August 2009: the Ulster Banner
Ulster Banner
flying over a unionist area (foreground) of Derry, and the Irish tricolour flying over a nationalist area (background) of the same city

A "peace line" in Belfast. The peace lines are a series of high barriers in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
that separate nationalist and unionist neighbourhoods. They have been built at urban interface areas in Belfast, Derry, Portadown
Portadown
and elsewhere. The stated purpose of the peace lines is to minimise inter-communal violence.

"The Troubles" refers to the recent three-decade (1969–1997) conflict between nationalists (mainly self-identified as Roman Catholic) and unionists (mainly self-identified as British or Protestant). The term "the Troubles" was previously used to refer to the Irish revolutionary period;[36][a] it was adopted to refer to the escalating violence in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
after 1969.[37][38][39][40] The violence was characterised by the armed campaigns of Irish republican and Ulster
Ulster
loyalist paramilitary groups and British state security forces (the British Army
British Army
and the Royal Ulster
Ulster
Constabulary (RUC)). It thus became the focus for the longest major campaign in the history of the British Army.[41][42] The British government's position is that its forces were neutral in the conflict, trying to uphold law and order in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
and the right of the people of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
to democratic self-determination. Nationalists regard the state forces as forces of occupation or partisan combatants in the conflict. The British security forces focused on republican paramilitaries and activists, and the "Ballast" investigation by the Police Ombudsman
Police Ombudsman
confirmed that British forces colluded on several occasions with loyalist paramilitaries, were involved in murder, and furthermore obstructed the course of justice when claims of collusion and murder were investigated.[43] The Troubles
The Troubles
were brought to an uneasy end by a peace process that included the declaration of ceasefires by most paramilitary organisations, the complete decommissioning of the IRA's weapons, the reform of the police, and the corresponding withdrawal of the British Army from the streets and sensitive Irish border
Irish border
areas such as South Armagh
Armagh
and Fermanagh, as agreed by the signatories to the Belfast Agreement (commonly known as the "Good Friday Agreement"). One part of the Agreement is that Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
will remain within the United Kingdom unless a majority of the Northern Irish electorate vote otherwise.[44] It also established the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Executive, a devolved power-sharing government, which must consist of both unionist and nationalist parties. Although the number of active participants was relatively small, the Troubles affected many in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
on a daily basis; their impact sometimes spread to England
England
and the Republic of Ireland, and, occasionally, to parts of mainland Europe.[45] Background[edit] 1609–1791[edit]

The Battle of the Boyne
Battle of the Boyne
(12 July 1690) by Jan van Huchtenburg

In 1609, Scottish and English settlers, known as planters, were given land escheated from the native Irish in the Plantation of Ulster.[46] Coupled with Protestant immigration to "unplanted" areas of Ulster, particularly Antrim and Down, this resulted in conflict between the native Catholics and the "planters", leading in turn to two bloody religious conflicts known as the Irish Confederate Wars
Irish Confederate Wars
(1641–1653) and the Williamite war (1689–1691), both of which resulted in Protestant victories. Anglican
Anglican
dominance in Ireland
Ireland
was ensured by the passage of the Penal Laws that curtailed the religious, legal, and political rights of anyone (including both Catholics and Protestant Dissenters, such as Presbyterians) who did not conform to the state church, the Anglican Church of Ireland. As the Penal Laws started to be phased out in the latter part of the 18th century, there was more competition for land, as restrictions were lifted on the Irish Catholic
Irish Catholic
ability to rent. With Roman Catholics allowed to buy land and enter trades from which they had formerly been banned, tensions arose resulting in the Protestant "Peep O'Day Boys"[47] and Catholic "Defenders". This created polarisation between the communities and a dramatic reduction in reformers among Protestants, many of whom had been growing more receptive to democratic reform.[47] 1791–1912[edit] Following the foundation of the republican Society of the United Irishmen by Presbyterians, Catholics, and liberal Anglicans, and the resulting failed Irish Rebellion of 1798, sectarian violence between Catholics and Protestants continued. The Orange Order (founded 1795), with its stated goal of upholding the Protestant faith and loyalty to the heirs of William of Orange, dates from this period and remains active to this day.[48] With the 1801 Act of Union, a new political framework was formed with the abolition of the Irish Parliament and incorporation of Ireland into the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
of Great Britain
Great Britain
and Ireland. The result was a closer tie between Anglicans and the formerly republican Presbyterians as part of a "loyal" Protestant community. Although Catholic Emancipation was achieved in 1829, largely eliminating official discrimination against Roman Catholics (then around 75% of Ireland's population), Dissenters, and Jews, the Repeal Association's campaign to repeal the 1801 Union failed. In the late 19th century, the Home Rule movement was created and served to define the divide between most nationalists (usually Catholics), who sought the restoration of an Irish Parliament, and most unionists (usually Protestants), who were afraid of being a minority under a Catholic-dominated Irish Parliament and who tended to support continuing union with Britain. Unionists and Home Rule advocates were the main political factions in late 19th- and early 20th-century Ireland.[49] 1912–1922[edit]

The Ulster Covenant
Ulster Covenant
was issued in protest against the Third Home Rule Bill in September 1912.

The Proclamation of the Irish Republic
Proclamation of the Irish Republic
was issued during the Easter Rising of April 1916.

Main article: Partition of Ireland By the second decade of the 20th century, Home Rule, or limited Irish self-government, was on the brink of being conceded due to the agitation of the Irish Parliamentary Party. In response to the campaign for Home Rule which started in the 1870s, unionists, mostly Protestant and largely concentrated in Ulster, had resisted both self-government and independence for Ireland, fearing for their future in an overwhelmingly Catholic country dominated by the Roman Catholic Church. In 1912, unionists led by Edward Carson
Edward Carson
signed the Ulster Covenant and pledged to resist Home Rule by force if necessary. To this end, they formed the paramilitary Ulster
Ulster
Volunteer Force (UVF).[50] In response, nationalists led by Eoin MacNeill
Eoin MacNeill
formed the Irish Volunteers, whose goal was to oppose the UVF and ensure enactment of the Third Home Rule Bill in the event of British or unionist recalcitrance. The outbreak of the First World War
First World War
in 1914 and Ireland's involvement in the war temporarily averted possible civil war in Ireland
Ireland
and delayed the resolution of the question of Irish independence. Home Rule, although passed in the British Parliament with Royal Assent, was suspended for the duration of the war. The Irish Volunteers
Irish Volunteers
split, with a majority, called National Volunteers, joining Irish regiments of the New British Army. Many of those who stayed were radical nationalists, among them Irish Republican Brotherhood infiltrators. From these ranks came those who launched the Easter Rising
Easter Rising
in Dublin
Dublin
in 1916, led by Padraig Pearse and James Connolly. Two and a half years after the executions of fifteen of the Rising's leaders, the separatist Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
party won the December 1918 Irish general election with 48% of the vote and a majority of seats, and set up the 1919 First Dáil
First Dáil
(Irish Parliament) in Dublin. Their victory was aided by the threat of conscription for First World War
First World War
service. The Irish War for Independence
Irish War for Independence
followed, leading to eventual independence in 1922 for the Irish Free State, which comprised 26 of the 32 Irish counties. In Ulster, particularly in the six counties which became Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
fared relatively poorly in the 1918 election, and unionists won a majority.[50] The Government of Ireland
Ireland
Act 1920 partitioned the island of Ireland into two separate jurisdictions, Southern Ireland
Ireland
and Northern Ireland, both devolved regions of the United Kingdom. This partition of Ireland
Ireland
was confirmed when the Parliament of Northern Ireland exercised its right in December 1922 under the Anglo-Irish Treaty
Anglo-Irish Treaty
of 1921 to "opt out" of the newly established Irish Free State.[44] A part of the treaty signed in 1922 mandated that a boundary commission would sit to decide where the frontier of the northern state would be in relation to its southern neighbour. After the Irish Civil War
Irish Civil War
of 1922–1923, this part of the treaty was given less priority by the new Dublin
Dublin
government led by W.T. Cosgrave, and was quietly dropped. As counties Fermanagh
Fermanagh
and Tyrone and border areas of Londonderry, Armagh, and Down were mainly nationalist, the Irish Boundary Commission could reduce Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
to four counties or less.[50] Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
remained a part of the United Kingdom, albeit under a separate system of government whereby it was given its own parliament and devolved government. While this arrangement met the desires of unionists to remain part of the United Kingdom, nationalists largely viewed the partition of Ireland
Ireland
as an illegal and arbitrary division of the island against the will of the majority of its people. They argued that the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
state was neither legitimate nor democratic, but created with a deliberately gerrymandered unionist majority. Catholics initially composed about 35% of its population.[51] A total of 557 people, mostly Catholics, were killed in political or sectarian violence from 1920 to 1922 in the six counties that would become Northern Ireland, both during and after the Irish War of Independence.[52] The result was[53] communal strife between Catholics and Protestants, with some historians describing this violence, especially that in Belfast, as a pogrom,[54][55] although historian Peter Hart argues that the term is not appropriate given the reciprocity of violence in Northern Ireland.[56] 1922–1966[edit]

Sir James Craig, 1st Prime Minister of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
who said, "All I boast is that we are a Protestant Parliament and Protestant State".

A marginalised remnant of the Irish Republican Army survived the Irish Civil War. This would come to have a major impact on Northern Ireland. Although the IRA was proscribed on both sides of the new Irish border, it remained ideologically committed to overthrowing both the Northern Ireland
Ireland
and the Free State governments by force of arms to unify Ireland. The government of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
passed the Civil Authorities ( Special
Special
Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922; this gave sweeping powers to the government and police to do virtually anything seen as necessary to re-establish or preserve law and order. The Act continued to be used against nationalists long after the violence of this period had come to an end.[57] The two sides' positions became strictly defined following this period. From a unionist perspective, Northern Ireland's nationalists were inherently disloyal and determined to force unionists into a united Ireland. This threat was seen as justifying preferential treatment of unionists in housing, employment and other fields. The prevalence of larger families and thus the potential for a more rapid population growth among Catholics was seen as a threat. Unionist governments ignored Edward Carson's warning in 1921 that alienating Catholics would make Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
inherently unstable. After the early 1920s, there were occasional incidents of sectarian unrest in Northern Ireland. These included severe rioting in Belfast
Belfast
in the 1930s and 1950s, and the IRA's brief Northern Campaign in the 1940s and Border Campaign between 1956 and 1962, which did not enjoy broad popular support among nationalists. After the IRA called off its campaign in 1962, Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
became relatively stable for a brief period.[50] Late 1960s[edit] See also: Timeline of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles and peace process There is little agreement on the exact date of the start of the Troubles. Different writers have suggested different dates. These include the formation of the modern Ulster Volunteer Force
Ulster Volunteer Force
in 1966,[58] the civil rights march in Derry
Derry
on 5 October 1968, the beginning of the 'Battle of the Bogside' on 12 August 1969 or the deployment of British troops on 14 August 1969.[50] Civil rights campaign and unionist backlash[edit] Main article: Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
civil rights movement

A civil rights mural in Derry

In the mid-1960s, a non-violent civil rights campaign began in Northern Ireland. It comprised groups such as the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), the Campaign for Social Justice (CSJ), the Derry
Derry
Citizens' Action Committee (DCAC) and People's Democracy,[59] whose stated goals were:

an end to job discrimination – it showed evidence that Catholics/nationalists were less likely to be given certain jobs, especially government jobs an end to discrimination in housing allocation – it showed evidence that unionist-controlled local councils allocated housing to Protestants ahead of Catholics/nationalists one man, one vote – in Northern Ireland, only householders could vote in local elections, while in the rest of the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
all adults could vote an end to gerrymandering of electoral boundaries – this meant that nationalists had less voting power than unionists, even where nationalists were a majority reform of the police force (Royal Ulster
Ulster
Constabulary) – it was over 90% Protestant and criticised for sectarianism and police brutality repeal of the Special
Special
Powers Act – this allowed police to search without a warrant, arrest and imprison people without charge or trial, ban any assemblies or parades, and ban any publications; the Act was used almost exclusively against nationalists[60][61][62][63][64]

Some suspected and accused NICRA of being a republican front-group whose ultimate goal was to unite Ireland. Although republicans and some members of the IRA (then led by Cathal Goulding and pursuing a non-violent agenda) helped to create and drive the movement, they did not control it and were not a dominant faction within it.[50][65][66][67][68] In March and April 1966, Irish nationalists/republicans held parades throughout Ireland
Ireland
to mark the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising. On 8 March, a group of Irish republicans dynamited Nelson's Pillar
Nelson's Pillar
in Dublin. At the time, the IRA was weak and not engaged in armed action, but some unionists warned it was about to be revived to launch another campaign against Northern Ireland.[61][69] In April 1966, loyalists led by Ian Paisley, a Protestant fundamentalist preacher, founded the Ulster
Ulster
Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC). It set up a paramilitary-style wing called the Ulster
Ulster
Protestant Volunteers (UPV)[61] to oust Terence O'Neill, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. Although O'Neill was a unionist, they viewed him as being too 'soft' on the civil rights movement and opposed his policies.[70]

A UVF mural in Belfast

At the same time, a loyalist group calling itself the Ulster
Ulster
Volunteer Force (UVF) emerged in the Shankill area of Belfast. It was led by Gusty Spence, a former British soldier. Many of its members were also members of the UCDC and UPV.[71] In April and May it petrol bombed a number of Catholic homes, schools and businesses. A firebomb killed an elderly Protestant widow, Matilda Gould.[61] On 21 May, the UVF issued a statement declaring "war" against the IRA and anyone helping it.[72] On 27 May the UVF fatally shot a Catholic civilian, John Scullion, as he walked home. A month later it shot three Catholic civilians as they left a pub, killing a young Catholic from the Republic, Peter Ward.[61][72] Shortly after, the UVF was proscribed (made illegal) by the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
government.[61] The Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was formed in January 1967.[59][73] On 20 June 1968, civil rights activists (including Austin Currie, a nationalist MP) protested against housing discrimination by squatting in a house in Caledon. The local council had allocated the house to an unmarried 19-year-old Protestant (Emily Beattie, the secretary of a local UUP politician) instead of either of two large Catholic families with children.[74] RUC officers – one of whom was Beattie's brother – forcibly removed the activists.[74] Two days before the protest, the two Catholic families who had been squatting in the house next door were removed by police.[75] Currie had brought their grievance to the local council and to Stormont, but had been told to leave. The incident invigorated the civil rights movement.[76]

A monument to Northern Ireland's first civil rights march

On 24 August 1968, the civil rights movement held its first civil rights march, from Coalisland
Coalisland
to Dungannon. Many more marches were held over the following year. Loyalists (especially members of the UPV) attacked some of the marches and held counter-demonstrations in a bid to get the marches banned.[74] Because of the lack of police reaction to the attacks, nationalists saw the RUC, almost wholly Protestant, as backing the loyalists and allowing the attacks to occur.[77] On 5 October 1968, a civil rights march in Derry
Derry
was banned by the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
government.[78] When marchers defied the ban, RUC officers surrounded the marchers and beat them indiscriminately and without provocation. More than 100 people were injured, including a number of nationalist politicians.[78] The incident was filmed by television news crews and shown around the world.[79] It caused outrage among Catholics and nationalists, sparking two days of rioting in Derry
Derry
between nationalists and the RUC.[78] A few days later, a student civil rights group – People's Democracy – was formed in Belfast.[74] In late November, O'Neill promised the civil rights movement some concessions, but these were seen as too little by nationalists and too much by loyalists. On 1 January 1969, People's Democracy began a four-day march from Belfast
Belfast
to Derry, which was repeatedly harassed and attacked by loyalists. At Burntollet Bridge the marchers were attacked by about 200 loyalists, including some off-duty police officers, armed with iron bars, bricks and bottles in a pre-planned ambush. When the march reached Derry
Derry
City it was again attacked. The marchers claimed that police did nothing to protect them and that some officers helped the attackers.[80] That night, RUC officers went on a rampage in the Bogside
Bogside
area of Derry, attacking Catholic homes, attacking and threatening residents, and hurling sectarian abuse.[80] Residents then sealed off the Bogside with barricades to keep the police out, creating "Free Derry", which was briefly a no-go area for the security forces.[citation needed] In March and April 1969, loyalists bombed water and electricity installations in Northern Ireland, blaming them on the dormant IRA and elements of the civil rights movement. Some attacks left much of Belfast
Belfast
without power and water. Loyalists hoped the bombings would force O'Neill to resign and bring an end to any concessions to nationalists.[81][82] There were six bombings between 30 March and 26 April.[81][83] All were widely blamed on the IRA, and British soldiers were sent to guard installations. Unionist support for O'Neill waned, and on 28 April he resigned as Prime Minister.[81] August 1969 riots and aftermath[edit] Main article: 1969 Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
riots On 19 April there were clashes between NICRA marchers, the RUC and loyalists in the Bogside. RUC officers entered the house of Samuel Devenny (42), an uninvolved Catholic civilian, and ferociously beat him along with two of his teenage daughters and a family friend.[81] One of the daughters was beaten unconscious as she lay recovering from surgery.[84] Devenny suffered a heart attack and died on 17 July from his injuries. On 13 July, RUC officers beat a Catholic civilian, Francis McCloskey (67), during clashes in Dungiven. He died of his injuries the next day.[81] On 12 August, the loyalist Apprentice Boys of Derry
Derry
were allowed to march along the edge of the Bogside. Taunts and missiles were exchanged between the loyalists and nationalist residents. After being bombarded with stones and petrol bombs from nationalists, the RUC, backed by loyalists, tried to storm the Bogside. The RUC used CS gas, armoured vehicles and water cannons, but were kept at bay by hundreds of nationalists.[85] The continuous fighting, which became known as the Battle of the Bogside, lasted for two days. In response to events in Derry, nationalists held protests at RUC bases in Belfast
Belfast
and elsewhere. Some of these led to clashes with the RUC and attacks on RUC bases. In Belfast, loyalists responded by invading nationalist districts, burning houses and businesses. There were gun battles between nationalists and the RUC, and between nationalists and loyalists. A group of about 30 IRA members was involved in the fighting in Belfast. The RUC deployed Shorland armoured cars mounted with heavy Browning machine guns. The Shorlands twice opened fire on a block of flats in a nationalist district, killing a nine-year-old boy, Patrick Rooney. RUC officers opened fire on rioters in Armagh, Dungannon
Dungannon
and Coalisland.[50] During the riots, on 13 August, Taoiseach
Taoiseach
Jack Lynch
Jack Lynch
made a television address. He condemned the RUC and said that the Irish Government "can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse". He called for a United Nations peacekeeping
United Nations peacekeeping
force to be deployed and said that Irish Army
Irish Army
field hospitals were being set up at the border in County Donegal
County Donegal
near Derry. Lynch added that Irish re-unification would be the only permanent solution. Some interpreted the speech as a threat of military intervention.[86] After the riots, Lynch ordered the Irish Army
Irish Army
to plan for a possible humanitarian intervention in Northern Ireland. The plan, Exercise Armageddon, was rejected and remained classified for thirty years.[87] On 14–15 August, British troops were deployed in Derry
Derry
and Belfast to restore order,[88] but did not try to enter the Bogside, bringing a temporary end to the riots. Eight people had been shot dead, more than 750 had been injured (including 133 who suffered gunshot wounds) and more than 400 homes and businesses had been destroyed (83% Catholic-owned)[citation needed]. 1,505 Catholic and 315 Protestant families were forced to flee their homes.[citation needed] The Irish Army set up refugee camps in the Republic near the border. Nationalists initially welcomed the British Army, as they did not trust the RUC. Despite the British government's attempt to do "nothing that would suggest partiality to one section of the community" and the improvement of the relationship between the Army and the local population following the Army assistance with flood relief in August 1970, the Falls curfew and a situation that was described at the time as "an inflamed sectarian one, which is being deliberately exploited by the IRA and other extremists" meant that relations between the Catholic population and the British Army
British Army
rapidly deteriorated .[89] After the riots, the 'Hunt Committee' was set up to examine the RUC. It published its report on 12 October, recommending that the RUC become an unarmed force and the B Specials be disbanded. That night, loyalists took to the streets of Belfast
Belfast
in protest at the report. During violence in the Shankill, UVF members shot dead RUC officer Victor Arbuckle. He was the first RUC officer to be killed during the Troubles.[90] In October and December 1969, the UVF carried out a number of small bombings in the Republic of Ireland.[50] 1970s[edit] Violence peaks and Stormont collapses[edit]

Play media

1971 newsreel about the background of the conflict

Loyalist banner and graffiti on a building in the Shankill area of Belfast, 1970

1970 through to 1972 saw an explosion of political violence in Northern Ireland, peaking in 1972, when nearly 500 people, just over half of them civilians, lost their lives. 1972 saw the greatest loss of life throughout the entire conflict.[91] By the end of 1971, 29 barricades were in place in Derry, blocking access to what was known as Free Derry; 16 of these were impassable even to the British Army's one-ton armoured vehicles.[92] Many of the nationalist/republican "no-go areas" were controlled by one of the two factions of the Irish Republican Army—the Provisional IRA and Official IRA. There are several reasons offered for why violence escalated in these years. Unionists claim the main reason was the formation of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (Provisional IRA), and the Official Irish Republican Army (Official IRA), particularly the former. These two groups were formed when the IRA split into the 'Provisional' and 'Official' factions. While the older IRA had embraced non-violent civil agitation,[93] the new Provisional IRA was determined to wage "armed struggle" against British rule in Northern Ireland. The new IRA was willing to take on the role of "defenders of the Catholic community",[94] rather than seeking working-class ecumenical unity across both communities. Nationalists pointed to a number of events in these years to explain the upsurge in violence. One such incident was the Falls Curfew
Falls Curfew
in July 1970, when 3,000 troops imposed a curfew on the nationalist Lower Falls area of Belfast, firing more than 1,500 rounds of ammunition in gun battles with the Official IRA
Official IRA
and killing four people. Another was the 1971 introduction of internment without trial (of 350 initial detainees, none were Protestants).[95] Moreover, due to poor intelligence,[96] very few of those interned were actually republican activists at the time, but some internees became increasingly radicalised as a result of their experiences.[50] Bloody Sunday[edit] A third event "Bloody Sunday", was the shooting dead of thirteen unarmed male civilians by the British Army
British Army
at a proscribed anti-internment rally in Derry
Derry
on 30 January 1972 (a fourteenth man died of his injuries some months later) while more than fourteen[quantify] other civilians were wounded.[97][98] The march had been organised by the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Civil Rights Association (NICRA). The soldiers involved were members of the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment, also known as "1 Para".[99] This was one of the most prominent events that occurred during the Northern Irish Conflict as it was recorded as the largest number of people killed in a single incident during the period.[100] Bloody Sunday greatly increased the hostility of Catholics and Irish nationalists towards the British military and government while significantly elevating tensions during the Northern Irish Conflict. As a result, the Provisional Irish Republican Army
Provisional Irish Republican Army
(IRA) gained more support, especially through rising numbers of recruits in the local areas.[101] Following the introduction of internment there were numerous gun battles between the British army and both the Provisional and Official IRA. Between 1971 and 1975, 1,981 people were interned; 1,874 were Catholic/republican, while 107 were Protestant/loyalist.[102] There were widespread allegations of abuse and even torture of detainees,[103][104] and in 1972, the "five techniques" used by the police and army for interrogation were ruled to be illegal following a British government
British government
inquiry.[105] The Provisional IRA, or "Provos", as they became known, sought to establish itself as the defender of the nationalist community.[106][107] The Official IRA
Official IRA
(OIRA) began its own armed campaign in reaction to the ongoing violence. The Provisional IRA's offensive campaign began in early 1971 when the Army Council sanctioned attacks on the British Army.[108] In 1972, the Provisional IRA killed approximately 100 members of the security forces, wounded 500 others, and carried out approximately 1,300 bombings,[109] mostly against commercial targets which they considered "the artificial economy".[91][108][110] The bombing campaign killed many civilians, notably on Bloody Friday on 21 July, when 22 bombs were set off in the centre of Belfast, killing seven civilians and two soldiers. In the same year, the Official IRA
Official IRA
killed dozens of soldiers and wounded several more, mostly through gun attacks, according to the CAIN project's Sutton database. The Official IRA
Official IRA
called off its campaign in May 1972.[91][111] British troop concentrations peaked at 20:1000 of the civilian population, the highest ratio found in the history of counterinsurgency warfare, higher than that achieved during the "Malayan Emergency"/"Anti-British National Liberation War", which the conflict is frequently compared to.[112] Operation Motorman, the military operation for the surge, was the biggest military operation in Ireland
Ireland
since the Irish War of Independence.[113] In total, almost 22,000 British forces were involved,[113] In the days before 31 July, about 4,000 extra troops were brought into Northern Ireland.[113] Despite a temporary ceasefire in 1972 and talks with British officials, the Provisionals were determined to continue their campaign until the achievement of a united Ireland. The UK government in London, believing the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
administration incapable of containing the security situation, sought to take over the control of law and order there. As this was unacceptable to the Northern Ireland Government, the British government
British government
pushed through emergency legislation (the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
(Temporary Provisions) Act 1972) which suspended the unionist-controlled Stormont parliament and government, and introduced "direct rule" from London. Direct rule was initially intended as a short-term measure; the medium-term strategy was to restore self-government to Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
on a basis that was acceptable to both unionists and nationalists. Agreement proved elusive, however, and the Troubles continued throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and the 1990s within a context of political deadlock. The existence of "no-go areas" in Belfast
Belfast
and Derry
Derry
was a challenge to the authority of the British government
British government
in Northern Ireland, and the British Army
British Army
demolished the barricades and re-established control over the areas in Operation Motorman
Operation Motorman
on 31 July 1972.[50][110] Sunningdale Agreement
Sunningdale Agreement
and UWC strike[edit] In June 1973, following the publication of a British White Paper and a referendum in March on the status of Northern Ireland, a new parliamentary body, the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Assembly, was established. Elections to this were held on 28 June. In October 1973, mainstream nationalist and unionist parties, along with the British and Irish governments, negotiated the Sunningdale Agreement, which was intended to produce a political settlement within Northern Ireland, but with a so-called "Irish dimension" involving the Republic. The agreement provided for "power-sharing" – the creation of an executive containing both unionists and nationalists—and a "Council of Ireland" – a body made up of ministers from Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
and the Republic, designed to encourage cross-border co-operation. The similarities between the Sunningdale Agreement
Sunningdale Agreement
and the Belfast Agreement of 1998 has led some commentators to characterise the latter as "Sunningdale for slow learners".[114] This assertion has been criticised by political scientists one of whom stated that "..there are... significant differences between them [Sunningdale and Belfast], both in terms of content and the circumstances surrounding their negotiation, implementation, and operation".[115]

Belfast, 1974

British troops and police investigate a couple behind the Europa Hotel. They were taken away.

Protestant graffiti

Belfast
Belfast
street signs with IRA graffiti

Unionists were split over Sunningdale, which was also opposed by the IRA, whose goal remained nothing short of an end to the existence of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
as part of the UK. Many unionists opposed the concept of power-sharing, arguing that it was not feasible to share power with those (nationalists) who sought the destruction of the state. Perhaps more significant, however, was the unionist opposition to the "Irish dimension" and the Council of Ireland, which was perceived as being an all- Ireland
Ireland
parliament-in-waiting. Remarks by a young SDLP councillor, Hugh Logue, to an audience at Trinity College Dublin
Trinity College Dublin
that Sunningdale was the tool "by which the Unionists will be trundled off to a united Ireland" also damaged chances of significant unionist support for the agreement. In January 1974, Brian Faulkner
Brian Faulkner
was narrowly deposed as UUP leader and replaced by Harry West. A UK general election in February 1974 gave the anti-Sunningdale unionists the opportunity to test unionist opinion with the slogan " Dublin
Dublin
is only a Sunningdale away", and the result galvanised their opposition: they won 11 of the 12 seats, winning 58% of the vote with most of the rest going to nationalists and pro-Sunningdale unionists.[50][110] Ultimately, however, the Sunningdale Agreement
Sunningdale Agreement
was brought down by mass action on the part of loyalist paramilitaries (primarily the Ulster
Ulster
Defence Association, at that time over 20,000 strong[citation needed] and workers, who formed the Ulster
Ulster
Workers' Council. They organised a general strike: the Ulster
Ulster
Workers' Council strike. This severely curtailed business in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
and cut off essential services such as water and electricity. Nationalists argue that the British Government did not do enough to break this strike and uphold the Sunningdale initiative. There is evidence that the strike was further encouraged by MI5, a part of their campaign to 'disorientate' British prime minister Harold Wilson's government.[116] Faced with such opposition, the pro-Sunningdale unionists resigned from the power-sharing government and the new regime collapsed. Three days into the UWC strike, on 17 May 1974, two UVF teams from the Belfast
Belfast
and Mid- Ulster
Ulster
brigades[72] detonated three no-warning car bombs in Dublin's city centre during the Friday evening rush hour, resulting in 26 deaths and close to 300 injuries. Ninety minutes later, a fourth car bomb exploded in Monaghan, killing seven additional people. Nobody has ever been convicted for these attacks.[50][110] Proposal of an independent Northern Ireland[edit] Wilson had secretly met with the IRA in 1971 while leader of the opposition; his government in late 1974 and early 1975 again met with the IRA to negotiate a ceasefire. During the meetings the parties discussed the possibility of British withdrawal from an independent Northern Ireland. The failure of Sunningdale led to the serious consideration in London until November 1975 of independence. Had the withdrawal occurred —which Wilson supported but others, including James Callaghan, opposed – the region would have become a separate Dominion
Dominion
of the British Commonwealth.[117] The British negotiations with an illegal organisation angered the Irish government. It did not know their proceedings but feared that the British were considering abandoning Northern Ireland. Foreign Minister Garret FitzGerald
Garret FitzGerald
discussed in a memorandum of June 1975 the possibilities of orderly withdrawal and independence, repartition of the island or a collapse of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
into civil war and anarchy. The memorandum preferred a negotiated independence as the best of the three "worst case scenarios", but concluded that the Irish government could do little.[117] The Irish government
Irish government
had already failed to prevent the IRA from burning down the British Embassy in 1972. It believed that it could not enlarge the country's small army of 12,500 men without negative consequences. A civil war in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
would cause many deaths there and severe consequences for the Republic, as the public would demand that it intervene to protect nationalists. FitzGerald warned Callaghan that the failure to intervene, despite Ireland's inability to do so, would "threaten democratic government in the Republic", which in turn jeopardised British and European security against Communist and other foreign nations.[117] The Irish government
Irish government
so dreaded the consequences of an independent Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
that FitzGerald refused to ask the British not to withdraw—as he feared that openly discussing the issue could permit the British to proceed—and other members of government opposed the Irish Cabinet even discussing what FitzGerald referred to as a "doomsday scenario". He wrote in 2006 that "Neither then nor since has public opinion in Ireland
Ireland
realised how close to disaster our whole island came during the last two years of Harold Wilson's premiership."[117] Mid-1970s[edit]

The Irish National Liberation Army
Irish National Liberation Army
began operations in the mid-1970s.

Merlyn Rees, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, had lifted the proscription against the UVF in April 1974. In December, one month after the Birmingham pub bombings
Birmingham pub bombings
which killed 21 people, the IRA declared a ceasefire; this would theoretically last throughout most of the following year. The ceasefire notwithstanding, sectarian killings actually escalated in 1975, along with internal feuding between rival paramilitary groups. This made 1975 one of the "bloodiest years of the conflict".[72] On 31 July 1975 at Buskhill, outside Newry, the popular Irish cabaret band "The Miami Showband" was returning home to Dublin
Dublin
after a gig in Banbridge
Banbridge
when it was ambushed by gunmen from the UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade wearing British Army
British Army
uniforms at a bogus military roadside checkpoint on the main A1 road. Three of the bandmembers, two Catholics and a Protestant, were shot dead, while two of the UVF men were killed when the bomb they had loaded onto the band's minibus detonated prematurely. The following January, eleven Protestant workers were gunned down in Kingsmill, South Armagh
Armagh
after having been ordered off their bus by an armed republican gang, which called itself the South Armagh
Armagh
Republican Action Force. One man survived despite being shot 18 times, leaving ten fatalities. These killings were reportedly in retaliation to a loyalist double shooting attack against the Reavey and O'Dowd families the previous night.[50][91][110] The violence continued through the rest of the 1970s. The British Government reinstated the ban against the UVF in October 1975, making it once more an illegal organisation. When the Provisional IRA's December 1974 ceasefire had ended in early 1976 and it had returned to violence, it had lost the hope that it had felt in the early 1970s that it could force a rapid British withdrawal from Northern Ireland, and instead developed a strategy known as the "Long War", which involved a less intense but more sustained campaign of violence that could continue indefinitely. The Official IRA
Official IRA
ceasefire of 1972, however, became permanent, and the "Official" movement eventually evolved into the Workers' Party, which rejected violence completely. However, a splinter from the "Officials"—the Irish National Liberation Army—continued a campaign of violence in 1974.[110] Late 1970s[edit] By the late 1970s, war-weariness was visible in both communities. One manifestation of this was the formation of group known as "Peace People", which won the Nobel Peace Prize
Nobel Peace Prize
in 1976. The Peace People organised large demonstrations calling for an end to paramilitary violence. Their campaign lost momentum, however, after they appealed to the nationalist community to provide information on the IRA to security forces.[118] The decade ended with a double attack by the IRA against the British. On 27 August 1979, Lord Mountbatten while on holiday in Mullaghmore, County Sligo, was killed by a bomb planted on board his boat. Three other people were also killed: Lady Brabourne, the elderly mother of Mountbatten's son-in-law; and two teenagers, a grandson of Mountbatten and a local boatman.[91] That same day, eighteen British soldiers, mostly members of the Parachute Regiment, were killed by two remote-controlled bombs in the Warrenpoint ambush
Warrenpoint ambush
at Warrenpoint, County Down.[72]

A republican mural in Belfast
Belfast
commemorating the hunger strikes of 1981.

Successive British Governments, having failed to achieve a political settlement, tried to "normalise" Northern Ireland. Aspects included the removal of internment without trial and the removal of political status for paramilitary prisoners. From 1972 onward, paramilitaries were tried in juryless Diplock courts to avoid intimidation of jurors. On conviction, they were to be treated as ordinary criminals. Resistance to this policy among republican prisoners led to more than 500 of them in the Maze prison
Maze prison
initiating the "blanket" and "dirty" protests. Their protests culminated in hunger strikes in 1980 and 1981, aimed at the restoration of political status, as well as other concessions.[50][110] 1980s[edit]

British Army
British Army
in South Belfast, 1981

In the 1981 Irish hunger strike, ten republican prisoners (seven from the Provisional IRA and three from the INLA) died of starvation. The first hunger striker to die, Bobby Sands, was elected to Parliament on an Anti-H-Block ticket, as was his election agent Owen Carron following Sands' death. The hunger strikes resonated among many nationalists; over 100,000 people[119] attended Sands' funeral mass in West Belfast
Belfast
and thousands attended those of the other hunger strikers. From an Irish republican
Irish republican
perspective, the significance of these events was to demonstrate potential for a political and electoral strategy.[120] In the wake of the hunger strikes, Sinn Féin, which had become the Provisional IRA's political wing,[119][121][122] began to contest elections for the first time in both Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
(as abstentionists) and in the Republic. In 1986, Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
recognised the legitimacy of the Irish Dáil, which caused a small group of members to break away and form Republican Sinn Féin.[50] The IRA's "Long War" was boosted by large donations of arms from Libya in the 1980s (see Provisional IRA arms importation) due to Muammar Gaddafi's anger at Thatcher's government for assisting the Reagan government's bombing of Tripoli, which had killed one of Gaddafi's children, as well as from monies from pro-IRA partisans in the United States and elsewhere throughout the Irish diaspora.

Grand Brighton Hotel
Grand Brighton Hotel
after the IRA bomb attack in October 1984

The INLA was highly active in the early and mid-1980s. In 1982, it bombed a disco frequented by off-duty British soldiers, killing 11 soldiers and six civilians.[91] One of the IRA's most high-profile actions in this period was the Brighton hotel bombing
Brighton hotel bombing
on 12 October 1984, when it set off a 100-pound bomb in the Grand Brighton Hotel
Grand Brighton Hotel
in Brighton, where politicians including Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were staying for the Conservative Party conference. The bomb, which exploded in the early hours of the morning, killed five people, including Conservative MP Sir Anthony Berry and the wife of Government Chief Whip John Wakeham,[91] and thirty-four others were injured, including Wakeham, Trade and Industry Secretary Norman Tebbit, and Tebbit's wife, Margaret. Margaret Tebbit was left permanently paralysed, while her husband's injuries were less serious.[123] On 28 February 1985 in Newry, nine RUC officers, seven Protestants and two Catholics, were killed after a mortar attack on the police station in Corry Square. The attack was planned by the IRA South Armagh Brigade and an IRA unit in Newry. Nine shells were fired from a Mark 10 mortar which was bolted onto the back of a hijacked Ford van in Crossmaglen. Eight shells overshot the station, but the ninth hit a Portakabin which was being used as a canteen. On 8 November 1987, in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh, a Provisional IRA time bomb exploded during a parade on Remembrance Day to commemorate victims of World War One. The bomb went off by a cenotaph which was at the heart of the parade. Eleven people (ten civilians, including a pregnant woman, and one serving member of the RUC) were killed and 63 were injured. Former school headmaster Ronnie Hill was seriously injured in the bombing and slipped into a coma two days later, remaining in this condition for more than a decade before his death in December 2000.[124] The IRA eventually apologised for what it claimed had been a mistake and that its target had been the British soldiers parading to the memorial. The unit which carried out the bombing was disbanded. Loyalist paramilitaries responded to the bombing with revenge attacks on Catholics, mostly civilians. Another bomb had been planted at nearby Tullyhommon at a parallel Remembrance Day commemoration but failed to detonate.[110] Four months after the Enniskillen
Enniskillen
attacks, three IRA volunteers were shot dead at a Shell petrol station on Winston Churchill Avenue in Gibraltar, the British colony attached to the south of Spain. This became known as Operation Flavius. Their funeral at Milltown Cemetery in Belfast
Belfast
was attacked by Michael Stone, a UDA member who threw grenades and fired shots as the coffin was lowered. The attack killed three people, including an IRA volunteer. Stone was jailed for life the following year but freed 11 years later under the Good Friday Agreement.[125] When two British soldiers, David Howes and Derek Wood, drove into the joint funeral in Andersonstown being held for the three men killed by Stone, they were found to be armed, and were captured, taken away and shot dead. This became known as the Corporals killings.[50][110] In the 1980s, loyalist paramilitary groups, including the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Defence Association
Ulster Defence Association
and Ulster
Ulster
Resistance, imported arms and explosives from South Africa.[72] The weapons obtained were divided between the UDA, the UVF and Ulster
Ulster
Resistance, although some of the weaponry (such as rocket-propelled grenades) were hardly used. These killings were reportedly in response to the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement
Anglo-Irish Agreement
which gave the Irish government
Irish government
a "consultative role" in the government of Northern Ireland.[50][110] In 1987, the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO), a breakaway faction of the INLA, engaged in a bloody feud against the INLA which weakened the INLA's presence in some areas. By 1992, the IPLO was destroyed by the Provisionals for its involvement in drug dealing thus ending the feud.[50] Around this time republicans alleged that a "shoot-to-kill policy" had been formed in Northern Ireland, in which tens of republican paramilitaries and one loyalist paramilitary were killed on active duty, usually by the SAS or RUC.[citation needed] 1990s[edit] Main article: Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
peace process Since the late 1980s, while the IRA continued its armed campaign, its political wing Sinn Féin, led since 1983 by Gerry Adams, sought a negotiated end to the conflict, although Adams accurately predicted that this would be a very long process. He predicted the war would last another 20 years. He conducted open talks with John Hume
John Hume
– the SDLP leader – and secret talks with government officials. Loyalists were also engaged in behind-the-scenes talks to end the violence, connecting with the British and Irish governments through Protestant clergy, in particular the Presbyterian
Presbyterian
minister, Reverend Roy Magee and Anglican
Anglican
Archbishop Robin Eames.[citation needed] When a French TV crew filmed the IRA at a training camp in Donegal, a representative for the General Headquarters Staff of the IRA was interviewed. He said the IRA would "[E]ventually sap the political will of the British government
British government
to remain in Ireland".[citation needed] Situation changes in South Armagh[edit] The IRA's South Armagh
Armagh
Brigade had made the countryside village of Crossmaglen
Crossmaglen
their stronghold since the 1970s. The surrounding villages of Silverbridge, Cullyhanna, Cullaville, Forkhill, Jonesborough and Creggan were also IRA strongholds. In February 1978, a British Army Gazelle helicopter was shot down near Silverbridge, killing Lieutenant Colonel Ian Corden-Lloyd of the British Army.[126] In the 1990s, the IRA came up with a new plan to restrict British Army foot patrols near Crossmaglen. They developed two sniper teams to attack British Army
British Army
and RUC patrols.[127] They usually fired from an improvised armoured car using a .50 BMG calibre M82 sniper rifle. Signs were put up around South Armagh
Armagh
reading "Sniper at Work". The snipers killed a total of nine members of the security forces: seven soldiers and two constables. The last to be killed before the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), was a British soldier, bombardier Steven Restorick. The IRA had developed the capacity to attack helicopters in South Armagh
Armagh
and elsewhere since the 1980s,[128] including the 1990 shootdown of a Gazelle flying over the border between Tyrone and Monaghan; there were no fatalities in that incident.[129] Another incident involving British helicopters in South Armagh
Armagh
was the Battle of Newry Road
Battle of Newry Road
in September 1993.[130] Two other helicopters, a British Army
British Army
Lynx and a Royal Air Force
Royal Air Force
Puma were shot down by improvised mortar fire in 1994. The IRA set up checkpoints in South Armagh
Armagh
during this period, unchallenged by the security forces.[128][131]

'Sniper at Work' sign in Crossmaglen

First ceasefire[edit] After a prolonged period of background political manoeuvring, both loyalist and republican paramilitary groups declared ceasefires in 1994. The year leading up to the ceasefires was a particularly tense one, marked by atrocities. The UDA and UVF stepped up their attacks. The IRA responded with the Shankill Road bombing
Shankill Road bombing
in October 1993, which aimed to kill the UDA leadership, but killed eight Protestant civilian shoppers and one low-ranking UDA member, as well as one of the perpetrators, who was killed when the bomb detonated prematurely. The UDA retaliated with mass shootings in nationalist areas such as Greysteel and Castlerock. Twelve people were killed at Greysteel and Castlerock, all but two of whom were Catholic.[50] On 16 June 1994, just before the ceasefires, the Irish National Liberation Army killed a UVF member in a gun attack on the Shankill Road. In revenge, three days later, the UVF killed six civilians in a shooting at a pub in Loughinisland, County Down. The IRA, in the remaining month before its ceasefire, killed four senior loyalist paramilitaries, three from the UDA and one from the UVF. On 31 August 1994, the IRA declared a ceasefire. The loyalist paramilitaries, temporarily united in the "Combined Loyalist Military Command", reciprocated six weeks later. Although these ceasefires failed in the short run, they marked an effective end to large-scale political violence, as they paved the way for the final ceasefires.[50][110] In 1995, the United States appointed George Mitchell as the United States Special
Special
Envoy for Northern Ireland. Mitchell was recognised as being more than a token envoy and someone representing a President (Bill Clinton) with a deep interest in events.[132] The British and Irish governments agreed that Mitchell would chair an international commission on disarmament of paramilitary groups.[133] Second ceasefire[edit] On 9 February 1996, less than two years after the declaration of the ceasefire, the IRA revoked it with the Docklands bombing in the Canary Wharf area of London, killing two people, injuring 39 others,[134] and causing £85 million in damage to the city's financial centre. Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
blamed the failure of the ceasefire on the British Government's refusal to begin all-party negotiations until the IRA decommissioned its weapons.[135]

The destruction caused by the Docklands bombing in London, 1996.

The attack was followed by several more, most notably the 1996 Manchester bombing, which destroyed a large area of the centre of the city on 15 June. It was the largest bomb attack in Britain since World War II. While the attack avoided any fatalities due to a telephone warning and the rapid response of the emergency services to it, over 200 people were injured in the attack, many of them outside the established cordon. The damage caused by the blast was estimated at £411 million. Lance Bombardier
Lance Bombardier
Stephen Restorick, the last British soldier killed before the Good Friday Agreement
Good Friday Agreement
(GFA) was finalised, was shot dead at a border crossing on 12 February 1997 by the "South Armagh
Armagh
sniper", later identified as Bernard Henry McGinn.[136] The IRA reinstated their ceasefire in July 1997, as negotiations for the document that became known as the Good Friday Agreement
Good Friday Agreement
began without Sinn Féin. In September of the same year Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
signed the Mitchell Principles and were admitted to the talks. The UVF was the first paramilitary grouping to split as a result of their ceasefire, spawning the Loyalist Volunteer Force
Loyalist Volunteer Force
(LVF) in 1996. In December 1997, the INLA assassinated LVF leader Billy Wright, leading to a series of revenge killings by loyalist groups. A group split from the Provisional IRA and formed the Real IRA
Real IRA
(RIRA).[137] In August 1998, a Real IRA
Real IRA
bomb in Omagh
Omagh
killed 29 civilians. This bombing discredited "dissident republicans" and their campaigns in the eyes of many who had previously supported the Provisionals' campaign. They became small groups with little influence, but still capable of violence.[138] The INLA also declared a ceasefire after the Belfast
Belfast
Agreement of 1998. Since then, most paramilitary violence has been directed at their "own" communities and at other factions within their organisations. The UDA, for example, has feuded with their fellow loyalists the UVF on two occasions since 2000. There have been internal struggles for power between "brigade commanders" and involvement in organised crime.[139] Provisional IRA members have since been accused or convicted of involvement in the killings of Robert McCartney, Matthew Burns, James Curran, and Andrew Kearney, among others. Political process[edit]

A republican mural in Belfast
Belfast
during the mid-1990s. It bids "safe home" (Slán Abhaile) to British troops. Security normalisation was one of the key points of the Good Friday Agreement.

After the ceasefires, talks began between the main political parties in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
to establish political agreement. These talks led to the Good Friday Agreement
Good Friday Agreement
of 1998. This Agreement restored self-government to Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
on the basis of "power-sharing". In 1999, an executive was formed consisting of the four main parties, including Sinn Féin. Other important changes included the reform of the RUC, renamed as the Police Service of Northern Ireland, which was required to recruit at least a 50% quota of Catholics for ten years, and the abolition of Diplock courts under the Justice and Security (Northern Ireland) Act 2007.[140] A security normalisation process also began as part of the treaty, which comprised the progressive closing of redundant British Army barracks, border observation towers, and the withdrawal of all forces taking part in Operation Banner
Operation Banner
– including the resident battalions of the Royal Irish Regiment – that would be replaced by an infantry brigade, deployed in ten sites around Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
but with no operative role in the province.[141] The power-sharing Executive and Assembly were suspended in 2002, when unionists withdrew following "Stormontgate", a controversy over allegations of an IRA spy ring operating at Stormont. There were ongoing tensions about the Provisional IRA's failure to disarm fully and sufficiently quickly. IRA decommissioning has since been completed (in September 2005) to the satisfaction of most parties.[142] A feature of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
politics since the Agreement has been the eclipse in electoral terms of parties such as the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Ulster
Ulster
Unionist Party, by rival parties such as Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
and the DUP. Similarly, although political violence is greatly reduced, sectarian animosity has not disappeared. Residential areas are more segregated between Catholic nationalists and Protestant unionists than ever.[143] Thus, progress towards restoring the power-sharing institutions was slow and tortuous. On 8 May 2007, devolved government returned to Northern Ireland. DUP leader Ian Paisley
Ian Paisley
and Sinn Féin's Martin McGuinness
Martin McGuinness
took office as First Minister and deputy First Minister, respectively.[144] Collusion
Collusion
between British forces and loyalists[edit]

A republican mural in Belfast
Belfast
with the slogan " Collusion
Collusion
is not an illusion"

In their efforts to defeat the IRA, there were many incidents of collusion between the British state security forces (the British Army and RUC) and loyalist paramilitaries. This included soldiers and policemen taking part in loyalist attacks while off-duty, giving weapons and intelligence to loyalists, not taking action against them, and hindering police investigations. The De Silva Report found that, during the 1980s, 85% of the intelligence loyalists used to target people came from the security forces.[145] The security forces also had double agents and informers within loyalist groups who organised attacks on the orders of, or with the knowledge of, their handlers. Of the 210 loyalists arrested by the Stevens Inquiries team, 207 were found to be state agents or informers.[146] The British Army's locally recruited Ulster Defence Regiment
Ulster Defence Regiment
(UDR) was almost wholly Protestant.[147][148] Despite the vetting process, some loyalist militants managed to enlist; mainly to obtain weapons, training and information.[149] By 1990, at least 197 UDR soldiers had been convicted of loyalist terrorist offences and other serious crimes, including 19 convicted of murder.[150] This was only a small fraction of those who served in it, but the proportion was higher than the regular British Army, the RUC and the civilian population.[151] During the 1970s, the Glenanne gang—a secret alliance of loyalist militants, British soldiers and RUC officers—carried out a string of gun and bomb attacks against nationalists in an area of Northern Ireland
Ireland
known as the "murder triangle".[152][153] It also carried out some attacks in the Republic, killing about 120 people in total, mostly uninvolved civilians.[154] The Cassel Report investigated 76 murders attributed to the group and found evidence that soldiers and policemen were involved in 74 of those.[155] One member, RUC officer John Weir, claimed his superiors knew of the collusion but allowed it to continue.[156] The Cassel Report also said some senior officers knew of the crimes but did nothing to prevent, investigate or punish.[155] Attacks attributed to the group include the Dublin
Dublin
and Monaghan
Monaghan
bombings (1974), the Miami Showband killings
Miami Showband killings
(1975) and the Reavey and O'Dowd killings
Reavey and O'Dowd killings
(1976).[157] The Stevens Inquiries found that elements of the security forces had used loyalists as "proxies",[158] who, via, double-agents and informers, had helped loyalist groups to kill targeted individuals, usually suspected republicans but civilians were also killed, intentionally and otherwise. The inquiries concluded this had intensified and prolonged the conflict.[159][160] The British Army's Force Research Unit
Force Research Unit
(FRU) was the main agency involved.[158] Brian Nelson, the UDA's chief 'intelligence officer', was a FRU agent.[161] Through Nelson, FRU helped loyalists target people for assassination. FRU commanders say they helped loyalists target only republican activists and prevented the killing of civilians.[158] The Inquiries found evidence only two lives were saved and that Nelson/FRU was responsible for at least 30 murders and many other attacks – many on civilians.[159] One victim was solicitor Pat Finucane. Nelson also supervised the shipping of weapons to loyalists in 1988.[161] From 1992 to 1994, loyalists were responsible for more deaths than republicans,[162] partly due to FRU.[163][164] Members of the security forces tried to obstruct the Stevens investigation.[160][165] A 2007 Police Ombudsman
Police Ombudsman
report revealed that UVF members had been allowed to commit a string of terrorist offences, including murder, while working as informers for RUC Special
Special
Branch. It found that Special
Special
Branch had given informers immunity by ensuring they weren't caught or convicted, and blocking weapons searches.[166] Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan concluded that this had led to "hundreds" of deaths[146] and said senior British Government officials pressured her into halting her investigation.[167] UVF member Robin Jackson
Robin Jackson
has been linked to between 50[168][169] and 100[153] killings in Northern Ireland, although he was never convicted for any.[170] It is alleged by many, including members of the security forces, that Jackson was an RUC agent.[170] The Irish Government's Barron Report alleged that he also "had relationships with British Intelligence".[171] Collusion
Collusion
between the Garda and the IRA[edit] The Irish government
Irish government
established the Smithwick Tribunal
Smithwick Tribunal
to investigate whether there had been Garda collusion with the IRA in the murders of two RUC officers killed shortly after returning from a meeting in Dundalk with senior Garda officers. The tribunal's report was published on 3 December 2013.[172][173] In the report Judge Smithwick said that although there was no "smoking gun", he was "satisfied there was collusion in the murders" and that he was "satisfied that the evidence points to the fact that there was someone within the Garda station assisting the IRA". The report was also critical of two earlier garda investigations into the murders, which it described as "inadequate". Irish Justice Minister Alan Shatter apologised "without reservation" for the failings identified in the report.[174][175] Martin Callinan, Garda Commissioner, stated that the notion of Garda/IRA collusion was "horrifying", and Taoiseach Enda Kenny
Enda Kenny
declared the report to be "shocking".[176] The Disappeared[edit] During the 1970s and 1980s, republican and loyalist paramilitaries abducted a number of individuals, many alleged to have been informers, to be interrogated under torture and then executed.[177] Eighteen people—two women and sixteen men—including one British Army officer, were kidnapped and killed during the Troubles. They are referred to informally as "The Disappeared". All but one, Lisa Dorrian, were abducted and killed by republicans. Dorrian is believed to have been abducted by loyalists. The remains of all but four of "The Disappeared" have been recovered and turned over to their families.[178][179][180] British government
British government
security forces, including the Military Reaction Force (MRF), carried out what have been described as "extrajudicial killings" of unarmed civilians.[181][182][183] Their victims were often Catholic or suspected Catholic civilians unaffiliated with any paramilitaries, such as 12 May 1972 Andersonstown shooting of seven unarmed Catholic civilians and 15 April 1972 Whiterock Road shooting of two unarmed Catholic civilians by British soldiers.[184] A member of the MRF stated in 1978 that the Army often attempted false flag sectarian attacks, thus provoking sectarian conflict and "taking the heat off the Army".[185] A former member stated that "[W]e were not there to act like an army unit, we were there to act like a terror group".[186] Shoot-to-kill allegations[edit] Main article: Shoot-to-kill policy in Northern Ireland Republicans allege that the security forces operated a shoot-to-kill policy rather than arresting IRA suspects. The security forces denied this and point out that in incidents such as the killing of eight IRA men at Loughgall
Loughgall
in 1987, the IRA members who were killed were heavily armed. Others argue that incidents such as the shooting of three unarmed IRA members in Gibraltar
Gibraltar
by the Special Air Service
Special Air Service
ten months later confirmed suspicions among republicans, and in the British and Irish media, of a tacit British shoot-to-kill policy of suspected IRA members.[187] Parades issue[edit] Main articles: Parades in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
and Drumcree conflict

Orangemen marching in Bangor on the Twelfth of July 2010

Inter-communal tensions rise and violence often breaks out during the "marching season" when the Protestant Orange Order parades take place across Northern Ireland. The parades are held to commemorate William of Orange's victory in the Battle of the Boyne
Battle of the Boyne
in 1690, which secured the Protestant Ascendancy
Protestant Ascendancy
and British rule in Ireland. One particular flashpoint which has caused continuous annual strife is the Garvaghy Road area in Portadown, where an Orange parade from Drumcree Church passes through a mainly nationalist estate off the Garvaghy Road. This parade has now been banned indefinitely, following nationalist riots against the parade, and also loyalist counter-riots against its banning. In 1995, 1996 and 1997, there were several weeks of prolonged rioting throughout Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
over the impasse at Drumcree. A number of people died in this violence, including a Catholic taxi driver, killed by the Loyalist Volunteer Force, and three (of four) nominally Catholic brothers (from a mixed-religion family) died when their house in Ballymoney
Ballymoney
was petrol-bombed.[188][189][190] Social repercussions[edit]

A watchtower at a heavily fortified RUC base in Crossmaglen

A "peace line" at the back of a house on Bombay Street, Belfast

The impact of the Troubles on the ordinary people of Northern Ireland has been compared to that of the Blitz on the people of London.[191] The stress resulting from bomb attacks, street disturbances, security checkpoints, and the constant military presence had the strongest effect on children and young adults.[192] There was also the fear that local paramilitaries instilled in their respective communities with the punishment beatings, "romperings", and the occasional tarring and feathering meted out to individuals for various purported infractions.[193] In addition to the violence and intimidation, there was chronic unemployment and a severe housing shortage. Many people were rendered homeless as a result of intimidation or having their houses burnt, and urban redevelopment played a role in the social upheaval. Belfast families faced being transferred to new, alien estates when older, decrepit districts such as Sailortown and the Pound Loney
Pound Loney
were being demolished. According to social worker and author Sarah Nelson, this new social problem of homelessness and disorientation contributed to the breakdown of the normal fabric of society, allowing for paramilitaries to exert a strong influence in certain districts.[193] Vandalism was also a major problem. In the 1970s there were 10,000 vandalised empty houses in Belfast
Belfast
alone. Most of the vandals were aged between eight and thirteen.[194] According to one historian of the conflict, the stress of the Troubles engendered a breakdown in the previously strict sexual morality of Northern Ireland, resulting in a "confused hedonism" in respect of personal life.[195] In Derry, illegitimate births and alcoholism increased for women and the divorce rate rose.[196] Teenage alcoholism was also a problem, partly as a result of the drinking clubs established in both loyalist and republican areas. In many cases, there was little parental supervision of children in some of the poorer districts.[197] The Department of Health has looked at a report written in 2007 by Mike Tomlinson of Queen's University, which asserted that the legacy of the Troubles has played a substantial role in the current rate of suicide in Northern Ireland.[198] Casualties[edit]

Responsibility for Troubles-related deaths between 1969 and 2001

According to the Conflict Archive on the Internet
Conflict Archive on the Internet
(CAIN), 3,532 people were killed as a result of the conflict, from 1969 to 2001.[199] Of these, 3,489 were killed from 1969 to 1998.[199] According to the book Lost Lives (2006 edition), 3,720 people were killed as a result of the conflict, from 1966 to 2006. Of these, 3,635 were killed from 1969 to 1998.[200] There are reports that 257 of the victims were children under the age of seventeen, representing 7.2% of all the total during this period.[201] Other reports state that a total of 274 children under the age of eighteen were killed during the conflict.[202] In The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland, Brendan O'Leary and John McGarry point out that "nearly two per cent of the population of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
have been killed or injured through political violence [...] If the equivalent ratio of victims to population had been produced in Great Britain
Great Britain
in the same period some 100,000 people would have died, and if a similar level of political violence had taken place, the number of fatalities in the USA would have been over 500,000".[203] Using this relative comparison to the US, analyst John M. Gates suggests that whatever one calls the conflict, it was "certainly not" a "low intensity conflict".[204] In 2010 it was estimated that 107,000 people in Northern Ireland suffered some physical injury as a result of the conflict. On the basis of data gathered by the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Statistics and Research Agency, the Victims Commission estimated that the conflict resulted in 500,000 'victims' in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
alone. It defines 'victims' are those who are directly affected by 'bereavement', 'physical injury' or 'trauma' as a result of the conflict.[205] Responsibility[edit] Approximately 60% of the dead were killed by republicans, 30% by loyalists and 10% by British security forces.

Responsibility for killing[206]

Responsible party No.

Republican paramilitary groups 2058

Loyalist paramilitary groups 1027

British security forces 363

Persons unknown 79

Irish security forces 5

Total 3532

According to Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland:[207] Of those killed by British security forces:

187 (~51.5%) were civilians 145 (~39.9%) were members of republican paramilitaries 18 (~4.9%) were members of loyalist paramilitaries 13 (~3.5%) were fellow members of the British security forces

Of those killed by republican paramilitaries:

1080 (~52%) were members/former members of the British security forces 723 (~35%) were civilians 187 (~9%) were members of republican paramilitaries 57 (~2.7%) were members of loyalist paramilitaries 11 (~0.5%) were members of the Irish security forces

Of those killed by loyalist paramilitaries:

878 (~85.4%) were civilians 94 (~9%) were members of loyalist paramilitaries 41 (~4%) were members of republican paramilitaries 14 (~1%) were members of the British security forces

Status[edit] Approximately 52% of the dead were civilians, 32% were members/former members of the British security forces, 11% were members of republican paramilitaries, and 5% were members of loyalist paramilitaries.[206] About 60% of the civilian casualties were Catholics, 30% were Protestants, and the rest were from outside Northern Ireland.[208] Of the civilian casualties, 48% were killed by loyalists, 39% were killed by republicans, and 10% were killed by the British security forces.[207] It has been the subject of dispute whether some individuals were members of paramilitary organisations due to their secretive nature. Several casualties that were listed as civilians were later claimed by the IRA as their members.[209] One Ulster Defence Association
Ulster Defence Association
(UDA) and three Ulster Volunteer Force
Ulster Volunteer Force
(UVF) members killed during the conflict were also Ulster Defence Regiment
Ulster Defence Regiment
(UDR) soldiers at the time of their deaths.[210] At least one civilian victim was an off-duty member of the Territorial Army.[211]

Deaths by status of victim[7]

Status No.

Civilians (inc. Civilian political activists) 1841

British security force personnel (serving and former members) 1114

British Army
British Army
(inc. UDR, RIR and TA) 757

Royal Ulster
Ulster
Constabulary 319

Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Prison Service 26

English police forces 6

Royal Air Force 4

Royal Navy 2

Irish security force personnel 11

Garda Síochána 9

Irish Army 1

Irish Prison Service 1

Members of Republican paramilitaries 396

Members of Loyalist paramilitaries 170

Location[edit]

Troubles deaths by area

Most killings took place within Northern Ireland, especially in Belfast. Most of the killings in Belfast
Belfast
took place in the west and north of the city. Dublin, London and Birmingham
Birmingham
were also affected, albeit to a lesser degree than Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
itself. Occasionally, the IRA attempted or carried out attacks on British targets in Gibraltar, Germany and the Netherlands.

Conflict-related deaths by location[212]

Location No.

Belfast 1,541

West Belfast 623

North Belfast 577

South Belfast 213

East Belfast 128

County Armagh 477

County Tyrone 340

County Down 243

Derry
Derry
City 227

County Antrim 209

County Londonderry 123

County Fermanagh 112

Republic of Ireland 116

England 125

Continental Europe 18

Chronological listing[edit]

Conflict-related deaths by year[199]

Year No.

2002 20

2001 16

2000 19

1999 8

1998 55

1997 22

1996 18

1995 9

1994 64

1993 88

1992 88

1991 97

1990 81

1989 76

1988 104

1987 98

1986 61

1985 57

1984 69

1983 84

1982 111

1981 114

1980 80

1979 121

1978 82

1977 110

1976 297

1975 260

1974 294

1973 255

1972 480

1971 171

1970 26

1969 16

Additional statistics[edit]

Additional estimated statistics on the conflict[213]

Incident No.

Injury 47,541

Shooting incident 36,923

Armed robbery 22,539

People charged with paramilitary offences 19,605

Bombing and attempted bombing 16,209

Arson 2,225

See also[edit]

Ireland
Ireland
portal Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
portal Terrorism portal

Directory of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles Timeline of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles and peace process Timeline of Provisional Irish Republican Army
Provisional Irish Republican Army
actions Timeline of Irish National Liberation Army
Irish National Liberation Army
actions Timeline of Ulster Volunteer Force
Ulster Volunteer Force
actions Timeline of Ulster Defence Association
Ulster Defence Association
actions Timeline of Ulster Defence Regiment
Ulster Defence Regiment
operations Timeline of Real Irish Republican Army
Real Irish Republican Army
actions Chronology of Continuity Irish Republican Army
Continuity Irish Republican Army
actions List of bombings during the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles List of Irish police officers killed in the line of duty Segregation in Northern Ireland

In popular culture

The Troubles
The Troubles
in popular culture Category:Works about The Troubles
The Troubles
(Northern Ireland) List of books about the Troubles Murals in Northern Ireland

References[edit]

^ The "troubles" was used to describe the 17th century Wars of the Three Kingdoms by all three national parliaments. For example, after the Restoration in 1660 the English Act of free and general pardon, indemnity and oblivion starts with "The King's most excellent Majesty, taking into his gracious and serious consideration the long and great troubles..."; as does the similar act in Scotland: "The king's most excellent majesty, considering that by the late troubles diverse of his subjects..." (Scottish Parliament 1662); and by the Irish Parliament to describe the same period in An Act for the Conformation of Marriages (12 C. 2, 33 Eng.): "...marriages since the beginning of the late troubles..." (Irish Parliament 1794, p. 137).

^ Frequently Asked Questions – The Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Conflict, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 18 May 2017. ^ Arthur Aughey. The Politics of Northern Ireland: Beyond the Belfast Agreement, p. 7; ISBN 978-0-415-32788-6. ^ a b c "The troubles were over, but the killing continued. Some of the heirs to Ireland's violent traditions refused to give up their inheritance." Jack Holland: Hope against History: The Course of Conflict in Northern Ireland. Henry Holt & Company, 1999, p. 221; ISBN 0-8050-6087-1 ^ Gordon Gillespie, Historical Dictionary of the Northern Ireland Conflict, p. 250; ISBN 978-0-8108-5583-0. ^ Peter Taylor. Behind the mask: The IRA and Sinn Féin, Chapter 21: Stalemate, pp. 246–61. ^ "Ministry of Defence Annual Report and Accounts 2006–2007 HC 697" (PDF). Retrieved 24 February 2016.  ^ a b c d e f g Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland: Status of person killed. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN). Retrieved 18 May 2017. ^ Organizations: U (look under " Ulster
Ulster
Resistance"). Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN) ^ a b Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland: Status summary. Conflict Archive on the Internet
Conflict Archive on the Internet
(CAIN) ^ Security and defence-related statistics. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN) ^ "History – The Troubles
The Troubles
– Violence". BBC. Retrieved 26 May 2013.  ^ a b Mitchell, Claire (2013). Religion, Identity and Politics in Northern Ireland. Ashgate Publishing. p. 5. The most popular school of thought on religion is encapsulated in McGarry and O'Leary's Explaining Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
(1995), and it is echoed by Coulter (1999) and Clayton (1998). The central argument is that religion is an ethnic marker, but that it is not generally politically relevant in and of itself. Instead, ethnonationalism lies at the root of the conflict. Hayes and McAllister (1999a) point out that this represents something of an academic consensus.  ^ John McGarry & Brendan O'Leary (15 June 1995). Explaining Northern Ireland. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-631-18349-5.  ^ Dermot Keogh, ed. (28 January 1994). Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
and the Politics of Reconciliation. Cambridge University Press. pp. 55–59. ISBN 978-0-521-45933-4.  ^ John Coakley. "ETHNIC CONFLICT AND THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION: THE IRISH EXPERIENCE OF PARTITION". Archived from the original on 3 April 2012. Retrieved 15 February 2009. ...these attitudes are not rooted particularly in religious belief, but rather in underlying ethnonational identity patterns.  ^ A Glossary of Terms Related to the Conflict. Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN). Quote: "The term 'the Troubles' is a euphemism used by people in Ireland
Ireland
for the present conflict. The term has been used before to describe other periods of Irish history. On the CAIN web site the terms ' Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
conflict' and 'the Troubles', are used interchangeably." ^ Joanne McEvoy. The Politics of Northern Ireland. Edinburgh University Press, 2008. p. 1. Quote: "the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
conflict, known locally as 'the Troubles', endured for three decades and claimed the lives of more than 3,500 people". ^ David McKittrick & David McVea. Making Sense of the Troubles: A History of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Conflict. Penguin, 2001. ^ Gordon Gillespie. The A to Z of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Conflict. Scarecrow Press, 2009. ^ Aaron Edwards & Cillian McGrattan. The Northern Ireland Conflict: A Beginner's Guide. Oneworld Publications, 2012. ^ "Who Won The War? Revisiting NI on 20th anniversary of ceasefires". BBC. Retrieved 26 September 2014.  ^ "Troubles 'not war' motion passed". BBC. 18 February 2008. Retrieved 3 March 2015.  ^ "Frost over the World – "7:19 Paisley Describes Troubles As War"". YouTube. 28 March 2008. Retrieved 3 March 2015.  ^ Hennessey, Thomas (2001). The Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
peace process: ending the troubles?. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 48. ISBN 0312239491.  ^ Arthur Aughey. The Politics of Northern Ireland: Beyond the Belfast Agreement, p. 7; ISBN 978-0-41532-788-6. ^ Gordon Gillespie. Historical Dictionary of the Northern Ireland Conflict p. 250; ISBN 978-0810855830 ^ a b Marianne Elliot. The Long Road to Peace in Northern Ireland: Peace Lectures from the Institute of Irish Studies at Liverpool University. University of Liverpool Institute of Irish Studies, Liverpool University Press, 2007, pp. 2, 188; ISBN 1-84631-065-2. ^ Michael Goodspeed. When reason fails: Portraits of armies at war: America, Britain, Israel, and the future. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002, pp. 44, 61; ISBN 0-275-97378-6 ^ English, Richard (1 January 2005). Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195177534.  ^ Michael L. Storey. Representing the Troubles in Irish Short Fiction, 2004, p. 149 ^ Richard Jenkins (1997). Rethinking Ethnicity: Arguments and Explorations. SAGE Publications. p. 120. It should, I think, be apparent that the Northern Irish conflict is not a religious conflict... Although religion has a place—and indeed an important one—in the repertoire of conflict in Northern Ireland, the majority of participants see the situation as primarily concerned with matters of politics and nationalism, not religion. And there is no reason to disagree with them.  ^ Richard English. The State: Historical and Political Dimensions, Charles Townshend, 1998, Routledge, p. 96; ISBN 0-41515-477-4. ^ Dominic Bryan. Orange Parades: The Politics of Ritual, Tradition and Control, Pluto Press (2000), p. 94; ISBN 0-74531-413-9. ^ Operation Banner, alphahistory.com. Retrieved 18 June 2016. ^ "Draft List of Deaths Related to the Conflict (2003–present)". Retrieved 31 July 2008.  ^ Peter Cottrell (2006). The Anglo-Irish War: The Troubles
The Troubles
of 1913–1922. Osprey Publishing. p. 7. ISBN 1846030234. Retrieved 23 January 2015.  ^ Michael L. Storey (2004). Representing the Troubles in Irish Short Fiction. CUA Press. p. 2. ISBN 0813213665. Retrieved 23 January 2015.  ^ Peter Rose (2001). How the Troubles Came to Northern Ireland. p. 94. ISBN 9780333753460. ^ Anisseh Van Engeland & Rachael M. Rudolph. From Terrorism to Politics (2008), Aldershot, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate. page 59. ISBN 9780754649908. ^ Ryan Hackney and Amy Blackwell Hackney. The Everything Irish History & Heritage Book (2004). p. 200 ^ General Sir Michael Jackson. "Operation Banner: An analysis of military operations in Northern Ireland" (PDF). p. Chapter 1 Introduction, pg 1–1. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 April 2008. Retrieved 23 July 2014.  ^ "UK military operations in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
1969–2006 aka Operation Banner". Retrieved 4 October 2016.  ^ The Ballast report Archived 25 June 2008 at the Wayback Machine.: "the Police Ombudsman
Police Ombudsman
has concluded that this was collusion by certain police officers with identified UVF informants". ^ a b Parliamentary debate: "The British government
British government
agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland
Ireland
alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish." ^ Laurel Holliday. Children of the Troubles. 1998, pp. 341–42. ^ "Out of trouble: How diplomacy brought peace to Northern Ireland". CNN. 17 March 2008. Retrieved 2 November 2008.  ^ a b Frank Wright. Ulster: Two Lands, One Soil, 1996, p. 17. ^ "Profile: The Orange Order". BBC News. 4 July 2001. Retrieved 2 November 2008.  ^ English, Richard (2006). Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland. Pan Books. pp. 200–231. ISBN 978-0-330-42759-3.  ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Tim Pat Coogan (2002). The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace. Palgrave Macmillan.  ^ Peter Taylor (1989). Families at War. BBC. p. 10. ISBN 0-563-20787-6.  ^ English, Richard (2003). Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA. Oxford University Press. pp. 39–40. ISBN 0-19-517753-3. Retrieved 3 October 2016.  ^ "CRESC Working Paper Series : Working Paper No. 122" (PDF). Cresc.ac.uk. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 January 2017. Retrieved 3 October 2016.  ^ "Facts and Figures of the Belfast
Belfast
Pogroms G.B. Kenna 1922 Niall Meehan". Academia.edu. 1 January 1970. Retrieved 3 October 2016.  ^ "History Ireland". History Ireland. Retrieved 3 October 2016.  ^ Peter Hart (2003). The I.R.A. at war, 1916–1923. Oxford University Press. pp. 247, 251. ISBN 978-0-19-925258-9.  ^ Laura K. Dohonue. "Regulating Northern Ireland: The Special
Special
Powers Acts, 1922–1972", The Historical Journal (1998), vol 41, no. 4. ^ "Beginning of the Troubles, CAIN". Cain.ulst.ac.uk.  ^ a b "We Shall Overcome ... The History of the Struggle for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
1968–1978". cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 17 March 2015.  ^ Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth (second edition), Campaign for Social Justice in Northern Ireland, 15 June 1969. Retrieved 12 June 2013. ^ a b c d e f Chronology of Key Events in Irish History: 1800 to 1967, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 12 June 2013. ^ Jonathan Tonge (2002). Northern Ireland: Conflict and Change. Longman. pp. 37–38. ISBN 978-0-582-42400-5.  ^ Various (2006). Politics UK. Longman. p. 770. ISBN 978-1-4058-2411-8.  ^ Joint Committee on Human Rights, Parliament of the United Kingdom (2005). Counter-Terrorism Policy And Human Rights: Terrorism Bill and related matters: Oral and Written Evidence. Counter-Terrorism Policy And Human Rights: Terrorism Bill and related matters. 2. The Stationery Office. p. 110. ISBN 978-0-10-400766-2.  ^ English (2003), pp. 91, 94, 98 ^ Lord Cameron, Disturbances in Northern Ireland: Report of the Commission appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
(Belfast, 1969). Chapter 16. Quote: "While there is evidence that members of the I.R.A. are active in the organisation, there is no sign that they are in any sense dominant or in a position to control or direct policy of the Civil Rights Association." ^ M.L.R. Smith (2002). Fighting for Ireland?: The Military Strategy of the Irish Republican Movement. Routledge. p. 81. Republicans were instrumental in setting up NICRA itself, though they did not control the Association and remained a minority faction within it.  ^ Bob Purdie. "Chapter 4: The Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Civil Rights Association". Politics in the Streets: The origins of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland. Blackstaff Press. There is also clear evidence that the republicans were not actually in control of NICRA in the period up to and including the 5 October march.  ^ Loyalists, pp. 37–40. ^ Andrew Boyd. Holy War in Belfast. "Chapter 11: The Tricolour Riots". Anvil Books, 1969; reproduced here. ^ Hugh Jordan. Milestones in Murder: Defining moments in Ulster's terror war. Random House, 2011. Chapter 3. ^ a b c d e f Peter Taylor. Loyalists (1990). London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. pp. 41–44, 125, 143, 163, 188–90 ^ Robert H. White. "From Peaceful Protest to Guerrilla War: Micro mobilization of the Provisional Irish Republican Army", The American Journal of Sociology, vol 94, No 6 (May 1989), pp. 1277–1302. ^ a b c d Chronology of the Conflict: 1968, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 12 June 2013. ^ "Sixteen of us in one small house" (Audio) (Interview). Interview with Proinsias Ó Conluain. RTÉ Archives. 27 August 1969. Retrieved 22 July 2013.  ^ "Caledon Housing Protest". Campaign for Civil Rights. Archived from the original on 28 August 2013. Retrieved 23 July 2013.  ^ "Submission to the Independent Commission into Policing". Serve.com. Retrieved 2 November 2008.  ^ a b c Martin Melaugh. "The Derry
Derry
March: Main events of the day". Conflict Archive on the Internet
Conflict Archive on the Internet
(CAIN). Retrieved 16 February 2008.  ^ Rex Cathcart (1984). The Most Contrary Region. The Blackstaff Press. p. 208. ISBN 0856403237.  ^ a b Bowes Egan and Vincent McCormack. Burntollet. L.R.S. Publishers, 1969; reproduced on CAIN. Retrieved 12 June 2013. ^ a b c d e "Chronology of the Conflict: 1969". cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 12 June 2013.  ^ Jim Cusack & Henry McDonald. UVF. Poolbeg, 1997. p. 28 ^ Peter Taylor (1999). Loyalists. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 59–60. ISBN 0-7475-4519-7.  ^ Police Ombudsman
Police Ombudsman
statement on Devenny investigation, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 4 October 2001. ^ Russell Stetler. Extract from The Battle of Bogside
Bogside
(1970), cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 17 March 2015. ^ John Ranelagh (1994). A Short History of Ireland
Ireland
(2, illustrated, revised ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 272. ISBN 978-0-521-46944-9.  ^ Downey, James (2 January 2001). "Army on Armageddon alert". Irish Independent. Retrieved 7 December 2015.  ^ Michael McKernan (2005). Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Yearbook 2005. Stationery Office. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-9546284-2-0.  ^ English, Richard (9 December 2004). Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA. Oxford University Press. p. 136. ISBN 9780195177534.  ^ David McKittrick. Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who Died as a Result of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles. Random House, 2001. p. 42 ^ a b c d e f g Sutton Index of Deaths, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 3 March 2015. ^ Taylor, Peter (2001). Brits: The War Against the IRA. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 83. ISBN 0-7475-5806-X.  ^ Patrick Bishop & Eamonn Mallie (1987). The Provisional IRA. Corgi Books. pp. 52–54. ISBN 0-552-13337-X.  ^ English (2003), pp. 134–35 ^ R.K. Walker (2006). The Hunger Strikes. Lagan Books. p. 27. ISBN 1-904684-18-1.  ^ David Bonner (2007). Executive Measures, Terrorism and National Security: Have the Rules of the Game Changed?. Ashgate. p. 89. ISBN 978-0-7546-4756-0.  ^ Melaugh, Dr Martin. "CAIN: Events: 'Bloody Sunday' – Names of Dead and Injured". cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 9 May 2017.  ^ Walsh, Dermot (2000). Bloody Sunday and the Rule of Law in Northern Ireland. Gill & Macmillan. p. 88. ISBN 0717130851. Retrieved 5 December 2015.  ^ Melaugh, Dr Martin. "CAIN: [Widgery Report] Report of the Tribunal appointed to inquire into events on Sundy 30 January 1972". cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 9 May 2017.  ^ Melaugh, Dr Martin. "CAIN: Violence: List of Significant Violent Incidents". cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 9 May 2017.  ^ Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They?. London: Fourth Estate.: Peter Pringle and Phillip Jacobson. 2000. p. 293. ISBN 1-84115-316-8.  ^ " Internment
Internment
– Summary of Main Events". Cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 3 March 2015.  ^ Oren Gross & Fionnuala Ní Aoláin. Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice, p. 188; ISBN 978-0521833516. ^ Anthony Stuart Mathews. Freedom, state security and the rule of law: Dilemmas of the apartheid society, p. 246; ISBN 978-0-702-11812-8. ^ Mireille Delmas-Marty. The European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights: International Protection Versus National Restrictions, pp. 261–62; ISBN 978-0-792-31283-3. ^ Ed Moloney. A Secret History of the IRA, pp. 89–90; ISBN 0-141-01041-X. ^ Peter Taylor. Provos: The IRA and Sinn Féin, pp. 75–79; ISBN 9780-7475-3818-9. ^ a b English (2003), p. 137 ^ Brendan O'Brien (1995). The Long War – The IRA and Sinn Féin. O'Brien Press, Ltd. p. 119. ISBN 0-86278-425-5.  ^ a b c d e f g h i j k J. Bowyer Bell (1997). The Secret Army: The IRA. Transaction Publishers. p. 381. ISBN 1-56000-901-2.  ^ "1972: Official IRA
Official IRA
declares ceasefire". BBC News. 30 May 1981.  ^ Counterinsurgency
Counterinsurgency
Force Ratio: strategic utility or nominal necessity ^ a b c CAIN: Chronology of the Conflict – 1972 ^ Daltún Ó Ceallaigh. "Along The road to Irish unity?", Irish Democrat, April/May 2002. ^ Rick Wilford. Context and Content: Sunningdale and Belfast
Belfast
Compared, 2001, Oxford University Press, pg. 1 ^ Keeping Secrets, London Review of Books, April 1987. ^ a b c d Garret FitzGerald
Garret FitzGerald
(2006). "The 1974–5 Threat of a British Withdrawal from Northern Ireland" (PDF). Irish Studies in International Affairs. 17: 141–150. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 September 2007.  ^ Brian Dooley. Black and Green: Fight for Civil Rights in Northern Ireland
Ireland
and Black America, pg 129; ISBN 978-0-74531-295-8. ^ a b "The Hunger Strike of 1981 – A Chronology of Main Events". CAIN. Retrieved 26 May 2007.  ^ English (2003), p. 200 ^ Peter Taylor. Behind the Mask: The IRA and Sinn Féin, TV books, Inc., New York, 1997; ISBN 1-57500-061-X. ^ Kevin Toolis. Rebel Hearts: Journeys Within the IRA's Soul, Picador 2000; ISBN 978-0-330-34648-1. ^ "On This Day: 12 October 1984". BBC News. 12 October 2000. Retrieved 26 May 2013.  ^ "NORTHERN IRELAND IRA bomb victim buried". BBC News. 30 December 2000. Retrieved 3 October 2016.  ^ On this day: Loyalist killer Michael Stone freed from Maze, BBC ^ "A Chronology of the Conflict, 1978". Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN). Retrieved 3 November 2014.  ^ General Sir Michael Jackson. Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
(2006), MoD, Army Code 71842. Chapter 2, p. 16, item 247. ^ a b Toby Harnden (2000). Bandit Country:The IRA and South Armagh. London, UK: Coronet Books. pp. 358–9. ISBN 0-340-71737-8.  ^ "Soldiers hurt in IRA attack on helicopter". Glasgow Herald. 12 February 1990. Retrieved 17 March 2015.  ^ Michael Ashcroft (2012). Heroes of the Skies. Hachette UK. pp. 355–56. ISBN 0755363914.  ^ Department of the Official Report (Hansard), House of Commons, Westminster (8 June 1993). "House of Commons Hansard Debates for 8 Jun 1993". Parliament of the United Kingdom. Retrieved 3 October 2016. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link) ^ "US policy and Northern Ireland". BBC News. 8 April 2003.  ^ "A Break in the Irish Impasse". The New York Times. 30 November 1995.  ^ "BBC ON THIS DAY 1996: Docklands bomb ends IRA ceasefire". BBC News. 10 February 1996. Retrieved 3 October 2016.  ^ "IRA claims responsibility for London bombing". CNN. Retrieved 25 May 2010.  ^ " Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
shootings: The last soldier murdered". The Telegraph. 9 March 2009. Retrieved 9 May 2017.  ^ "Explainer: Real IRA
Real IRA
and Continuity IRA". The Guardian. London. 10 March 2009.  ^ "HC 502 Cover" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 July 2011. Retrieved 2 November 2008.  ^ Henry McDonald (30 July 2006). "New feud rips apart the UDA". The Guardian. London, UK.  ^ Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
becoming a more normalised society – Northern Ireland
Ireland
Office, 27 November 2006. Archived 8 January 2007 at the Wayback Machine. ^ "Ministry of Defence Annual Report and Accounts 2006–07 HC 697" (PDF). Retrieved 24 February 2016.  ^ "IRA 'has destroyed all its arms'". BBC. 26 September 2005. Retrieved 6 April 2007.  ^ Margaret Scanlan. Culture and Customs of Ireland, Greenwood Publishing Group, pg. 51, 2006; ISBN 0-313-33162-6, ISBN 978-0-313-33162-6. ^ "BBC". Retrieved 25 February 2016.  ^ " Pat Finucane
Pat Finucane
murder: 'Shocking state collusion', says PM", BBC. Retrieved 11 March 2015. ^ a b "UK agents 'worked with NI paramilitary killers'", BBC News, 28 May 2015. Retrieved 15 June 2015. ^ Thomas G. Mitchell, Native Vs. Settler: Ethnic Conflict in Israel/Palestine, Northern Ireland, p. 55. ^ Brett Bowden, Michael T. Davis (eds). Terror: From Tyrannicide to Terrorism, p. 234 ^ "Subversion in the UDR", cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 11 March 2015. ^ John Eldridge. Getting the Message: News, Truth, and Power. Routledge, 2003. p. 79. ^ Brendan O'Leary and John McGarry. The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland. Athlone Press, 1996. pp. 268–69. ^ The Cassel Report (2006), pp. 8, 14, 21, 25, 51, 56, 58–65. ^ a b Collusion
Collusion
in the South Armagh/Mid Ulster
Ulster
Area in the mid-1970s Archived 26 April 2011 at the Wayback Machine., patfinucanecentre.org. Retrieved 2 January 2011. ^ Lethal Allies: British Collusion
Collusion
in Ireland
Ireland
– Conclusions Archived 22 February 2014 at the Wayback Machine., patfinucanecentre.org. Retrieved 6 March 2015. ^ a b The Cassel Report (2006), pg. 4, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 17 March 2015. ^ The Cassel Report (2006), p. 63 ^ The Cassel Report (2006), pg. 8, cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 17 March 2015. ^ a b c "Stevens Inquiry: Key people". BBC News. 17 April 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2013.  ^ a b "Scandal of Ulster's secret war", The Guardian, 17 April 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2013. ^ a b "Security forces aided loyalist murders", BBC, 17 April 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2013. ^ a b "Obituary: Brian Nelson". The Guardian. London, UK. 17 April 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2013.  ^ Clayton, Pamela (1996). Enemies and Passing Friends: Settler ideologies in twentieth-century Ulster. Pluto Press. p. 156. More recently, the resurgence in loyalist violence that led to their carrying out more killings than republicans from the beginning of 1992 until their ceasefire (a fact widely reported in Northern Ireland) was still described as following 'the IRA's well-tested tactic of trying to usurp the political process by violence'……  ^ "Deadly Intelligence: State Involvement in Loyalist Murder in Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
– Summary", cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 17 March 2015. ^ Human Rights in Northern Ireland: Hearing before the Committee on International Relations of the United States House of Representatives, 24 June 1997. US Government Printing Office, 1997. ^ Stevens Enquiry 3: Overview & Recommendations Archived 10 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine., madden-finucane.com, 17 April 2003. Retrieved 27 September 2013. ^ "NI police colluded with killers". BBC News, 22 January 2007. ^ "Bombshell documentary uncovers Government collusion with loyalist paramilitaries", The Belfast
Belfast
Telegraph, 12 June 2015. Retrieved 15 June 2015. ^ David McKittrick. Lost Lives. Mainstream Publishing, 1999. p. 724. ^ Stephen Howe, "Killing Fields", New Statesman, 14 February 2000. Retrieved 2 February 2011. ^ a b The Cassel Report (2006), p. 68. Retrieved 17 March 2015. ^ Houses of the Oireachtas, Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence and Women's Rights (2003). "The Barron Report" (PDF). Oireachtas. p. 135.  ^ Acting Clerk of Dáil confirms publication of report from Judge Peter Smithwick ^ Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into suggestions that members of An Garda Siochana or other employees of the State colluded in the fatal shooting of RUC Chief Superintendent Harry Breen and RUC Superintendent Robert Buchanan on 20 March 1989 ^ Smithwick: Collusion
Collusion
in Bob Buchanan and Harry Breen murders ^ Irish police colluded in murders of RUC officers Harry Breen and Bob Buchanan, report finds ^ BBC report on Smithwick Tribunal
Smithwick Tribunal
report, 4 December 2013; accessed 4 December 2013. ^ "Who were the 'Disappeared'?", BBC. Retrieved 4 July 2015. ^ Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Disappeared, reuters.com. Retrieved 7 September 2015. ^ "The Disappeared". Independent Commission for the Location of Victims' Remains. Retrieved 3 May 2014.  ^ "Disappeared issue 'a festering wound' says McGuinness". BBC News. 5 November 2013. Retrieved 10 April 2014.  ^ "Undercover soldiers 'killed unarmed civilians in Belfast'". BBC. 21 November 2014. Retrieved 28 November 2014.  ^ Michael McHugh. "Amnesty wants probe into British army 'death squad'". Irish Independent. Retrieved 28 November 2014.  ^ "Book reveals Adams, Mc Guinness
Guinness
were on British Army
British Army
death squad hit list". IrishCentral.com. 18 November 2013. Retrieved 28 November 2014.  ^ McKittrick. Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who Died as a Result of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles, p. 182. ^ Raymond Murray. The SAS in Ireland. Mercier Press, 1990. pp. 44–45. ^ Owen Bowcott (21 November 2013). "Undercover Northern Ireland soldiers accused of killing unarmed civilians". The Guardian. Retrieved 28 November 2014.  ^ Maxine Williams.Murder on the Rock Archived 4 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine., rcgfrfi.easynet.co.uk. Retrieved 17 March 2015. The article includes a list of suspected shoot-to-kill victims between 1982 and 1986. ^ "Michael McGoldrick, 64, Activist in Ulster, Dies". The New York Times. 6 April 2006.  ^ Angelique Chrisafis (5 August 2005). "Police hold six over loyalist turf war deaths". The Guardian. London, UK.  ^ "1998: Children die in Drumcree protests". BBC News. 12 July 1986.  ^ Dervla Murphy. A Place Apart. Penguin Books, 1978, p. 134. ^ Murphy, p. 209. ^ a b Sarah Nelson. Ulster's Uncertain Defenders: Protestant Political, Paramilitary
Paramilitary
and Community Groups and the Northern Ireland Conflict, 1984, Belfast: Appletree Press. p. 126. ^ Murphy, p. 210. ^ Jack Holland. Hope Against History: The Course of Conflict in Northern Ireland, 1999, pp. 12–13. ^ Murphy, p. 80. ^ Murphy, pp. 279–82. ^ BBC News, 4 July 2007. Retrieved 29 September 2008. ^ a b c "Sutton Index of Deaths: Year of the death". Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN). Retrieved 25 February 2016.  ^ David McKittrick et al. Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children who Died as a Result of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Troubles. Random House, 2006. pp. 1551–54 ^ Muldoon, Orla T. (2004). "Children of the Troubles:The Impact of Political Violence in Northern Ireland". Journal of Social Issues. doi:10.1111/j.0022-4537.2004.00366.x.  ^ Browne, Brendan (2014). "Navigating Risk: Understanding the Impact of the Conflict on Children and Young People in Northern Ireland". Studies in Conflict and Terrorism.  ^ Brendan O'Leary and John McGarry. The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland. London: The Athlone Press, 2nd edition, 1996. pp. 12–13. ^ JOHN M. GATES, THE U.S. ARMY AND IRREGULAR WARFARE, CHAPTER ELEVEN THE CONTINUING PROBLEM OF CONCEPTUAL CONFUSION "Even in Northern Ireland, where at first glance the number of people killed seems small indeed (c. 2,500), the United States equivalent approximates a shocking 400,000. In short, no matter what one might call these conflicts, they are certainly not conflicts of "low" intensity". ^ Simon Cunningham. "Troubles created 500 000 victims says official body", The Irish News, 27 September 2011. ^ a b "Sutton Index of Deaths: Summary of Organisation responsible". Conflict Archive on the Internet
Conflict Archive on the Internet
(CAIN). Retrieved 24 February 2016.  ^ a b "Sutton Index of Deaths: Crosstabulations (two-way tables)". Conflict Archive on the Internet. Retrieved 1 September 2014.  (choose "organization summary" and "status summary" as the variables) ^ "Sutton Index of Deaths: Crosstabulations (two-way tables)". Conflict Archive on the Internet. Retrieved 1 September 2014.  (choose "status summary" and "religion summary" as the variables) ^ "Bloody Sunday victim did volunteer for us, says IRA", The Guardian, 19 May 2002. ^ "Sutton Index of Deaths: 1975". Conflict Archive on the Internet(CAIN). Retrieved 1 September 2014.  ^ Robert Dunseath, killed in the Teebane massacre was a member of the Royal Irish Rangers: Royal Irish Rangers
Royal Irish Rangers
roll of honour, royalirishrangers.co.uk. Retrieved 11 March 2015. ^ "Sutton Index of Deaths: Geographical Location of the death". Conflict Archive on the Internet. Retrieved 1 September 2014.  ^ "CAIN: Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Society — Security and Defence". Cain.ulster.ac.uk. Retrieved 1 September 2014. 

Bibliography[edit] Main article: List of books about the Troubles

David McKittrick, Seamus Kelters, Brian Feeney and Chris Thornton (1999), Lost Lives: The stories of the men, women and children who died as a result of the Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
troubles, Mainstream Publishing Company; ISBN 1-84018-227-X. Greg Harkin and Martin Ingram (2004), Stakeknife: Britain's secret agents in Ireland, O'Brien Press (18 February 2004); ISBN 0-86278-843-9 Richard Bourke, Peace In Ireland: The War of Ideas (Random House, 2003). Richard English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA, Oxford University Press (2003); ISBN 0-19-517753-3 Richard English, The Interplay of Non-violent and Violent Action in Northern Ireland, 1967–72, in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford University Press, 2009; ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6. Kevin Myers, Watching the Door A Memoir 1971–1978, Lilliput Press, Dublin
Dublin
(16 October 2006); ISBN 1-84351-085-5 Tim Pat Coogan, Ireland
Ireland
in the Twentieth Century, Palgrave Macmillan (16 February 2006); ISBN 1-4039-6842-X David McKittrick and David McVea. Making Sense of the Troubles (London: Penguin Books 2000) Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie. Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1993. (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993) John Furniss Potter. A Testimony to Courage – the Regimental History of the Ulster Defence Regiment
Ulster Defence Regiment
1969 – 1992, Pen & Sword Books Ltd, 2001; ISBN 0-85052-819-4 Irish Parliament (1794), Statutes Passed in the Parliaments Held in Ireland: 1665–1712, George Grierson, p. 137  Chris Ryder. The Ulster
Ulster
Defence Regiment: An Instrument of Peace?, 1991; ISBN 0-413-64800-1 Scottish Parliament (9 September 1662). The king's majesty's gracious and free pardon, act of indemnity and oblivion. rps.ac.uk. 

External links[edit]

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Chronology

   

Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
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(1971) Irish government
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establishes power-sharing Assembly (1973) Ulster
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Workers' Council strike brings down Agreement and power-sharing (1974) Dublin and Monaghan bombings
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by IRA (1976) Warrenpoint ambush
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by IRA (1979) 1981 Irish hunger strike; hunger striker Bobby Sands
Bobby Sands
elected MP; Sinn Féin begins to move towards electoral politics (1981) Droppin Well bombing
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by INLA (1982) Brighton hotel bombing
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Anglo-Irish Agreement
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(1985) Newry
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mortar attack by IRA (1985) Loughgall ambush
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(1987) Remembrance Day bombing
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and Corporals killings (1988) British government
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Greysteel massacre
(1993) Loughinisland massacre
Loughinisland massacre
by UVF (1994) First IRA and loyalist ceasefires (1994) Docklands and Manchester bombings by IRA (1996) Drumcree riots (1997) Second IRA ceasefire (1997) Good Friday Agreement
Good Friday Agreement
(1998) signals the end of the Troubles Omagh bombing
Omagh bombing
by the Real IRA
Real IRA
(1998)

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v t e

Protests of 1968

Movements

1968 movement in Italy Civil rights movement Anti-nuclear movement Black Consciousness Movement Black Power
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movement Black Power
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Hippie
movement Human rights movement in the Soviet Union Mexico 68 Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
civil rights movement Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War Prague Spring Red Power movement Sexual revolution The Troubles Women's liberation movement

Events

1968 Polish political crisis 1968 student demonstrations in Yugoslavia 1968 Democratic National Convention protest activity 1968 Red Square demonstration Båstad riots Battle of Valle Giulia Ceaușescu's speech of 21 August 1968 Central Park be-ins Columbia University protests of 1968 East L.A. walkouts King assassination riots March of the One Hundred Thousand May 1968 events in France Memphis sanitation strike Occupation of the Old Student House Occupation of the Student Union Building Poor People's Campaign Presidio mutiny Rodney riots Third World Liberation Front strikes of 1968 Tlatelolco massacre

Related

Anti-capitalism Black Power Counterculture of the 1960s Desegregation Flower power Free love Hippie Antisemitism in Poland New Left Racism in the United States School discipline Second-wave feminism Segregation in Northern Ireland Student activism Vietnam War Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia

Paramilitaries of The Troubles

v t e

Provisional Irish Republican Army

General

Anti-Treaty IRA Sinn Féin Republican News An Phoblacht The Green Book The Troubles
The Troubles
(Timeline) Haughey arms crisis Officials-Provisionals split Provisional IRA campaign Arms importation Disappeared Mountjoy Prison helicopter escape Blanket protest Dirty protest HM Prison Maze Anti H-Block 1981 Irish hunger strike Maze Prison escape Armalite and ballot box strategy Smithwick Tribunal Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
peace process North American arrests Barrack buster Good Friday Agreement

Organisation

IRA Army Council Internal Security Unit Active Service Unit (ASU) Provisional IRA Belfast
Belfast
Brigade Provisional IRA Derry
Derry
Brigade Provisional IRA South Armagh
Armagh
Brigade Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade Provisional IRA Balcombe Street Gang ASU

Attacks

Insurgency, 1969–1977

Battle of St Matthew's 1970 RUC booby-trap bombing Scottish soldiers' killings Balmoral showroom bombing Abercorn bombing Donegall St bombing Battle at Springmartin Bloody Friday Claudy bombing Coleraine bombings M62 coach bombing Guildford pub bombings Brook's Club bomb attack British Airways bombing attempt Birmingham
Birmingham
pub bombings Bayardo Bar attack Caterham Arms pub bombing London Hilton bombing Green Park tube station bombing Scott's Oyster Bar bombing Walton's Restaurant bombing Drummuckavall ambush Balcombe Street siege Kingsmill massacre

Long War, 1977–1988

1978 Lisnamuck shoot-out Jonesboro Gazelle downing La Mon restaurant bombing 1978 Crossmaglen
Crossmaglen
Ambush Warrenpoint
Warrenpoint
ambush Dunmurry train explosion Lough Foyle attacks Chelsea Barracks bombing Hyde Park and Regent's Park bombings Harrods bombing Woolwich barracks Brighton
Brighton
hotel bombing Ballygawley land mine attack Newry
Newry
mortar attack Ballygawley attack The Birches attack JHQ Rheindahlen bombing (Germany)

Peace Process, 1988–1998

Corporals killings Lisburn van bombing 1988 Netherlands Attacks Inglis Barracks Ballygawley bus bombing Jonesborough ambush Deal barracks bombing Derryard attack Derrygorry Gazelle downing RFA Fort Victoria bombing Proxy bombings Downing St mortar attack Mullacreevie ambush Glenanne barracks bombing Teebane bombing Cloghoge attack 1992 Manchester bombing South Armagh
Armagh
sniper campaign Warrington bomb attacks Cullaville
Cullaville
occupation Bishopsgate bombing Battle of Newry
Newry
Road Shankill Road
Shankill Road
bombing Crossmaglen
Crossmaglen
Lynx downing Drumcree conflict Docklands bombing 1996 Manchester bombing Osnabrück mortar attack Thiepval barracks bombing Coalisland
Coalisland
attack July 1997 riots

Chiefs of Staff

Seán Mac Stíofáin (1969–72) Joe Cahill (1972–73) Seamus Twomey (1973) Éamonn O'Doherty (1973–74) Seamus Twomey (1974–77) Gerry Adams
Gerry Adams
(1977–78) Martin McGuinness
Martin McGuinness
(1978–82) Ivor Bell (1982–83) Kevin McKenna (1983–97) Thomas "Slab" Murphy (1997–2005)

Personalities (Volunteers)

Billy McKee Gerry Kelly Dolours Price Marian Price Roy Walsh John Joe McGirl Ruairí Ó Brádaigh Dáithí Ó Conaill George Harrison Billy Reid Michael Gaughan Pat Doherty Hugh Doherty Séanna Breathnach Proinsias MacAirt John Kelly Rose Dugdale John Francis Green Peter Cleary Kevin Coen Frank Stagg Kieran Nugent Francis Hughes Brendan Hughes Tommy McKearney Raymond McCartney Gerry McGeough Gerard Casey Thomas McMahon Eamon Collins Gerard Tuite Patrick Magee Bobby Sands Raymond McCreesh Joe McDonnell Martin Hurson Kieran Doherty Thomas McElwee Michael McKevitt Alex Maskey Fra McCann Owen Carron Paul Butler Dessie Ellis Angelo Fusco Breandán Mac Cionnaith Rita O'Hare Martin Meehan Arthur Morgan Danny Morrison Antoine Mac Giolla Bhrighde Kieran Fleming William Fleming Bernard Fox Paddy Quinn Laurence McKeown Pat McGeown Matt Devlin Pat Sheehan Siobhán O'Hanlon Jackie McMullan Patrick Joseph Kelly Larry Marley Jim Lynagh Pádraig McKearney Brendan McFarlane Charles Breslin Sean O'Callaghan Séamus McElwaine Gabriel Cleary Daniel McCann Seán Savage Mairéad Farrell Martin McCaughey Dessie Grew Fergal Caraher Patricia Black Malachy Carey Martin McGartland Joseph MacManus Paul Magee Pearse Jordan Thomas Begley Martin Doherty Ed O'Brien Diarmuid O'Neill Carál Ní Chuilín Ian Milne Conor Murphy Martina Anderson Jennifer McCann Liam Campbell Colin Duffy

Espionage & Supergrasses

Denis Donaldson Freddie Scappaticci (allegedly "Stakeknife") Martin McGartland Raymond Gilmour Kevin Fulton Joseph Fenton Eamon Collins

Associates

Cumann na mBan Fianna Éireann South Armagh
Armagh
Republican Action Force Direct Action Against Drugs NORAID Provisional Clan na Gael Friends of Sinn Féin Cairde na hÉireann Troops Out Movement

Derivatives

Continuity Irish Republican Army Real Irish Republican Army

Prominent killings

Michael Willetts Jean McConville Columba McVeigh Billy Fox Martin McBirney Steven Tibble Ross McWhirter Sammy Smyth Christopher Ewart-Biggs Jeffery Stanford Agate Robert Nairac Richard Sykes Gerard Evans Lord Mountbatten Baroness Brabourne Norman Stronge James Stronge Robert Bradford Lenny Murphy Kenneth Salvesen Anthony Berry Maurice Gibson Robert Seymour Heidi Hazell Joseph Fenton Nick Spanos Stephen Melrose Ian Gow Donald Kaberry Thomas Oliver Sammy Ward Tim Parry Jonathan Ball Ray Smallwoods Joe Bratty Raymond Elder Martin Cahill Jerry McCabe Andrew Kearney Eamon Collins Matthew Burns Robert McCartney (allegedly) James Curran Joseph Rafferty (allegedly) Paul Quinn

v t e

Official IRA
Official IRA
and the Workers' Party

General

Anti-Treaty IRA Sinn Féin The Troubles
The Troubles
(Timeline) Marxist-Leninism Popular front Two-stage theory Anti-sectarianism Officials-Provisionals split Free Derry United Irishman The Irish People Official IRA
Official IRA
Belfast
Belfast
Brigade

Actions

1969 Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
riots Falls curfew Aldershot bombing

Personalities

Cathal Goulding Seán Garland Roy Johnston C. Desmond Greaves Joe McCann Ronnie Bunting Thomas 'Ta' Power Des O'Hagan Malachy McGurran Billy McMillen Jim Sullivan Kenneth Littlejohn Seamus Costello Eoin Ó Murchú Tomás Mac Giolla Francis Hughes Paddy O'Callaghan Mickey Devine Michael Gaughan Henry McDonald Johnnie White Seán Ó Cionnaith Mairín De Burca Hugh Torney Dominic Behan Martin O'Hagan Eoghan Harris Eamonn Melaugh Proinsias De Rossa Eric Byrne Pat McCartan Joe Sherlock Liz McManus Pat Rabbitte Seamus Lynch Michael Enright Eamon Gilmore Catherine Murphy Marian Donnelly Francie Donnelly Tom French Patrick Gallagher John Halligan Linda Kavanagh Kathleen Lynch Des Geraghty Mick Finnegan Ted Tynan Michael Donnelly John Lowry Gerry Grainger

Associates

Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
Civil Rights Association Connolly Association (Communist Party of Great Britain) Peace Train Organisation IMCWP INITIATIVE Clann na hÉireann

Derivatives

Irish National Liberation Army Irish Republican Socialist Party Democratic Left Irish Socialist Network Official Republican Movement

Prominent killings

Seamus Costello John Barnhill Gerard Weston

v t e

INLA and the IRSP

General

The Troubles Official Sinn Féin Official IRA Irish Republican Socialist Movement The Starry Plough Marxist-Leninism Blanket protest Dirty protest HM Prison Maze Anti H-Block 1981 Irish hunger strike July 1997 riots Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
peace process Good Friday Agreement Organized crime

Attacks

Central Bar bombing 1975 Assassination of Airey Neave Droppin Well bombing Darkley massacre (denied) 1994 Shankill Road
Shankill Road
killings Newtownhamilton bombing

Personalities

Seamus Costello Ronnie Bunting Bernadette Devlin Tony Gregory Miriam Daly Johnnie White Stephen King Michael Plunkett Mary Reid Raymond Gilmour Gerard Steenson Sammy Ward Patsy O'Hara Kevin Lynch Mickey Devine Thomas 'Ta' Power Gino Gallagher Dominic McGlinchey Harry Kirkpatrick Seamus Grew Dessie Grew Jimmy Brown Hugh Torney Dessie O'Hare Colm Murphy Christopher "Crip" McWilliams Patrick Campbell

Associates

Republican Socialist Youth Movement Irish Republican Socialist Committees of North America

Derivatives

Independent Socialist Party Irish People's Liberation Organisation Republican Socialist Collective

Prominent killings

Billy McMillen Henry Byrne John Morley William McCullough John McKeague Patrick Joseph Morrissey Trevor King Billy Wright

v t e

Continuity IRA and Republican Sinn Féin

General

The Troubles 1986 Sinn Féin
Sinn Féin
Ardfheis Abstentionism Irish republican
Irish republican
legitimatism Éire Nua Saoirse Irish Freedom Dissident republican Dissident Irish Republican campaign CIRA actions

Personalities

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh Dáithí Ó Conaill Éamonn O'Doherty Billy McKee Seán Ó Brádaigh George Harrison Dan Keating Joe Stynes Seán Cunningham Seán Keenan Des Dalton Josephine Hayden Martin Corey

Associates

Cumann na mBan Fianna Éireann Republican Clan na Gael National Irish Freedom Committee Cabhair National Commemoration Committee

v t e

Real Irish Republican Army
Real Irish Republican Army
and the 32 County Sovereignty Movement

General

The Troubles Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland
peace process Mitchell Principles Good Friday Agreement Dissident republican Dissident Irish Republican campaign

Attacks

Omagh
Omagh
bombing 2000 MI6 attack 2001 BBC bombing 2001 Ealing bombing 2009 Massereene Barracks shooting 2010 Newry
Newry
car bombing

Personalities

Bernadette Sands McKevitt Michael McKevitt Liam Campbell Seamus Daly Colm Murphy Gareth O'Connor Andrew Burns Francie Mackey Gary Donnelly Marian Price Alan Ryan Colin Duffy

Associates

Republican Action Against Drugs Republican Clan na Gael

Derivatives

Óglaigh na hÉireann ( Real IRA
Real IRA
splinter group)

v t e

Ulster
Ulster
Defence Association

during the Troubles

Chairmen of the UDA

Charles Harding Smith (1971-1972) Jim Anderson (1972) Charles Harding Smith and Jim Anderson (1972-1973) Andy Tyrie
Andy Tyrie
(1973-1988) position abolished (1988)

East Belfast
Belfast
Brigade

Albert "Ginger" Baker Jimmy Birch Billy Elliot Jim "Doris Day" Gray Tommy Herron Sammy McCormick Ned McCreery Michael Stone

North Belfast
Belfast
Brigade

John Boreland John Bunting Sammy Duddy Tommy English Davy Payne Andre & Ihab Shoukri Jimbo Simpson

South Belfast
Belfast
Brigade

David Adams Joe Bratty James Craig Raymond Elder Alex Kerr Jackie McDonald John McMichael Ray Smallwoods Michael Stone

West Belfast
Belfast
Brigade

Johnny Adair Jim Anderson Ken Barrett Jackie Coulter Mo Courtney James Craig Frankie Curry William "Winkie" Dodds Hester Dunn Ernie Elliott Davy Fogel Donald Hodgen Billy Hull Matt Kincaid Tommy Lyttle Kenny McClinton Sam McCrory Alan McCullough William "Bucky" McCullough Stephen "Top Gun" McKeag Billy "Twister" McQuiston James "Sham" Millar Wendy Millar Brian Nelson Charles Harding Smith Gary "Smickers" Smyth Sammy Smyth Jim Spence William Stobie "Fat" Jackie Thompson Andy Tyrie John White

South East Antrim Brigade

Joe English John Gregg

North Antrim & Londonderry Brigade

Glenn Barr Ken Kerr Torrens Knight Billy McFarland Andy Robinson

Mid- Ulster
Ulster
Brigade

Robert John Kerr Eddie Sayers Michael Stone

Actions

Benny's Bar bombing
Benny's Bar bombing
(1972) New Lodge Six shooting
New Lodge Six shooting
(1973) Paddy Wilson and Irene Andrews killings
Paddy Wilson and Irene Andrews killings
(1973) Murder of Ann Ogilby
Murder of Ann Ogilby
(1974) Dublin
Dublin
Airport bombing (1975) Milltown Cemetery attack
Milltown Cemetery attack
(1988) Sean Graham bookmakers' shooting
Sean Graham bookmakers' shooting
(1992) Attack on James Murray's bookmakers
Attack on James Murray's bookmakers
(1992) Castlerock killings (1993) Greysteel massacre
Greysteel massacre
(1993)

Prominent victims

Paddy Wilson (1973) Máire Drumm
Máire Drumm
(1976) John Turnley
John Turnley
(1980) Miriam Daly (1980) Ronnie Bunting
Ronnie Bunting
(1980) James Craig (1988) Pat Finucane
Pat Finucane
(1989) Gerard Casey (1989) Eddie Fullerton (1991) Ned McCreery (1992) Frankie Curry
Frankie Curry
(1999)

Related articles

Combined Loyalist Military Command Loyalist Association of Workers Loyalist feud Quis separabit? Real Ulster
Ulster
Freedom Fighters Red Hand Defenders Shankill Defence Association Ulster
Ulster
Army Council Ulster
Ulster
Democratic Party Ulster
Ulster
loyalism Ulster
Ulster
Loyalist Central Co-ordinating Committee Ulster
Ulster
nationalism Ulster
Ulster
Political Research Group Ulster
Ulster
Workers' Council strike Ulster
Ulster
Young Militants Volunteer ( Ulster
Ulster
loyalist) Woodvale Defence Association

bold indicates brigadiers

v t e

Ulster
Ulster
Volunteer Force

during the Troubles

Chiefs of Staff

Gusty Spence
Gusty Spence
(1966) Samuel McClelland (1966–1973) Jim Hanna (1973–1974) Ken Gibson (1974) Unnamed Chief of Staff (1974–1975) Tommy West (1975–1976) John "Bunter" Graham (1976-date)

Belfast
Belfast
Brigade members

Robert Bates John Bingham Frankie Curry David Ervine Billy Giles Mark Haddock Billy Hutchinson Trevor King Bobby McKee Jackie Mahood William "Frenchie" Marchant Billy Mitchell William Moore John Murphy Lenny Murphy Clifford Peeples Brian Robinson George Seawright Robert "Squeak" Seymour William Smith Billy Spence Harry "Harmless" Stockman James "Tonto" Watt

Mid- Ulster
Ulster
Brigade members

Harris Boyle Mark "Swinger" Fulton William James Fulton Billy Hanna Robin Jackson Richard Jameson Robin King Billy McCaughey Robert McConnell David Alexander Mulholland Lindsay Robb Wesley Somerville John Weir Billy Wright

Red Hand Commando
Red Hand Commando
members

Frankie Curry Billy Elliot John McKeague Winston Churchill Rea Wiliam Smith Michael Stone

Units and groups

Glenanne gang Shankill Butchers Protestant Action Force Young Citizen Volunteers

Actions

Battle of St Matthew's
Battle of St Matthew's
(1970) McGurk's Bar bombing
McGurk's Bar bombing
(1971) Battle at Springmartin
Battle at Springmartin
(1972) Belturbet bombing
Belturbet bombing
(1972) Dublin
Dublin
bombings (1972–3) Rose & Crown Bar bombing (1974) Dublin and Monaghan bombings
Dublin and Monaghan bombings
(1974) 1975 Conway's Bar attack (1975) Strand Bar Bombing (1975) Miami Showband killings
Miami Showband killings
(1975) Donnelly's Bar and Kay's Tavern attacks
Donnelly's Bar and Kay's Tavern attacks
(1975) Belfast and Coleraine attacks, 1975 (1975) Reavey and O'Dowd killings
Reavey and O'Dowd killings
(1976) Hillcrest Bar bombing (1976) Chlorane Bar attack
Chlorane Bar attack
(1976) Ramble Inn attack
Ramble Inn attack
(1976) Cappagh killings (1991) 1991 Drumbeg killings Loughinisland massacre
Loughinisland massacre
(1994) 1994 Dublin- Belfast
Belfast
train bombing Quinn brothers' killings
Quinn brothers' killings
(1998) Andrew Robb and David McIlwaine killings
Andrew Robb and David McIlwaine killings
(2000)

Prominent victims

Jim Hanna (1974) John Francis Green
John Francis Green
(1975) Billy Hanna
Billy Hanna
(1975) The Miami Showband
The Miami Showband
(1975) Maire Drumm
Maire Drumm
(1976) Larry Marley (1987) Martin Doherty (1994) Jackie Coulter (2000) Tommy English (2000)

Related articles

Combined Loyalist Military Command Loyalist feud Loyalist Volunteer Force Progressive Unionist Party Tara Ulster
Ulster
Army Council Ulster
Ulster
Constitution Defence Committee Ulster
Ulster
loyalism Ulster
Ulster
Loyalist Central Co-ordinating Committee Ulster
Ulster
Volunteers Ulster
Ulster
Workers' Council strike Volunteer ( Ulster
Ulster
loyalist) Volunteer Political Party

bold indicates brigadiers and commanders

v t e

Loyalist Volunteer Force

during the Troubles

Leaders

Billy Wright (1996-1997) Mark "Swinger" Fulton (1997-2002) Robin "Billy" King (2002-2005?)

Members and spokesmen

William James Fulton Muriel Gibson Alex Kerr Kenny McClinton Jackie Mahood Clifford Peeples Lindsay Robb

Related articles

Drumcree conflict Richard Jameson Loyalist feud Red Hand Defenders UDA West Belfast
Belfast
Brigade Ulster
Ulster
loyalism UVF Mid- Ulster
Ulster
Brigade Volunteer ( Ulster
Ulster
loyalist)

Authority control

.