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General of the Army (Ret.) H. Muhammad Suharto
Suharto
(also written Soeharto; Javanese: ꦯꦸꦲꦂꦠ;  pronunciation (help·info), or Muhammad Soeharto; Javanese: ꦩꦸꦲꦩ꧀ꦩꦢ꧀ꦯꦸꦲꦂꦠ ; 8 June 1921 – 27 January 2008) was an Indonesian military leader and politician who served as the second President of Indonesia, holding the office for 31 years from the ousting of Sukarno
Sukarno
in 1967
1967
until his resignation in 1998. Suharto
Suharto
was born in a small village, Kemusuk, in the Godean area near the city of Yogyakarta, during the Dutch colonial era.[2] He grew up in humble circumstances.[3] His Javanese Muslim parents divorced not long after his birth, and he lived with foster parents for much of his childhood. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, Suharto
Suharto
served in Japanese-organised Indonesian security forces. Indonesia's independence struggle saw his joining the newly formed Indonesian army. Suharto
Suharto
rose to the rank of major general following Indonesian independence. An attempted coup on 30 September 1965 allegedly backed by the Indonesian Communist Party
Indonesian Communist Party
was countered by Suharto-led troops.[4] The army subsequently led an anti-communist purge which the CIA
CIA
described as "one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century"[5] and Suharto
Suharto
wrested power from Indonesia's founding president, Sukarno. He was appointed acting president in 1967, replacing Sukarno, and elected President the following year. He then mounted a social campaign known as De-Soekarnoization
De-Soekarnoization
in an effort to reduce the former President's influence. Support for Suharto's presidency was strong throughout the 1970s and 1980s. By the 1990s, the New Order's authoritarianism and widespread corruption[6] were a source of discontent and, following a severe financial crisis, led to widespread unrest and his resignation in May 1998. Suharto
Suharto
died in 2008 and was given a state funeral. The legacy of Suharto's 31-year rule is debated both in Indonesia
Indonesia
and abroad. Under his "New Order" administration, Suharto
Suharto
constructed a strong, centralised and military-dominated government. An ability to maintain stability over a sprawling and diverse Indonesia
Indonesia
and an avowedly anti-Communist stance won him the economic and diplomatic support of the West during the Cold War. For most of his presidency, Indonesia
Indonesia
experienced significant economic growth and industrialisation,[7] dramatically improving health, education and living standards.[8] Plans to award National Hero status to Suharto
Suharto
are being considered by the Indonesian government and have been highly debated in Indonesia.[9] According to Transparency International, Suharto
Suharto
is the most corrupt leader in modern history, having embezzled an alleged $15–35 billion during his rule.[10]

Contents

1 Early life 2 Military career

2.1 World War II and Japanese occupation 2.2 Indonesian National Revolution 2.3 Post-Independence military career

3 Overthrow of Sukarno
Sukarno
(1965)

3.1 Background 3.2 Abortive coup and anti-communist purge 3.3 Power struggle

4 The "New Order" (1967–1998)

4.1 Ideology 4.2 Consolidation of power 4.3 Domestic politics and security 4.4 Economy 4.5 Foreign policy 4.6 Socio-economic progress and growing corruption 4.7 The New Order in the 1980s and 1990s 4.8 Economic crisis and resignation

5 Post-presidency

5.1 Health crises 5.2 Death

6 See also 7 References

7.1 Sources

8 Bibliography 9 External links

Early life[edit] Main article: Early life and career of Suharto Suharto
Suharto
was born on 8 June 1921 during the Dutch East Indies
Dutch East Indies
era, in a plaited bamboo walled house in the hamlet of Kemusuk, a part of the larger village of Godean. The village is 15 kilometres (9 mi) west of Yogyakarta, the cultural heartland of the Javanese.[8][11] Born to ethnic Javanese parents, he was the only child of his father's second marriage. His father, Kertosudiro, had two children from his previous marriage, and was a village irrigation official. His mother, Sukirah, a local woman, was distantly related to Hamengkubuwana V by his first concubine.[12]

Official portrait of Suharto
Suharto
and First Lady Siti Hartinah.

Five weeks after Suharto's birth, his mother suffered a nervous breakdown and he was placed in the care of his paternal great-aunt, Kromodirjo.[13] Kertosudiro and Sukirah divorced early in Suharto's life and both later remarried. At the age of three, Suharto
Suharto
was returned to his mother, who had married a local farmer whom Suharto helped in the rice paddies.[13] In 1929, Suharto's father took him to live with his sister, who was married to an agricultural supervisor, Prawirowihardjo, in the town of Wuryantoro in a poor and low-yielding farming area near Wonogiri. Over the following two years, he was taken back to his mother in Kemusuk by his stepfather and then back again to Wuryantoro by his father.[14] Prawirowihardjo took to raising the boy as his own, which provided Suharto
Suharto
a father-figure and a stable home in Wuryantoro. In 1931, he moved to the town of Wonogiri
Wonogiri
to attend the primary school, living first with Prawirohardjo's son Sulardi, and later with his father's relative Hardjowijono. While living with Hardjowijono, Suharto
Suharto
became acquinted with Darjatmo, a dukun ("shaman") of Javanese mystical arts and faith healing. The experience deeply affected him and later, as president, Suharto
Suharto
surrounded himself with powerful symbolic language.[8] Difficulties in paying the fees for his education in Wonogiri
Wonogiri
resulted in another move back to his father in Kemusuk, where he continued studying at a lower-fee Muhammadiyah
Muhammadiyah
middle school in the city of Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
until 1939.[14][15] Like many Javanese, Suharto
Suharto
had only one name.[16] In religious contexts in recent years he has sometimes been called "Haji" or "el-Haj Mohammed Suharto" but these names were not part of his formal name or generally used. The spelling "Suharto" reflects modern Indonesian spelling, although the general approach in Indonesia
Indonesia
is to rely on the spelling preferred by the person concerned. At the time of his birth, the standard transcription was "Soeharto" and he preferred the original spelling. The international English-language press generally uses the spelling 'Suharto' while the Indonesian government and media use 'Soeharto'.[17] Suharto's upbringing contrasts with that of leading Indonesian nationalists such as Sukarno
Sukarno
in that he is believed to have had little interest in anti-colonialism, or political concerns beyond his immediate surroundings. Unlike Sukarno
Sukarno
and his circle, Suharto
Suharto
had little or no contact with European colonizers. Consequently, he did not learn to speak Dutch or other European languages in his youth. He learned to speak Dutch after his induction into the Dutch military in 1940.[15] Military career[edit] Main article: Early life and career of Suharto World War II and Japanese occupation[edit] See also: Japanese occupation of Indonesia Suharto
Suharto
finished middle school at the age of 18 and took a clerical job at a bank in Wuryantaro. He was forced to resign after a bicycle mishap tore his only working clothes.[18] Following a spell of unemployment, he joined the Royal Netherlands East Indies Army
Royal Netherlands East Indies Army
(KNIL) in June 1940, and undertook basic training in Gombong
Gombong
near Yogyakarta. With the Netherlands under German occupation and the Japanese pressing for access to Indonesian oil supplies, the Dutch had opened up the KNIL to large intakes of previously excluded Javanese.[19] Suharto
Suharto
was assigned to Battalion XIII at Rampal, graduated from a short training course at KNIL Kaderschool in Gombong
Gombong
to become a sergeant, and was posted to a KNIL reserve battalion in Cisarua.[20] Following the Dutch surrender to the invading Japanese forces in March 1942, Suharto
Suharto
abandoned his KNIL uniform and went back to Wurjantoro. After months of unemployment, he then became one of thousands of Indonesians who took the opportunity to join Japanese-organised security forces by joining the Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
police force.[19] In October 1943, Suharto
Suharto
was transferred from the police force to the newly formed Japanese-sponsored militia, the PETA (Defenders of the Fatherland) in which Indonesians served as officers. In his training to serve with the rank of shodancho (platoon commander) he encountered a localised version of the Japanese bushido, or "way of the warrior", used to indoctrinate troops. This training encouraged an anti-Dutch and pro-nationalist thought, although toward the aims of the Imperial Japanese militarists. The encounter with a nationalistic and militarist ideology is believed to have profoundly influenced Suharto's own way of thinking.[21] Suharto
Suharto
was posted to a PETA coastal defence battalion at Wates, south of Yogyakarta, until he was admitted for training for company commander (chudancho) in Bogor
Bogor
from April to August 1944. As company commander, he conducted training for new PETA recruits in Surakarta, Jakarta, and Madiun. The Japanese surrender and Proclamation of Indonesian Independence in August 1945 occurred while Suharto
Suharto
was posted to the remote Brebeg area (on the slopes of Mount Wilis) to train new NCOs to replace those executed by the Japanese in the aftermath of the failed PETA rebellion of February 1945 in Blitar, led by Supriyadi. Indonesian National Revolution[edit] See also: Indonesian National Revolution Two days after the Japanese surrender in the Pacific, independence leaders Sukarno
Sukarno
and Hatta declared Indonesian independence, and were appointed President and Vice-President respectively of the new Republic. Suharto
Suharto
disbanded his regiment in accordance with orders from the Japanese command, and returned to Yogyakarta.[22] As republican groups rose to assert Indonesian independence, Suharto joined a new unit of the newly formed Indonesian army. On the basis of his PETA experience, he was appointed deputy commander, and subsequently a battalion commander when the republican forces were formally organised in October 1945.[22] Suharto
Suharto
was involved in fighting against Allied troops around Magelang
Magelang
and Semarang, and was subsequently appointed head of a brigade as lieutenant-colonel, having earned respect as a field commander.[23] In the early years of the War, he organised local armed forces into Battalion X of Regiment I; Suharto
Suharto
was promoted to Major and became Battalion X's leader.[24] The arrival of the Allies, under a mandate to return the situation to the status quo ante bellum, quickly led to clashes between Indonesian republicans and Allied forces, i.e. returning Dutch and assisting British forces. Suharto
Suharto
led his Division X troops to halt an advance by the Dutch T ("Tiger") Brigade on 17 May 1946. It earned him the respect of Lieutenant-Colonel Sunarto Kusumodirjo, who invited him to draft the working guidelines for the Battle Leadership Headquarters (MPP), a body created to organise and unify the command structure of the Indonesian Nationalist forces.[25] The military forces of the still infant Republic of Indonesia
Indonesia
were constantly restructuring. By August 1946, Suharto
Suharto
was head of the 22nd Regiment of Division III (the "Diponegoro Division") stationed in Yogyakarta. In late 1946, the Diponegoro Division assumed responsibility for defence of the west and southwest of Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
from Dutch forces. Conditions at the time are reported by Dutch sources as miserable; Suharto
Suharto
himself is reported as assisting smuggling syndicates in the transport of opium through the territory he controlled, to generate income. In September 1948, Suharto
Suharto
was dispatched to meet Musso, chairman of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in an unsuccessful attempt at a peaceful reconciliation of the communist uprising in Madiun.[26]

Lieutenant Colonel Suharto
Suharto
in 1947.

In December 1948, the Dutch launched "Operation Crow", which resulted in the capture of Sukarno
Sukarno
and Hatta and the capital Yogyakarta. Suharto
Suharto
was appointed to lead the Wehrkreise III, consisting of two battalions, which waged guerilla warfare against the Dutch from the hills south of Yogyakarta.[26] In dawn raids on 1 March 1949, Suharto's forces and local militia recaptured the city, holding it until noon.[27] Suharto's later accounts had him as the lone plotter, although other sources say Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX
Hamengkubuwono IX
of Yogyakarta, and the Panglima of the Third Division, ordered the attack. However, General Abdul Nasution said that Suharto
Suharto
took great care in preparing the "General Offensive" (Indonesian Serangan Umum). Civilians sympathetic to the Republican cause within the city had been galvanised by the show of force which proved that the Dutch had failed to win the guerrilla war. Internationally, the United Nations Security Council pressured the Dutch to cease the military offensive and to recommence negotiations, which eventually led to the Dutch withdrawal from Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
area in June 1949 and to complete transfer of sovereignty in December 1949. Suharto
Suharto
was responsible for the takeover of Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
city from the withdrawing Dutch in June 1949.[28] During the Revolution, Suharto
Suharto
married Siti Hartinah
Siti Hartinah
(known as Madam Tien), the daughter of a minor noble in the Mangkunegaran royal house of Solo. The arranged marriage was enduring and supportive, lasting until Tien's death in 1996.[8] The couple had six children: Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (Tutut, born 1949), Sigit Harjojudanto (born 1951), Bambang Trihatmodjo (born 1953), Siti Hediati ("Titiek Suharto", born 1959), Hutomo Mandala Putra (Tommy, born 1962), and Siti Hutami Endang Adiningish (Mamiek, born 1964). Within the Javanese upper class, it was considered acceptable for the wife to pursue genteel commerce[clarification needed] to supplement the family budget, allowing her husband to keep his dignity in his official role. The commercial dealings[clarification needed] of Tien, her children and grandchildren became extensive and ultimately undermined Suharto's presidency.[8] Post-Independence military career[edit]

Suharto
Suharto
with his wife and six children in 1967.

In the years following Indonesian independence, Suharto
Suharto
served in the Indonesian National Army, primarily in Java. In 1950, as a colonel, he led the Garuda Brigade in suppressing the Makassar
Makassar
Uprising, a rebellion of former colonial soldiers who supported the Dutch-established State of East Indonesia
Indonesia
and its federal entity, the United States of Indonesia.[29] During his year in Makassar, Suharto became acquainted with his neighbours, the Habibie
Habibie
family, whose eldest son BJ Habibie
BJ Habibie
was later Suharto's vice-president, and went on to succeed him as President. In 1951–1952, Suharto
Suharto
led his troops in defeating the Islamic-inspired rebellion of Battalion 426 in the Klaten
Klaten
area of Central Java.[30] Appointed to lead four battalions in early 1953, he organised their participation in battling Darul Islam insurgents in northwestern Central Java
Java
and anti-bandit operations in the Mount Merapi
Mount Merapi
area. He also sought to stem leftist sympathies amongst his troops. His experience in this period left Suharto
Suharto
with a deep distaste for both Islamic and communist radicalism.[31]

In his office as the head of the Strategic Reserve, 1963

Between 1956 and 1959, he served in the important position of commander of Diponegoro Division based in Semarang, responsible for Central Java
Java
and Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
provinces. His relationship with prominent businessmen Liem Sioe Liong and Bob Hasan, which extended throughout his presidency, began in Central Java, where he was involved in a series of "profit generating" enterprises conducted primarily to keep the poorly funded military unit functioning.[32] Army anti-corruption investigations implicated Suharto
Suharto
in a 1959 smuggling scandal. Relieved of his position, he was transferred to the army's Staff and Command School (Seskoad) in the city of Bandung.[33] While in Bandung, he was promoted to brigadier-general, and in late 1960, promoted to army deputy chief of staff.[8] In 1961, he was given an additional command, as head of the army's new Strategic Reserve (later KOSTRAD), a ready-reaction air-mobile force based in Jakarta.[8] In January 1962, Suharto
Suharto
was promoted to the rank of major general and appointed to lead Operation Mandala, a joint army-navy-air force command based in Makassar. This formed the military side of the campaign to win western New Guinea from the Dutch, who were preparing it for its own independence, separate from Indonesia.[8] In 1965, Suharto
Suharto
was assigned operational command of Sukarno's Konfrontasi, against the newly formed Malaysia. Fearful that Konfrontasi
Konfrontasi
would leave Java
Java
thinly covered by the army, and hand control to the 2 million-strong Indonesian Communist Party
Indonesian Communist Party
(PKI), he authorised a Kostrad intelligence officer, Ali Murtopo, to open secret contacts with the British and Malaysians.[8] Overthrow of Sukarno
Sukarno
(1965)[edit] Main article: Transition to the New Order Background[edit] See also: Guided Democracy in Indonesia Tensions between the military and communists increased in April 1965, when Sukarno
Sukarno
endorsed the immediate implementation of the PKI’s proposal for a "fifth armed force" consisting of armed peasants and workers. However, this idea was rejected by the army’s leadership as being tantamount to the PKI establishing its own armed forces. In May, the "Gilchrist Document" aroused Sukarno's fear of a military plot to overthrow him, a fear which he mentioned repeatedly during the next few months. On his independence day speech in August, Sukarno
Sukarno
declared his intention to commit Indonesia
Indonesia
to an anti-imperialist alliance with China and other communist regimes, and warned the Army not to interfere.[34] While Sukarno
Sukarno
devoted his energy for domestic and international politics, the economy of Indonesia
Indonesia
deteriorated rapidly with worsening widespread poverty and hunger, while foreign debt obligations became unmanageable and infrastructure crumbled. Sukarno's Guided Democracy stood on fragile grounds due to the inherent conflict between its two underlying support pillars, the military and the communists. The military, nationalists, and the Islamic groups were shocked by the rapid growth of the communist party under Sukarno's protection. They feared imminent establishment of communist state in Indonesia. By 1965, the PKI had 3 million members, and were particularly strong in Central Java
Java
and Bali. PKI has become the strongest political party in Indonesia. Abortive coup and anti-communist purge[edit] Main articles: 30 September Movement
30 September Movement
and Indonesian killings of 1965–66

As Major General, Suharto
Suharto
(at right, foreground) attends funeral for assassinated generals, 5 October 1965.

Before dawn on 1 October 1965, six army generals were kidnapped and executed in Jakarta
Jakarta
by soldiers from the Presidential Guard, Diponegoro Division, and Brawidjaja Division.[35] Soldiers occupied Merdeka Square including the areas in front of the Presidential Palace, the national radio station, and telecommunications centre. At 7:10 am Untung bin Sjamsuri announced on radio that the "30 September Movement" had forestalled a coup attempt on Sukarno
Sukarno
by "CIA-backed power-mad generals", and that it was "an internal army affair". The 30 September Movement
30 September Movement
never made any attempt on Suharto's life.[36] Suharto
Suharto
had been in Jakarta
Jakarta
army hospital that evening with his three-year-old son Tommy who had a scalding injury. It was here that he was visited by Colonel Abdul Latief, a key member of 30 September Movement and close family friend of Suharto. According to Latief's later testimony, the conspirators assumed Suharto
Suharto
to be a Sukarno-loyalist, hence Latief went to inform him of the impending kidnapping plan to save Sukarno
Sukarno
from treacherous generals, upon which Suharto
Suharto
seemed to offer his neutrality.[37] Upon being told of the killings, Suharto
Suharto
went to KOSTRAD
KOSTRAD
headquarters just before dawn from where he could see soldiers occupying Merdeka Square. He mobilized KOSTRAD
KOSTRAD
and RPKAD (now Kopassus) special forces to seize control of the centre of Jakarta, capturing key strategic sites including the radio station without resistance. Suharto announced over the radio at 9:00 pm that six generals had been kidnapped by "counter-revolutionaries" and that the 30 September Movement actually intended to overthrow Sukarno. He said he was in control of the army, and that he would crush the 30 September Movement and safeguard Sukarno.[38] Suharto
Suharto
issued an ultimatum to Halim Air Force Base, where the G30S had based themselves and where Sukarno, air force commander Omar Dhani
Omar Dhani
and PKI chairman Dipa Nusantara Aidit
Dipa Nusantara Aidit
had gathered, causing them to disperse before Suhartoist soldiers occupied the air base on 2 October after short fighting.[39] With the failure of the poorly organised coup,[40] and having secured authority from the president to restore order and security, Suharto's faction was firmly in control of the army by 2 October (he was officially appointed army commander on 14 October). On 5 October, Suharto
Suharto
led a dramatic public ceremony to bury the generals' bodies. Complicated and partisan theories continue to this day over the identity of the attempted coup's organisers and their aims. The army's version, and subsequently that of the "New Order", was that the PKI was solely responsible. A propaganda campaign by the army, and Islamic and Catholic student groups, convinced both Indonesian and international audiences that it was a communist coup attempt, and that the killings were cowardly atrocities against Indonesian heroes.[41] The army in alliance with religious civilian groups led a campaign to purge Indonesian society, government, and armed forces of the communist party and leftist organisations.[41] The purge spread from Jakarta
Jakarta
to much of the rest of the country.[42] (see: Indonesian killings of 1965–1966). The most widely accepted estimates are that at least half a million were killed.[43][44][45][46][47] As many as 1.5 million were imprisoned at one stage or another.[48] As a result of the purge, one of Sukarno's three pillars of support, the Indonesian Communist Party, was effectively eliminated by the other two, the military and political Islam.[49] Power struggle[edit] See also: Supersemar Sukarno
Sukarno
continued to command loyalty from large sections of the armed forces as well as the general population, and Suharto
Suharto
was careful not to be seen to be seizing power in his own coup. For eighteen months following the quashing of the 30 September Movement, there was a complicated process of political manoeuvres against Sukarno, including student agitation, stacking of parliament, media propaganda and military threats.[50] In January 1966, university students under the banner of KAMI, begin demonstrations against the Sukarno
Sukarno
government voicing demands for the disbandment of PKI and control of hyperinflation. The students received support and protection with the army, with Suharto
Suharto
often engaging in coordination meetings with student leaders. Street fights broke out between the students and pro- Sukarno
Sukarno
loyalists with the pro- Suharto
Suharto
students prevailing due to army protection. In February 1966, Sukarno
Sukarno
promoted Suharto
Suharto
to lieutenant-general (and to full general in July 1966).[51] The killing of a student demonstrator and Sukarno's order for the disbandment of KAMI in February 1966 further galvanised public opinion against the president. On 11 March 1966, the appearance of unidentified troops around Merdeka Palace during a cabinet meeting (which Suharto
Suharto
had not attended) forced Sukarno
Sukarno
to flee to Bogor
Bogor
Palace (60 km away) by helicopter. Three Suhartoist generals, Major-General Basuki Rahmat, Brigadier-General M Jusuf, and Brigadier-General Amirmachmud
Amirmachmud
went to Bogor
Bogor
to meet Sukarno. There, they Persuaded and secured a presidential decree from Sukarno
Sukarno
(see Supersemar) that gave Suharto authority to take any action necessary to maintain security.[50] Using the Supersemar
Supersemar
letter, Suharto
Suharto
ordered the banning of PKI the following day, and proceeded to purge pro- Sukarno
Sukarno
elements from the parliament, the government and military, accusing them of being communist sympathisers. The army arrested 15 cabinet ministers and forced Sukarno
Sukarno
to appoint a new cabinet consisting of Suharto supporters. The army arrested pro- Sukarno
Sukarno
and pro-communist members of the MPRS (parliament), and Suharto
Suharto
replaced chiefs of the navy, air force, and the police force with his supporters, who then began an extensive purge within each services.[51] In June 1966, the now-purged parliament passed 24 resolutions including the banning of Marxism-Leninism, ratifying the Supersemar, and stripping Sukarno
Sukarno
of his title of President for Life. Against the wishes of Sukarno, the government ended the Konfrontasi
Konfrontasi
with Malaysia and rejoined the United Nations ( Sukarno
Sukarno
had removed Indonesia
Indonesia
from the UN in the previous year). Suharto
Suharto
did not seek Sukarno's outright removal at this MPRS session due to the remaining support for the president among certain elements of the armed forces. By January 1967, Suharto
Suharto
felt confident that he had removed all significant support for Sukarno
Sukarno
within the armed forces, and the MPRS decided to hold another session to impeach Sukarno. On 22 February 1967, Sukarno
Sukarno
announced he would resign from the presidency, and on 12 March, the MPRS session stripped him of his remaining power and named Suharto
Suharto
acting president.[52] Sukarno
Sukarno
was placed under house arrest in Bogor
Bogor
Palace; little more was heard from him, and he died in June 1970.[53] On 27 March 1968, the MPRS appointed Suharto
Suharto
for the first of his five-year terms as President.[54] The "New Order" (1967–1998)[edit] See also: New Order (Indonesia) Ideology[edit] Suharto
Suharto
promoted his "New Order", as opposed to Sukarno's "Old Order", as a society based on the Pancasila ideology. After initially being careful not to offend sensitivities of Islamic scholars who feared Pancasila might develop into a quasi-religious cult, Suharto
Suharto
secured a parliamentary resolution in 1983 which obliged all organisations in Indonesia
Indonesia
to adhere to Pancasila as basic principle. He also instituted mandatory Pancasila training programs for all Indonesians, from primary school students to office workers. In practice, however, the vagueness of Pancasila was exploited by Suharto's government to justify their actions and to condemn their opponents as "anti-Pancasila".[55] The New Order also implemented the Dwifungsi ("Dual Function") policy enabled the military to have an active role in all levels of Indonesian government, economy, and society. Consolidation of power[edit] See also: Acting Presidency of Suharto

Suharto
Suharto
is appointed President of Indonesia
President of Indonesia
at a ceremony, March 1968.

Having been appointed president, Suharto
Suharto
still needed to share power with various elements including Indonesian generals who considered Suharto
Suharto
as mere primus inter pares and Islamic and student groups who participated in the anti-communist purge. Suharto, aided by his "Office of Personal Assistants" (Aspri) clique of military officers from his days as commander of Diponegoro Division, particularly Ali Murtopo, began to systematically cement his hold on power by subtly sidelining potential rivals while rewarding loyalists with political position and monetary incentives. Having successfully stood-down MPRS chairman General Nasution's 1968 attempt to introduce a bill which would have severely curtailed presidential authority, Suharto
Suharto
had him removed from his position as MPRS chairman in 1969 and forced his early retirement from the military in 1972. In 1967, generals Hartono Rekso Dharsono, Kemal Idris, and Sarwo Edhie Wibowo
Sarwo Edhie Wibowo
(dubbed "New Order Radicals") opposed Suharto's decision to allow participation of existing political parties in elections in favour of a non-ideological two-party system similar to those found in many Western countries. Suharto
Suharto
then proceeded to send Dharsono overseas as ambassador, while Idris and Wibowo were sent to distant North Sumatera
North Sumatera
and South Sulawesi
South Sulawesi
as regional commanders.[56] Suharto's previously strong relationship with the student movement soured over the increasing authoritarianism and corruption of his regime. While many original leaders of the 1966 student movement (Angkatan '66) were successfully co-opted into the regime, Suharto
Suharto
was faced with large student demonstrations challenging the legitimacy of 1971 elections ("Golput" movement), the costly construction of Taman Mini Indonesia
Indonesia
Indah theme park (1972), the domination of foreign capitalists ( Malari Incident
Malari Incident
of 1974), and lack of term limits of Suharto's presidency (1978). The regime responded by imprisoning many student activists (such as future national figures Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti, Adnan Buyung Nasution, Hariman Siregar, and Sjahrir) and even sending army units to occupy university campus of ITB ( Bandung
Bandung
Institute of Technology) from January–March 1978. In April 1978, Suharto
Suharto
moved decisively by issuing decree on "Normalization of Campus Life" (NKK) which prohibited political activities on-campus not related to academic pursuits.[57][58] On 15–16 January 1974, Suharto
Suharto
faced a significant challenge when violent riots broke out in Jakarta
Jakarta
during visit of Japanese prime minister Kakuei Tanaka. Students demonstrating against increasing dominance of Japanese investors was encouraged by General Sumitro, deputy commander of armed forces. Sumitro was an ambitious general who disliked the strong influence of Suharto's Aspri inner circle. It was reported to Suharto
Suharto
that the riots were engineered by Sumitro who wished to destabilize the regime utilizing the student unrest, resulting in Sumitro's dismissal and forced retirement. This incident is referred as Malari Incident
Malari Incident
(Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari / Disaster of 15 January). However, Suharto
Suharto
also disbanded Aspri to appease popular dissent.[59] In 1980, fifty prominent political figures signed the Petition of Fifty which criticised Suharto's use of Pancasila to silence his critics. Suharto
Suharto
refused to address the petitioners' concerns, and some of them were imprisoned with others having restrictions imposed on their movements.[60] Domestic politics and security[edit] See also: Indonesian invasion of East Timor
Indonesian invasion of East Timor
and Papua conflict To placate demands from civilian politicians for the holding of elections, as manifested in MPRS resolutions of 1966 and 1967, Suharto government formulated a series of laws regarding elections as well as the structure and duties of parliament which were passed by MPRS in November 1969 after protracted negotiations. The law provided for a parliament (Madjelis Permusjawaratan Rakjat/MPR) with the power to elect presidents, consisting of a lower house (Dewan Perwakilan Rakjat/DPR) and regional representatives. 100 of the 460 members of DPR will be directly appointed by the government, while the remaining seats were allocated to political parties based on results of general election. This mechanism ensures significant government control over legislative affairs, particularly the appointment of presidents.[61][62] To participate in the elections, Suharto
Suharto
realized the need to align himself with a political party. After initially considering alignment with Sukarno's old party the PNI, in 1969 Suharto
Suharto
decided to take-over control of an obscure military-run federation of NGOs called Golkar ("Functional Group") and transform it into his electoral vehicle under the coordination of his right-hand man Ali Murtopo. The first general election was held on 3 July 1971 with ten participants; consisting of Golkar, four Islamic parties, as well as five nationalist and Christian parties. Campaigning on a non-ideological platform of "development", and aided by official government support and subtle intimidation tactics, Golkar
Golkar
managed to secure 62.8% of the popular vote. The March 1973 general session of newly elected MPR promptly appointed Suharto
Suharto
to second-term in office with Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX as vice-president.[63]

"It is not the military strength of the Communists but their fanaticism and ideology which is the principal element of their strength. To consider this, each country in the area needs an ideology of its own with which to counter the Communists. But a national ideology is not enough by itself. The well being of the people must be improved so that it strengthens and supports the national ideology." —  Suharto
Suharto
speaking to President Ford in 1975[64]

On 5 January 1973, to allow better control, the government forced the four Islamic parties to merge into PPP (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan/United Development Party) while the five non-Islamic parties were fused into PDI (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia/Indonesian Democratic Party). The government ensured that these parties never developed effective opposition by controlling their leadership, while establishing the "re-call" system to remove any outspoken legislators from their positions. Using this system dubbed the "Pancasila Democracy", Suharto
Suharto
was re-elected unopposed by the MPR in 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998.[65] Golkar
Golkar
won landslide majorities in the MPR at every election, ensuring that Suharto
Suharto
would be able to pass his agenda with virtually no opposition. For all intents and purposes, he held all governing power in the nation. Suharto
Suharto
proceeded with various social engineering projects designed to transform Indonesian society into a de-politicized "floating mass" supportive of the national mission of "development", a concept similar to corporatism. The government formed various civil society groups to unite the populace in support of government programs. For instance, the government created Korpri (Korps Pegawai Republik Indonesia) in November 1971 as union of civil servants to ensure their loyalty, organized the FBSI (Federasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia) as the only legal labour union in February 1973, and established the MUI in 1975 to control Islamic clerics. In 1966 to 1967, to promote assimilation of the influential Chinese-Indonesians, the Suharto
Suharto
government passed several laws as part of so-called "Basic Policy for the Solution of Chinese Problem", whereby only one Chinese-language publication (controlled by the army) was allowed to continue, all Chinese cultural and religious expressions (including display of Chinese characters) were prohibited from public space, Chinese schools were phased-out, and the ethnic-Chinese were encouraged to take-up Indonesian-sounding names. In 1968, Suharto
Suharto
commenced the very successful family-planning program (Keluarga Berentjana / KB) to stem the huge population growth rate and hence increasing per-capita income. A lasting legacy from this period is the spelling reform of Indonesian language
Indonesian language
decreed by Suharto
Suharto
on 17 August 1972.[66]

A re-enactment of the Santa Cruz massacre
Santa Cruz massacre
of at least 250 East Timorese pro-independence demonstrators during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor.

Suharto
Suharto
relied on the military to ruthlessly maintain domestic security, organized by the Kopkamtib (Operation Command for the Restoration of Security and Order) and BAKIN (State Intelligence Coordination Agency). To maintain strict control over the country, Suharto
Suharto
expanded the army's territorial system down to village-level, while military officers were appointed as regional heads under the rubric of the Dwifungsi ("Dual Function") of the military. By 1969, 70% of Indonesia's provincial governors and more than half of its district chiefs were active military officers. Suharto
Suharto
authorized Operasi Trisula which destroyed PKI-remnants trying to organize a guerilla base in Blitar
Blitar
area in 1968, and ordered several military operations which ended the communist PGRS-Paraku insurgency in West Kalimantan (1967–1972). Attacks on oil workers by the first incarnation of Free Aceh Movement
Free Aceh Movement
separatists under Hasan di Tiro
Hasan di Tiro
in 1977 led to dispatch of small special forces detachments who quickly either killed or forced the movement's members to flee abroad.[67] Notably, in March 1981, Suharto
Suharto
authorised a successful special forces mission to end hijacking of a Garuda Indonesia
Indonesia
flight by Islamic extremists at Don Muang Airport
Don Muang Airport
in Bangkok.[68] To comply with New York Agreement
New York Agreement
of 1962 which required a plebiscite on integration of West Irian
West Irian
into Indonesia
Indonesia
before end of 1969, the Suharto
Suharto
government begin organizing for a so-called "Act of Free Choice" scheduled for July–August 1969. The government sent RPKAD special forces under Sarwo Edhie Wibowo
Sarwo Edhie Wibowo
which secured the surrender of several bands of former Dutch-organized militia (Papoea Vrijwilligers Korps / PVK) at large in the jungles since the Indonesian takeover in 1963, while sending Catholic volunteers under Jusuf Wanandi to distribute consumer goods to promote pro-Indonesian sentiments. In March 1969, it was agreed that the plebiscite will be channeled via 1,025 tribal chiefs, citing the logistical challenge and political ignorance of the population. Using the above strategy, the plebiscite produced a unanimous decision for integration with Indonesia, which was duly noted by United Nations General Assembly
United Nations General Assembly
in November 1969.[69] Economy[edit]

Suharto
Suharto
on a visit to West Germany
West Germany
in 1970.

To stabilize the economy and to ensure long-term support for the New Order, Suharto’s administration enlisted a group of mostly American-educated Indonesian economists, dubbed the "Berkeley Mafia", to formulate significant changes in economic policy. By cutting subsidies, decreasing government debt, and reforming the exchange rate mechanism, inflation was lowered from 660% in 1966 to 19% in 1969. The threat of famine was alleviated by influx of USAID
USAID
rice aid shipments in 1967
1967
to 1968.[70] With a lack of domestic capital that was required for economic growth, the New Order reversed Sukarno's economic self-sufficiency policies and opened selected economic sectors of the country to foreign investment though the 1967
1967
Foreign Investment Law. Suharto
Suharto
travelled to Western Europe and Japan to promote investment in Indonesia. The first foreign investors to re-enter Indonesia
Indonesia
included mining companies Freeport Sulphur Company / International Nickel Company. Following government regulatory frameworks, domestic entrepreneurs (mostly Chinese-Indonesians) emerged in the late 1960s and early 1970s in the import-substitution light-manufacturing sector such as Astra Group and Salim Group.[71] From 1967, the government secured low-interest foreign aid from ten countries grouped under the Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia (IGGI) to cover its budget deficit.[72] With the IGGI funds and the later jump in oil export revenue from the 1973 oil crisis, the government invested in infrastructure under a series of five-year plans, dubbed REPELITA (Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun) I to VI from 1969 to 1998.[8][71][73] Outside the formal economy, Suharto
Suharto
created a network of charitable organizations ("yayasan") run by the military and his family members, which extracted "donations" from domestic and foreign enterprises in exchange for necessary government support and permits. While some proceeds were used for charitable purposes, much of the money was re-cycled as slush fund to reward political allies and to maintain support for the New Order.[8] [74] In 1975, the state-owned oil company, Pertamina, defaulted on its foreign loans as a result of mismanagement and corruption under the leadership of Suharto’s close ally, Ibnu Sutowo. The government bail-out of the company nearly doubled the national debt.[75] Foreign policy[edit]

Suharto
Suharto
attends 1970 meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement
Non-Aligned Movement
in Lusaka.

Upon assuming power, Suharto
Suharto
government adopted policy of neutrality in the Cold War, but was nevertheless quietly aligned with the Western bloc (including Japan and South Korea) with the objective of securing support for Indonesia's economic recovery. Western countries, impressed by Suharto's strong anti-communist credentials, were quick to offer their support. Diplomatic relations with China were suspended in October 1967
1967
due to suspicion of Chinese involvement in 30 September Movement (diplomatic relations was only restored in 1990). Due to Suharto's destruction of PKI, Soviet Union
Soviet Union
embargoed military sales to Indonesia. However, from 1967
1967
to 1970 foreign minister Adam Malik managed to secure several agreements to restructure massive debts incurred by Sukarno
Sukarno
from Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and other Eastern European communist states. Regionally, having ended confrontation with Malaysia in August 1966, Indonesia
Indonesia
became a founding member of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in August 1967. This organization is designed to establish peaceful relationship between Southeast Asian countries free from conflicts such as ongoing Vietnam War.[8] In 1974, the neighbouring colony of Portuguese Timor
Portuguese Timor
descended into civil war after the withdrawal of Portuguese authority following the Carnation Revolution, whereby the left wing populist Fretilin
Fretilin
(Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente) emerged triumphant. With approval from Western countries (including from US president Gerald Ford and Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam
Gough Whitlam
during their visits to Indonesia), Suharto
Suharto
decided to intervene claiming to prevent establishment of a communist state. After an unsuccessful attempt of covert support to Timorese groups UDT and APODETI, Suharto
Suharto
authorized full-scale invasion of the colony on 7 December 1975 followed with its official annexation as Indonesia's 27th province of East Timor
East Timor
in July 1976. The "encirclement and annihilation" campaigns of 1977–1979 broke the back of Fretilin
Fretilin
control over the hinterlands, although continuing guerilla resistance caused the government to maintain strong military force in the half-island until 1999. An estimated minimum of 90,800 and maximum of 213,600 conflict-related deaths occurred in East Timor
East Timor
during Indonesian rule (1974–1999); namely, 17,600–19,600 killings and 73,200 to 194,000 'excess' deaths from hunger and illness, although Indonesian forces were responsible for about 70% of the violent killings.[76] Indonesia's invasion and occupation of East Timor
East Timor
during Suharto's presidency resulted in at least 100,000 deaths.[77] Socio-economic progress and growing corruption[edit]

Suharto's official portrait from 1983–1988. As President, Suharto was dubbed, "The Father of Development" due to his many development projects.

Real socio-economic progress sustained support for Suharto's regime across three decades. By 1996, Indonesia's poverty rate has dropped to around 11% compared with 45% in 1970. From 1966 to 1997, Indonesia recorded real GDP growth of 5.03% pa, pushing real GDP per capita upwards from US$806 to US$4,114. In 1966, manufacturing sector made-up less than 10% of GDP (mostly industries related to oil and agriculture). By 1997, manufacturing had risen to 25% of GDP whereby 53% of exports consisted of manufactured products. The government invested into massive infrastructure development (notably the launching of series of Palapa
Palapa
telecommunication satellites), consequently Indonesian infrastructure in the mid-1990s was considered at par with China. Suharto
Suharto
was keen to capitalize on such achievements to justify his regime, and an MPR resolution in 1983 granted him the title of "Father of Development".[78] Suharto
Suharto
government's health-care programs (such as the Puskesmas program) increased life expectancy from 47 years (1966) to 67 years (1997) while cutting infant mortality rate by more than 60%. The government's Inpres program launched in 1973 resulted in primary school enrollment ratio reaching 90% by 1983 while almost eliminating education gap between boys and girls. Sustained support for agriculture resulted in Indonesia
Indonesia
reaching rice self-sufficiency by 1984, an unprecedented achievement which earns Suharto
Suharto
a gold medal from FAO in November 1985.[79] In the early 1980s, Suharto
Suharto
government responded to fall in oil exports due to the 1980s oil glut
1980s oil glut
by successfully shifting pillar of the economy into export-oriented labour-intensive manufacturing, made globally competitive by Indonesia's low wages and a series of currency devaluations. Industrialization was mostly undertaken by ethnic-Chinese companies which evolved into immense conglomerates dominating the nation's economy. The largest conglomeracies are the Salim Group led by Liem Sioe Liong (Sudono Salim), Sinar Mas Group
Sinar Mas Group
led by Oei Ek Tjong (Eka Tjipta Widjaja), Astra Group
Astra Group
led by Tjia Han Poen (William Soeryadjaya), Lippo Group
Lippo Group
led by Lie Mo Tie (Mochtar Riady), Barito Pacific Group led by Pang Djun Phen (Prajogo Pangestu), and Nusamba Group led by Bob Hasan. Suharto
Suharto
decided to support the growth of small number of Chinese-Indonesian conglomerates since they cannot pose political challenge due to their ethnic-minority status, but from his past experience he deemed them to possess the skills and capital needed to create real growth for the country. In exchange for Suharto's patronage, the conglomerates provided vital financing for his "regime maintenance" activities.[80] In the late 1980s, Suharto
Suharto
government decided to de-regulate the banking sector to encourage savings and providing domestic source of financing required for growth. Suharto
Suharto
decreed the "October Package of 1988" (PAKTO 88) which eased requirements for establishing banks and extending credit; resulting in a 50% increase in number of banks from 1989 to 1991. To promote savings, the government introduced the TABANAS program to the populace. Jakarta
Jakarta
Stock Exchange, re-opened in 1977, recorded bull-run due to spree of domestic IPOs and influx of foreign funds after deregulation in 1990. The sudden availability of credit fueled strong economic growth in the early 1990s, but the weak regulatory environment of the financial sector sowed the seeds of the catastrophic crisis in 1997 which eventually destroyed Suharto's regime.[81] The growth of the economy is coincided by rapid expansion in corruption, collusion, and nepotism (Korupsi, Kolusi, dan Nepotisme / KKN). In the early 1980s, Suharto's children, particularly Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana ("Tutut"), Hutomo Mandala Putra ("Tommy"), and Bambang Trihatmodjo, had grown into greedy adults. Their companies were given lucrative government contracts and protected from market competition by monopolies. Examples include the toll-expressway market which was monopolized by Tutut, national car project monopolized by Bambang and Tommy, and even the cinema market monopolized by 21 Cineplex owned by Suharto's cousin Sudwikatmono. The family is said to control about 36,000 km² of real estate in Indonesia, including 100,000 m² of prime office space in Jakarta
Jakarta
and nearly 40% of the land in East Timor. Additionally, Suharto's family members received free shares in 1,251 of Indonesia's most lucrative domestic companies (mostly run by Suharto's ethnic-Chinese cronies), while foreign-owned companies were encouraged to establish "strategic partnerships" with Suharto
Suharto
family's companies. Meanwhile, the myriad of yayasans run by Suharto
Suharto
family grew even larger, levying millions of dollars in "donations" from the public and private sectors each year.[10][82] In early 2004, the German anti-corruption NGO Transparency International released a list of what it believes to be the ten most self-enriching leaders in the past two decades; in order of amount allegedly stolen USD, the highest ranking of these was Suharto
Suharto
and his family who are alleged to have embezzled $15 billion – $35 billion.[83] The New Order in the 1980s and 1990s[edit]

Suharto
Suharto
with U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen, 14 January 1998.

By the 1980s, Suharto's grip on power was maintained by the emasculation of civil society, engineered elections, and use of the military's coercive powers. Upon his retirement from the military in June 1976, Suharto
Suharto
undertook a re-organisation of the armed forces that concentrated power away from commanders to the president. In March 1983, he appointed General Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani
Leonardus Benjamin Moerdani
as head of the armed forces who adopted a hardline on elements who challenged the administration. As a Roman Catholic, he was not a political threat to Suharto.[84] From 1983 to 1985, army squads killed up to 10,000 suspected criminals in response to a spike in the crime rate (see "Petrus Killings"). Suharto's imposition of Pancasila as the sole ideology caused protests from conservative Islamic groups who considered Islamic law to be above all other conceptions. The Tanjung Priok massacre saw the army kill up to 100 conservative Muslim protesters in September 1984. A retaliatory series of small bombings, including the bombing of Borobudur, led to arrests of hundreds of conservative Islamic activists, including future parliamentary leader AM Fatwa and Abu Bakar Bashir (later leader of Jemaah Islamiyah). Attacks on police by a resurgent Free Aceh Movement
Free Aceh Movement
in 1989 led to a military operation which killed 2,000 people and ended the insurgency by 1992. In 1984, the Suharto
Suharto
government sought increased control over the press by issuing a law requiring all media to possess a press operating license (SIUPP) which could be revoked at any time by Ministry of Information.[85] Western concern over communism waned with end of Cold War, and Suharto's human rights record came under greater international scrutiny, particularly following the 1991 Santa Cruz Massacre
Santa Cruz Massacre
in East Timor. Suharto
Suharto
was elected as head of the Non-Aligned Movement
Non-Aligned Movement
in 1992, while Indonesia
Indonesia
became a founding member of APEC
APEC
in 1989 and host to the Bogor
Bogor
APEC
APEC
Summit in 1994.[86] Domestically, the business dealings of Suharto's family created discontent amongst the military who lost access to power and lucrative rent-seeking opportunities. The March 1988 MPR session, military legislators attempted to pressure Suharto
Suharto
by unsuccessfully seeking to block the nomination of Sudharmono, a Suharto-loyalist, as vice-president. Moerdani’s criticism of the Suharto
Suharto
family's corruption saw the President dismiss him from the position of military chief. Suharto
Suharto
proceeded to slowly "de-militarize" his regime; he dissolved the powerful Kopkamtib in September 1988 and ensured key military positions were held by loyalists.[87]

Suharto
Suharto
and his wife in Islamic attire after performing hajj in 1991

In an attempt to diversify his power base away from the military, Suharto
Suharto
begin courting support from Islamic elements. He undertook a much-publicised hajj pilgrimage in 1991, took up the name of Haji Mohammad Suharto, and promoted Islamic values and the careers of Islamic-oriented generals. To win support from the nascent Muslim business community who resented dominance of Chinese-Indonesian conglomerates, Suharto
Suharto
formed the ICMI (Indonesian Islamic Intellectuals' Association) in November 1990, which was led by his protégé BJ Habibie, the Minister for Research and Technology since 1978. During this period, race riots against ethnic-Chinese begin to occur quite regularly, beginning with April 1994 riot in Medan.[88] By the 1990s, Suharto's government came to be dominated by civilian politicians such as Habibie, Harmoko, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, and Akbar Tanjung, who owed their position solely to Suharto. As sign of Habibie's growing clout, when two prominent Indonesian magazines and a tabloid newspaper reported on criticism over Habibie's purchase of almost the entire fleet of the disbanded East German Navy
East German Navy
in 1993 (most of the vessels were of scrap-value), the Ministry of Information ordered the offending publications be closed down on 21 June 1994.[89] In the 1990s, elements within the growing Indonesian middle class created by Suharto's economic development, were becoming restless with his autocracy and corruption of his children, fueling demands for "Reformasi" (reform) of the almost 30-year-old New Order government. By 1996, Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno
Sukarno
and chairwoman of the normally compliant PDI, was becoming a rallying point for this growing discontent. In response, Suharto
Suharto
backed a co-opted faction of PDI led by Suryadi, which removed Megawati from the chair. On 27 July 1996, an attack by soldiers and hired thugs led by Lieutenant-General Sutiyoso
Sutiyoso
on demonstrating Megawati supporters in Jakarta
Jakarta
resulted in fatal riots and looting. This incident was followed by the arrest of 200 democracy activists, 23 of whom were kidnapped, and some killed, by army squads led by Suharto's son-in-law, Major-General Prabowo Subianto.[90] Economic crisis and resignation[edit] Main article: Fall of Suharto

Suharto
Suharto
reads his address of resignation at Merdeka Palace
Merdeka Palace
on 21 May 1998. Suharto's successor, B. J. Habibie, is to his right.

Wikisource
Wikisource
has original text related to this article: Suharto's Resignation Speech

Indonesia
Indonesia
was the country hardest hit by the Asian financial crisis
Asian financial crisis
of 1997–98. From mid-1997 there were large capital outflows and against the US dollar. Due to poor bank lending practices, many Indonesian companies borrowed cheaper US dollar loans while their income is mainly in Indonesian rupiah. The weakening rupiah spurred panic buying of US dollar by these companies, causing the Indonesian Rupiah
Indonesian Rupiah
to drop in value from a pre-crisis level of Rp. 2,600 to a low point in early 1998 of around Rp. 17,000. Consequently, many companies were bankrupted and the economy shrank by 13.7% leading to sharp increases in unemployment and poverty across the country.[91] Efforts by the central bank to defend the rupiah proved futile and only drained the country's dollar reserves. In exchange for US$43 billion in liquidity aid, between October 1997 and the following April, Suharto
Suharto
signed three letters of intent with the International Monetary Fund
International Monetary Fund
(IMF) for an economic reform process. In January 1998, the government was forced to provide emergency liquidity assistance (BLBI), issue blanket guarantees for bank deposits, and set-up the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency to take over management of troubled banks in order to prevent the collapse of the financial system. Among the steps taken on IMF recommendation, the government raised interest rate up to 70% pa in February 1998 which further worsened the contraction of the economy. In December 1997, Suharto
Suharto
for the first time did not attend an ASEAN presidents' summit, which was later revealed to be due to a minor stroke, creating speculation about his health and the immediate future of his presidency. In mid-December, as the crisis swept through Indonesia
Indonesia
and an estimated $150 billion of capital was being withdrawn from the country, he appeared at a press conference to re-assert his authority and to urge people to trust the government and the collapsing Rupiah.[92] However, his attempts to re-instill confidence had little effect. Evidence suggested that his family and associates were being spared the toughest requirements of the IMF reform process, further undermining confidence in the economy and his leadership.[93] The economic meltdown was accompanied by increasing political tension. Anti-Chinese riots occurred in Situbondo
Situbondo
(1996), Tasikmalaya
Tasikmalaya
(1996), Banjarmasin
Banjarmasin
(1997), and Makassar
Makassar
(1997); while violent ethnic clashes broke out between the Dayak and Madurese settlers in Central Kalimantan in 1997. Golkar
Golkar
won the rigged 1997 MPR elections and in March 1998, Suharto
Suharto
was voted unanimously to another five-year term. He appointed his protégé BJ Habibie
BJ Habibie
as vice-president while stacking the cabinet with his own family and business associates (his daughter Tutut became Minister of Social Affairs). The appointments and the government's unrealistic 1998 budget created further currency instability,[94] rumours and panic led to a run on stores and pushed up prices.[95] The Government increased the fuel prices further by 70% on May 1998, which triggered another wave of riots in Medan.[96] With Suharto
Suharto
increasingly seen as the source of the country's mounting economic and political crises, prominent political figures, including Muslim politician Amien Rais, spoke out against his presidency, and in January 1998 university students began organising nationwide demonstrations.[97] The crisis climaxed while Suharto
Suharto
was on a state visit to Egypt on 12 May 1998, when security forces killed four demonstrators from Jakarta's Trisakti University. Rioting and looting across Jakarta
Jakarta
and other cities over the following days destroyed thousands of buildings and killed over 1,000 people. Ethnic Chinese and their businesses were particular targets in the violence. Theories on the origin of the violence include rivalry between military chief General Wiranto
Wiranto
and Prabowo, and the suggestion of deliberate provocation by Suharto
Suharto
to divert blame for the crisis to the ethnic-Chinese and discredit the student movement.[98] On 16 May, tens of thousands of university students demanding Suharto’s resignation, occupied the grounds and roof of the parliament building. Upon Suharto's return to Jakarta, he offered to resign in 2003 and to reshuffle his cabinet. These efforts failed when his political allies deserted him by refusing to join the proposed new cabinet. According to Wiranto, on 18 May, Suharto
Suharto
issued a decree which provided authority to him to take any measures to restore security; however, Wiranto
Wiranto
decided not to enforce the decree to prevent conflict with the population.[99] On 21 May 1998, Suharto announced his resignation, upon which vice-president Habibie
Habibie
assumed the presidency in accordance with the constitution.[8][100][101] Post-presidency[edit] After resigning from the presidency, Suharto
Suharto
reclused himself in his family compound in the Menteng
Menteng
area of Jakarta, protected by soldiers and rarely making public appearances. Suharto's family spend much of their time fending-off corruption investigations. However, Suharto himself was protected from serious prosecution by politicians who owed their positions to the former president, as indicated in the leaked telephone conversation between President Habibie
Habibie
and attorney-general Andi Muhammad Ghalib in February 1999.[102] In May 1999, Time Asia estimated Suharto's family fortune at US$15 billion in cash, shares, corporate assets, real estate, jewellery and fine art. Suharto
Suharto
sued the magazine seeking more than $US 27 billion in damages for libel over the article.[103] On 10 September 2007, Indonesia's Supreme Court awarded Suharto
Suharto
damages against Time Asia magazine, ordering it to pay him one trillion rupiah ($128.59 million). The High Court reversed the judgement of an appellate court and Central Jakarta
Jakarta
district court (made in 2000 and 2001). Suharto
Suharto
was placed highest on Transparency International's list of corrupt leaders with an alleged misappropriation of between US $15–35 billion during his 32-year presidency.[10][82] On 29 May 2000, Suharto
Suharto
was placed under house arrest when Indonesian authorities began to investigate the corruption during his presidency. In July 2000, it was announced that he was to be accused of embezzling US$571 million of government donations to one of a number of foundations under his control and then using the money to finance family investments. But in September court-appointed doctors announced that he could not stand trial because of his declining health. State prosecutors tried again in 2002 but then doctors cited an unspecified brain disease. On 26 March 2008, a civil court judge acquitted Suharto of corruption but ordered his charitable foundation, Supersemar, to pay US$110 m (£55 m).[104] In 2002, Suharto's son Tommy, was sentenced to 15 years' jail for ordering the killing of a judge (who had previously convicted him of corruption), illegal weapons possession and fleeing justice. In 2006, he was freed on "conditional release".[105] In 2003, Suharto's half-brother Probosutedjo was tried and convicted for corruption and the loss of $10 million from the Indonesian state. He was sentenced to four years in jail. He later won a reduction of his sentence to two years, initiating a probe by the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission into the alleged scandal of the "judicial mafia" which uncovered offers of $600,000 to various judges. Probosutedjo confessed to the scheme in October 2005, leading to the arrest of his lawyers. His full four-year term was reinstated. After a brief standoff at a hospital, in which he was reportedly protected by a group of police officers, he was arrested on 30 November 2005.[citation needed] On 9 July 2007, Indonesian prosecutors filed a civil lawsuit against former President Suharto, to recover state funds ($440 m or £219 m, which allegedly disappeared from a scholarship fund, and a further $1.1 billion in damages).[106] Health crises[edit] After resigning from the presidency, Suharto
Suharto
was hospitalised repeatedly for stroke, heart, and intestinal problems. His declining health hindered attempts to prosecute him as his lawyers successfully claimed that his condition rendered him unfit for trial. Moreover, there was little support within Indonesia
Indonesia
for any attempts to prosecute him. In 2006, Attorney General Abdurrahman announced that a team of twenty doctors would be asked to evaluate Suharto's health and fitness for trial. One physician, Brigadier-General Dr Marjo Subiandono, stated his doubts about by noting that "[Suharto] has two permanent cerebral defects."[107] In a later Financial Times
Financial Times
report, Attorney General Abdurrahman discussed the re-examination, and called it part of a "last opportunity" to prosecute Suharto
Suharto
criminally. Attorney General Abdurrahman left open the possibility of filing suit against the Suharto
Suharto
estate."[108] Death[edit] On 4 January 2008, Suharto
Suharto
was taken to the Pertamina
Pertamina
hospital, Jakarta
Jakarta
with complications arising from a weak heart, swelling of limbs and stomach, and partial renal failure.[109] His health fluctuated for several weeks but progressively worsened with anaemia and low blood pressure due to heart and kidney complications, internal bleeding, fluid on his lungs, and blood in his faeces and urine which caused a haemoglobin drop.[110] On 23 January, Suharto's health worsened further, as a sepsis infection spread through his body.[111] His family consented to the removal of life support machines, and he died on 27 January at 1:10 pm[112][113] Minutes after his death, then former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono held a news conference declaring Suharto
Suharto
as one of Indonesia's "best sons" and invited the country to give the highest respect and honor to the ex-president.[114] Suharto's body was taken from Jakarta
Jakarta
to the Giri Bangun
Giri Bangun
mausoleum complex near the Central Java
Java
city of Solo. He was buried alongside his late wife in a state military funeral with full honours, with the Kopassus
Kopassus
elite forces and KOSTRAD
KOSTRAD
commandos as the honour guard and pallbearers and Commander of Group II Kopassus
Kopassus
Surakarta
Surakarta
Lt. Colonel Asep Subarkah.[115] In attendance were the incumbent president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as "Ceremony Inspector", and vice-president, government ministers, and armed forces chiefs of staff. Tens of thousands of people lined the streets to see the convoy.[116] Condolences were offered by many regional heads of state, and Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
declared a week of official mourning.[117] During this tenure, all flags of Indonesia were flown at half-mast. See also[edit]

Indonesia
Indonesia
portal

History of Indonesia Purna Bhakti Pertiwi Museum Timeline of Indonesian history

References[edit]

^ Berger, Marilyn (28 January 2008). " Suharto
Suharto
Dies at 86; Indonesian Dictator Brought Order and Bloodshed". The New York Times. Retrieved 30 January 2008.  ^ Soeharto, as related to G. Dwipayana and Ramadhan K.H. (1989). Soeharto: Pikiran, ucapan dan tindakan saya: otobiografi [Soeharto: My thoughts, words and deeds: an autobiography]. Jakarta: PT Citra Lamtoro Gung Persada. ISBN 979-8085-01-9. CS1 maint: Uses authors parameter (link) ^ See the details in Chapter 2, 'Akar saya dari desa' (My village roots), in Soeharto, op. cit. ^ Friend (2003), pages 107–109; Chris Hilton (writer and director) (2001). Shadowplay (Television documentary). Vagabond Films and Hilton Cordell Productions. ; Ricklefs (1991), pages 280–283, 284, 287–290 ^ Mark Aarons (2007). "Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide." In David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (eds). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9004156917 p. 81. ^ estimates of government funds misappropriated by the Suharto
Suharto
family range from US$1.5 billion and US,5 billion.(Ignatius, Adi (11 September 2007). "Mulls Indonesia
Indonesia
Court Ruling". Time. Retrieved 9 August 2009. ); Haskin, Colin, " Suharto
Suharto
dead at 86", The Globe and Mail, 27 January 2008 ^ Miguel, Edward; Paul Gertler; David I. Levine (January 2005). "Does Social Capital Promote Industrialization? Evidence from a Rapid Industrializer". Econometrics Software Laboratory, University of California, Berkeley.  ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m McDonald, Hamish (28 January 2008). "No End to Ambition". Sydney Morning Herald.  ^ "Pro Kontra Soeharto Pahlawan Nasional". Trias Politica. 26 May 2016.  ^ a b c " Suharto
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tops corruption rankings". BBC News. 25 March 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2006.  ^ Tom Lansford. Historical Dictionary of U.S. Diplomacy since the Cold War. Scarecrow Press; 10 September 2007. ISBN 978-0-8108-6432-0. p. 260. ^ Tempo (Jakarta), 11 November 1974. ^ a b McDonald (1980), p. 10. ^ a b McDonald (1980), p. 11. ^ a b Elson 2001, pp. 1–6 ^ Haskin, Colin, " Suharto
Suharto
dead at 86", The Globe and Mail, 27 January 2008 ^ Romano, Angela Rose (2003). Politics and the press in Indonesia. p. ix. ISBN 0-7007-1745-5.  ^ McDonald (1980), pages 12–13 ^ a b McDonald (1980), pages 13 ^ Elson 2001, p. 8 ^ Elson 2001, p. 9 ^ a b McDonald (1980), p. 14. ^ McDonald (1980), p. 16. ^ Elson 2001, pp. 14–15 ^ Elson 2001, pp. 15–17 ^ a b Elson 2001, pp. 20–25, 28–29 ^ Soeharto, G. Dwipayana & Ramadhan K.H. (1989), pp. 61–62 ^ Elson 2001, pp. 29–38, 42–44 ^ McDonald, Hamish (1980). Suharto's Indonesia. Fontana Books. pp. 24–25. ISBN 0-00-635721-0.  ^ McDonald, Hamish (1980). Suharto's Indonesia. Fontana Books. p. 25. ISBN 0-00-635721-0.  ^ Elson 2001, pp. 52–55 ^ McDonald, Hamish (1980). Suharto's Indonesia. Fontana Books. pp. 30–31. ISBN 0-00-635721-0.  ^ McDonald, Hamish (1980). Suharto's Indonesia. Fontana Books. pp. 31–32. ISBN 0-00-635721-0.  ^ Dake, Antonie (2006). Sukarno
Sukarno
Files. Yayasan Obor ^ Ricklefs (1991), page 281 ^ Vickers (2005), page 156 ^ Friend (2003), page 104 ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 282. ^ Ricklefs (1991), page 281–282 ^ Ricklefs (1991), pages 281–282 ^ a b Vickers (2005), page 157 ^ Ricklefs (1991), page 287 ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 288 ^ Friend (2003), p. 113 ^ Vickers (2005), p. 159 ^ Robert Cribb (2002). "Unresolved Problems in the Indonesian Killings of 1965–1966". Asian Survey. 42 (4): 550–563. doi:10.1525/as.2002.42.4.550. JSTOR 3038872.  ^ David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (2007). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9004156917 p. 80. ^ Vickers (2005), pages 159–60 ^ Schwartz (1994), pages 2 & 22 ^ a b Vickers (2005), page 160 ^ a b Elson 2001, pp. 130–135 ^ McDonald (1980), p. 60. ^ Schwartz (1994), page 2 ^ Ricklefs (1991), p. 295. ^ Ken Ward. "'2 Soeharto's Javanese Pancasila' in Soeharto's New Order and its Legacy: Essays in honour of Harold Crouch by Edited by Edward Aspinall and Greg Fealy ANU E Press". Epress.anu.edu.au. Retrieved 2013-12-06. (Harold Crouch)  ^ Wanandi, 2012, p. 56-59 ^ Wanandi, 2012, p. 60-68 ^ Aspinal (1999), p.ii ^ [1] Archived 7 May 2005 at the Wayback Machine. ^ Wanandi, 2012, p. 86–88 ^ Ricklefs (1982), p.76–77 ^ Elson (2001), p.184–186 ^ Schwarz (1992), p. 32 ^ File:Ford, Kissinger, Indonesian President Suharto
Suharto
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Gerald Ford
Library)(1553151).pdf, pg.2 ^ Schwarz (1992), p.32 ^ Schwartz (1994), page 106 ^ Conboy (2003), p. 262–265 ^ Elson (2001), p. 177–178 ^ Elson (2001), p. 178–279 ^ J. Panglaykim and K.D. Thomas, "The New Order and the Economy," Indonesia, April 1967, p. 73. ^ a b Robinson (2012), p. 178–203 ^ Elson (2001), p. 170–172 ^ Sheridan, Greg (28 January 2008). "Farewell to Jakarta's Man of Steel". The Australian. Retrieved 14 April 2010.  ^ Koerner, Brendan (26 March 2004). "How Did Suharto
Suharto
Steal $35 Billion? Cronyism 101". Slate. Retrieved 4 February 2006.  ^ Schwatrz (1994) ^ Benetech Human Rights Data Analysis Group (9 February 2006). "The Profile of Human Rights Violations in Timor-Leste, 1974–1999". A Report to the Commission on Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste. Human Rights Data Analysis Group (HRDAG). Archived from the original on 22 February 2012.  ^ Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor Benetech Human Rights Data Analysis Group (9 February 2006). "The Profile of Human Rights Violations in Timor-Leste, 1974–1999". A Report to the Commission on Reception, Truth and Reconciliation of Timor-Leste. Human Rights Data Analysis Group (HRDAG). Archived from the original on 22 February 2012.  ^ Rock (2003), p.3 ^ Rock (2003), p.4 ^ "The Politics of Development Policy and Development Policy Reform in New Order Indonesia" (PDF). Deepblue.lib.umich.edu. Retrieved 28 November 2014.  ^ "Bank Indonesia" (PDF). Bi.go.id. Retrieved 28 November 2014.  ^ a b "Global Corruption Report" (PDF). Transparency International. Retrieved 6 August 2009.  ^ "Plundering politicians and bribing multinationals undermine economic development, says TI" (PDF) (Press release). Transparency International. 25 March 2004. Retrieved 21 December 2016.  ^ Elson (2001), p.457-460 ^ Aspinal (1999), pp. ii–iii ^ Elson (2001), p.510–511 ^ Pour (2007), p.242–264 ^ Elson (2001), p.211-214 ^ Steele, Janet (2005). Wars Within: The Story of Tempo, an Independent Magazine in Soeharto's Indonesia
Indonesia
(First ed.). Equinox Publishing. p. 234-235. ISBN 9793780088.  ^ Elson (2001), p. 284-287 ^ "Indonesia: Country Brief". Indonesia:Key Development Data & Statistics. The World Bank. September 2006.  ^ Friend (2003), p. 313. ^ Monash Asia Institute (1999), p. v. ^ Friend (2003), p. 314. ^ Friend (2003), p. 314; Monash Asia Institute (1999), p. v ^ Purdey (2006), p. 115 ^ Elson (2001), p.267 ^ Purdey (2006), p.148-150 ^ Wiranto
Wiranto
(2003), p.67-69 ^ Vickers (2005), pp. 203–207. ^ E. Aspinall, H. Feith, and G. Van Klinken (eds) The Last Days of President Suharto, Monash Asia Institute, pp.iv-vii. ^ "Rekaman Habibie-Ghalib". Minihub.org. Archived from the original on 16 January 2013. Retrieved 6 December 2013.  ^ From correspondents in Jakarta
Jakarta
(10 September 2007). "News.com.au, Suharto
Suharto
wins $128 m in damages". News.com.au. Archived from the original on 17 October 2007. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ " Suharto
Suharto
charity told to pay $110 m". BBC News. 27 March 2008. Retrieved 6 January 2010.  ^ "Asia-Pacific Tommy Suharto freed from prison". BBC News. 30 October 2006. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ "Civil suit filed against Suharto". BBC News. 9 July 2007.  ^ "Former Indonesian dictator unfit to stand trial — doctor". Sydney Morning Herald. Associated Press. 23 April 2006.  ^ Donnan, Shawn (28 April 2006). " Jakarta
Jakarta
makes final attempt to pursue Suharto
Suharto
charges". Financial Times.  ^ "Indonesia's ailing Suharto
Suharto
'getting worse': doctors". The Times. UK. 5 January 2008. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ " Suharto
Suharto
condition 'deteriorating'". BBC News. 8 January 2008. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ Jakarta
Jakarta
Post, Suharto's health deteriorates, infection spreads, 24 January 2008 Archived 31 January 2008 at the Wayback Machine.; OkeZone.com ^ " Indonesia
Indonesia
ex-leader Suharto
Suharto
dies". BBC News. 27 January 2008. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ "Asia-Pacific — Suharto
Suharto
has multiple organ failure". Al Jazeera English. 14 January 2008. Retrieved 14 April 2010.  ^ "Soeharto Meninggal, SBY Batalkan Kunjungan Ke Bali". Tempo. 27 January 2008.  ^ "— Presiden Tiba di Astana Giribangun". Tempointeraktif.com. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ Tedjasukmana, Jason (29 January 2008). " Indonesia
Indonesia
Bids Farewell to Suharto". Time. Retrieved 9 August 2009.  ^ "Geoff Thompson, Suharto's body arrives home, ABC News January 27, 2008". Australia: ABC. 27 January 2008. Retrieved 9 August 2009. 

Sources[edit]

"Two former strongmen, Soeharto-Lee Kuan Yew meet again". ANTARA. 22 February 2006. Retrieved 22 February 2006. [dead link] "Army in Jakarta
Jakarta
Imposes a Ban on Communists". The New York Times. 19 October 1965.  Benedict R. Anderson en Ruth T. McVey, A Preliminary Analysis of the 1 October 1965 Coup in Indonesia
Indonesia
(Cornell University, 1971). Aspinall, Ed (October–December 1996). "What happened before the riots?". Inside Indonesia. Archived from the original on 5 May 2005.  "Attorney general doubts Soeharto can be prosecuted". The Jakarta Post. 27 May 2005.  Blum, William (1995). Killing Hope: US Military and CIA
CIA
Interventions Since World War II. Monroe, Me.: Common Courage Press. ISBN 1-56751-052-3.  Camdessus Commends Indonesian Actions. Press Release. International Monetary Fund. (31 October 1997) " CIA
CIA
Stalling State Department Histories". The National Security Archive. Retrieved 23 May 2005.  Colmey, John (24 May 1999). "The Family Firm". TIME Asia.  Robert Cribb, "Genocide in Indonesia,1965–1966". Journal of Genocide Research no.2:219–239, 2001. Elson, Robert E. (2001). Suharto: A Political Biography. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-77326-1.  Friend, Theodore (2003). Indonesian Destinies. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01834-6.  "H.AMDT.647 (A003): An amendment to prohibit any funds appropriated in the bill to be used for military education and training assistance to Indonesia". THOMAS (Library of Congress). Retrieved 4 February 2006.  "Indonesia: Arrests, torture and intimidation: The Government's response to its critics". Amnesty International. 27 November 1996. Archived from the original on 9 November 2005.  " Indonesia
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Economic". Commanding Heights. Retrieved 23 May 2005.  " Jakarta
Jakarta
Cabinet Faces Challenge". The New York Times. 16 December 1965.  " Jakarta
Jakarta
Leftist Out As Army Chief". New York Times. 15 October 1965.  Koerner, Brendan (26 March 2004). "How Did Suharto
Suharto
Steal $35 Billion? Cronyism 101". Slate. Retrieved 4 February 2006.  " Jakarta
Jakarta
Cabinet Faces Challenge". The New York Times. 16 December 1965.  Lashmar, Paul & Oliver, James (16 April 2000). "MI6 Spread Lies to Put Killer in Power". The Independent. UK.  Lashmar, Paul; Oliver, James (1999). Britain's Secret Propaganda War. Sutton Pub Ltd. ISBN 0-7509-1668-0.  McDonald, H. (1980). Suharto's Indonesia. Blackburn, Australia: Fontana Books. ISBN 0-00-635721-0.  "Public Expenditures, Prices and the Poor". World Bank. 1993. Archived from the original on 23 March 2007.  Ricklefs, M.C. (1991). A History of Modern Indonesia
Indonesia
since c. 1300. 2nd Edition. Stanford: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-333-57690-X.  MT Rock, The Politics of Development Policy and Development Policy Reform. The University of Michigan, 2003 Purdey, Jemma (2006). Anti-Chinese Violence in Indonesia, 1996–1999. Honolulu, H.I.: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-3057-1.  John Roosa, Pretext for Mass Murder: The 30 September Movement
30 September Movement
& Suharto's Coup D'état. The University of Wisconsin Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-299-22034-1. Simpson, Brad (9 July 2004). "Indonesia's 1969 Takeover of West Papua Not by "Free Choice"". National Security Archive.  Schwarz, A. (1994). A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia
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in the 1990s. Westview Press. ISBN 1-86373-635-2.  " Suharto
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tops corruption rankings". BBC News. 25 March 2004. Retrieved 4 February 2006.  " Sukarno
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Removes His Defense Chief". New York Times. 22 February 1966.  "Tapol Troubles: When Will They End?". Inside Indonesia. April–June 1999. Archived from the original on 5 March 2012.  Toer, Pramoedya Ananta (2000). The Mute's Soliloquy: A Memoir. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-028904-6.  "United Nations High Commission on Human Rights resolution 1993/97: Situation in East Timor". United Nations. Retrieved 4 February 2006.  Weiner, Tim (2007). "Chapter 15, CIA
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Bibliography[edit]

Elson, R.E. (2001). Suharto: A Political Biography, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. McGlynn, John H. et al. (2007). Indonesia
Indonesia
in the Soeharto years. Issue, incidents and images, Jakarta, KITLV Abdulgani-Knapp, Retnowati (2007). Soeharto: The Life and Legacy of Indonesia's Second President: An Authorised Biography. Marshall Cavendish Editions. p. 12. ISBN 978-981-261-340-0.  Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (2011). Pak Harto: The Untold Stories, Jakarta: PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Wanandi, Jusuf (2012). Shades of Grey: A Political Memoir of Modern Indonesia
Indonesia
1965–1998. Singapore: Equinox publishing. ISBN 978-979-378-092-4. 

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Suharto.

"Life in pictures: Indonesia's Suharto" BBC News The Guardian obituary "Suharto, Inc." May 1999 Time magazine exposé on Suharto's regime and family, published on the first anniversary of Suharto's resignation Shadow Play – Website accompanying a 2002 PBS documentary on Indonesia, with emphasis on the Suharto-era and the transition from New Order to Reformation "We need to be told" – Article by Australian journalist and Suharto
Suharto
critic John Pilger
John Pilger
on the fortieth anniversary of the Transition to the New Order, New Statesman, 17 October 2005. Tiger Tales: Indonesia — Website accompanying a 2002 BBC World Service radio documentary on Indonesia, focusing on early Suharto
Suharto
era. Features interviews with Indonesian generals and victims of the regime. Program is available in streaming RealAudio format. "Vengeance with a Smile", Time magazine, 15 July 1966

Military offices

Preceded by Pranoto Reksosamudro Indonesian Army
Indonesian Army
Chief of Staff 1965–1967 Succeeded by Maraden Panggabean

Vacant Position abolished by Sukarno
Sukarno
after 17 October 1952 incident Title last held by T.B. Simatupang As Chief of Staff of the Battle Forces Commander-in-Chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces 1969–1973

Political offices

Preceded by Sukarno President of Indonesia 12 March 1967 – 21 May 1998 Succeeded by Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie

Party political offices

New office Chairman of Central Committee of Golkar 1983–1998 Succeeded by Harmoko

Diplomatic posts

Preceded by Dobrica Ćosić Secretary General of Non-Aligned Movement 1992–1995 Succeeded by Ernesto Samper
Ernesto Samper
Pizano

New office Chairperson of ASEAN 1976 Succeeded by Hussein Onn

Preceded by Bill Clinton Chairperson of APEC 1994 Succeeded by Tomiichi Murayama

v t e

Presidents of Indonesia

Sukarno Suharto Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie Abdurrahman Wahid Megawati Sukarnoputri Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Joko Widodo

v t e

Indonesia's New Order

Suharto
Suharto
- 2nd President of Indonesia
President of Indonesia
(1968-1998)

Rise to power

Transition to the New Order 30 September Movement Indonesian killings of 1965–66 Supersemar Acting Presidency of Suharto Aspri

Key aspects & events

Dwifungsi Pancasila Angkatan 66 Petition of Fifty

Decline

Fall of Suharto 1997 Asian financial crisis Trisakti shootings Indonesian riots of May 1998 Post- Suharto
Suharto
era

Vice Presidents

Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX
Hamengkubuwono IX
(1973 – 1978) Adam Malik
Adam Malik
(1978 – 1983) Umar Wirahadikusumah
Umar Wirahadikusumah
(1983 –1988) Sudharmono
Sudharmono
(1988 –1993) Try Sutrisno
Try Sutrisno
(1993 –1998) B. J. Habibie
B. J. Habibie
(1998)

Other key figures and organisations

Ali Sadikin Bob Hasan Sudono Salim Berkeley Mafia Golkar Prabowo

Suharto
Suharto
& family

Early life and career of Suharto Tien Suharto
Suharto
(wife) Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana (daughter) Tommy Suharto (son)

Films

Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI The Year of Living Dangerously The Act of Killing The Look of Silence 40 Years of Silence: An Indonesian Tragedy

Legislative elections

1971 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 1999

Cabinets

First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh

Suharto
Suharto
on Commons Suharto
Suharto
on Wikisource Indonesia
Indonesia
portal

v t e

Secretaries-General of the Non-Aligned Movement

Tito Nasser Kaunda Boumédienne Gopallawa Jayewardene F. Castro Reddy Singh Mugabe Drnovšek Jović Mesić Kostić Ćosić Suharto Samper Pastrana Mandela Mbeki Mahathir Abdullah F. Castro R. Castro Mubarak Tantawi Morsi Ahmadinejad Rouhani Maduro

Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 35252197 LCCN: n50082615 ISNI: 0000 0001 1470 5966 GND: 118757741 SELIBR: 316695 SUDOC: 059860057 BNF: cb146198308 (data) NLA: 36082510 NDL: 00621

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