STANDARD CHINESE, also known as MODERN STANDARD MANDARIN, STANDARD
MANDARIN, or simply MANDARIN, is a standard variety of Chinese that is
the sole official language of both
Taiwan , and also one of
the four official languages of
Singapore . Its pronunciation is based
Beijing dialect , its vocabulary on the
Mandarin dialects , and
its grammar is based on written vernacular Chinese .
Like other varieties of Chinese,
Standard Chinese is a tonal language
with topic-prominent organization and subject–verb–object word
order. It has more initial consonants but fewer vowels, final
consonants and tones than southern varieties.
Standard Chinese is an
analytic language , though with many compound words .
There exist two standardised forms of the language, namely PUTONGHUA
China and GUOYU in Taiwan. Aside from a number of
differences in pronunciation and vocabulary, Putonghua is written
Chinese characters (plus
Hanyu Pinyin romanization
for teaching), while Guoyu is written using traditional Chinese
Bopomofo for teaching). There are many characters
that are identical between the two systems.
* 1 Names
* 1.1 Putonghua and Guoyu
* 1.2 Huayu
* 1.3 Mandarin
* 2 History
* 2.1 Late empire
* 2.2 Modern
* 3 Current role
Standard Chinese and the educational system
* 4.1 Regional accents
* 6 Syntax
* 8 Common phrases
* 9 See also
* 10 References
* 10.1 Works cited
* 11 Further reading
* 12 External links
In Chinese, the standard variety is known as:
* _Pǔtōnghuà_ (普通话; 普通話; "common speech") in the
People\'s Republic of
China , as well as
Hong Kong and
* _Guóyǔ_ (國語; "national language") in
* _Huáyǔ_ (华语; 華語; "Chinese language") in
Indonesia , the
Philippines and the rest of Southeast Asia
* _Hànyǔ_ (汉语; 漢語; "language of the Han tribe ") in the
United States and elsewhere in the
Chinese diaspora .
PUTONGHUA AND GUOYU
In English, the governments of
Hong Kong use PUTONGHUA,
PUTONGHUA CHINESE, MANDARIN CHINESE, and MANDARIN, while those of
Taiwan, Singapore, and Malaysia, use MANDARIN.
The term _Guoyu_ had previously been used by non-Han rulers of China
to refer to their languages, but in 1909 the Qing education ministry
officially applied it to Mandarin , a lingua franca based on northern
Chinese varieties , proclaiming it as the new "national language".
The name _Putonghua_ also has a long, albeit unofficial, history. It
was used as early as 1906 in writings by
Zhu Wenxiong to differentiate
a modern, standard Chinese from classical Chinese and other varieties
of Chinese .
For some linguists of the early 20th century, the _Putonghua_, or
"common tongue/speech", was conceptually different from the _Guoyu_,
or "national language". The former was a national prestige variety,
while the latter was the _legal_ standard.
Based on common understandings of the time, the two were, in fact,
different. _Guoyu_ was understood as formal vernacular Chinese, which
is close to classical Chinese . By contrast, _Putonghua_ was called
"the common speech of the modern man", which is the spoken language
adopted as a national lingua franca by conventional usage.
The use of the term _Putonghua_ by left-leaning intellectuals such as
Qu Qiubai and
Lu Xun influenced the People's Republic of China
government to adopt that term to describe Mandarin in 1956. Prior to
this, the government used both terms interchangeably.
Taiwan , _Guoyu_ (national language) continues to be the official
term for Standard Chinese. The term _Guoyu_ however, is less used in
the PRC, because declaring a
Beijing dialect -based standard to be the
national language would be deemed unfair to speakers of other
varieties and to the ethnic minorities . The term _Putonghua_ (common
speech), on the contrary, implies nothing more than the notion of a
lingua franca .
During the government of a pro-
Taiwan independence coalition
Taiwan officials promoted a different reading of
_Guoyu_ as all of the "national languages", meaning
Hokkien , Hakka
and Formosan as well as Standard Chinese.
_Huayu_, or "language of the Chinese nation ", originally simply
Chinese language ", and was used in overseas communities to
contrast Chinese with foreign languages. Over time, the desire to
standardise the variety of Chinese spoken in these communities led to
the adoption of the name "Huayu" to refer to Mandarin.
This name also avoids choosing a side between the alternative names
of _Putonghua_ and _Guoyu_, which came to have political significance
after their usages diverged along political lines between the PRC and
the ROC . It also incorporates the notion that Mandarin is usually not
the national or common language of the areas in which overseas Chinese
The term "Mandarin" is a translation of _Guānhuà_ (官话/官話,
literally "official's speech"), which referred to the lingua franca of
the late Chinese empire . The Chinese term is obsolete as a name for
the standard language, but is used by linguists to refer to the major
Mandarin dialects spoken natively across most of northern and
In English, "Mandarin" may refer to the standard language, the
dialect group as a whole, or to historic forms such as the late
Imperial lingua franca. The name "Modern Standard Mandarin" is
sometimes used by linguists who wish to distinguish the current state
of the shared language from other northern and historic dialects.
History of Mandarin
The Chinese have different languages in different provinces, to such
an extent that they cannot understand each other.... also have
another language which is like a universal and common language; this
is the official language of the mandarins and of the court; it is
among them like
Latin among ourselves.... Two of our fathers have
been learning this mandarin language... —
Alessandro Valignano ,
_Historia del Principio y Progresso de la Compañia de Jesus en las
Indias Orientales (1542–1564)_
Chinese has long had considerable dialectal variation, hence prestige
dialects have always existed, and linguae francae have always been
Confucius , for example, used _yǎyán_ (雅言; "elegant
speech") rather than colloquial regional dialects; text during the Han
Dynasty also referred to _tōngyǔ_ (通语; "common language"). Rime
books , which were written since the
Northern and Southern dynasties ,
may also have reflected one or more systems of standard pronunciation
during those times. However, all of these standard dialects were
probably unknown outside the educated elite; even among the elite,
pronunciations may have been very different, as the unifying factor of
all Chinese dialects,
Classical Chinese , was a written standard, not
a spoken one.
Mandarin (late imperial lingua franca) _ Zhongguo
Guanhua_ (中国官话/中國官話), or _Medii Regni Communis
Loquela_ ("Middle Kingdom's Common Speech"), used on the frontispiece
of an early
Chinese grammar published by
Étienne Fourmont (with
Arcadio Huang ) in 1742
Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) and the
Qing Dynasty (1644–1912)
began to use the term _guānhuà_ (官话/官話), or "official
speech", to refer to the speech used at the courts . The term
"Mandarin" is borrowed directly from Portuguese . The Portuguese word
_mandarim_, derived from the
Sanskrit word _mantrin _ "counselor or
minister", was first used to refer to the Chinese bureaucratic
officials. The Portuguese then translated _guānhuà_ as "the language
of the mandarins" or "the mandarin language".
In the 17th century, the Empire had set up
(正音书院/正音書院 _Zhèngyīn Shūyuàn_) in an attempt to
make pronunciation conform to the standard. But these attempts had
little success, since as late as the 19th century the emperor had
difficulty understanding some of his own ministers in court, who did
not always try to follow any standard pronunciation.
Before the 19th century, the standard was based on the Nanjing
dialect , but later the
Beijing dialect became increasingly
influential, despite the mix of officials and commoners speaking
various dialects in the capital,
Beijing . By some accounts, as late
as the early 20th century, the position of
Nanjing Mandarin was
considered to be higher than that of
Beijing by some and the postal
romanization standards set in 1906 included spellings with elements of
Nanjing pronunciation. Nevertheless, by 1909, the dying Qing dynasty
had established the
Beijing dialect as _guóyǔ_ (国语/國語), or
the "national language".
As the island of
Taiwan had fallen under Japanese rule per the 1895
Treaty of Shimonoseki , the term _kokugo_ (Japanese : 國語,
"national language") referred to the
Japanese language until the
handover to the ROC in 1945.
After the Republic of
China was established in 1912, there was more
success in promoting a common national language. A Commission on the
Pronunciation was convened with delegates from the
entire country. A _Dictionary of National Pronunciation_
(国音字典/國音字典) was published in 1919, defining a hybrid
pronunciation that did not match any existing speech. Meanwhile,
despite the lack of a workable standardized pronunciation, colloquial
literature in written vernacular Chinese continued to develop apace.
Gradually, the members of the National Language Commission came to
settle upon the
Beijing dialect, which became the major source of
standard national pronunciation due to its prestigious status. In
1932, the commission published the _
Vocabulary of National
Pronunciation for Everyday Use_
(国音常用字汇/國音常用字彙), with little fanfare or
official announcement. This dictionary was similar to the previous
published one except that it normalized the pronunciations for all
characters into the pronunciation of the
Beijing dialect. Elements
from other dialects continue to exist in the standard language, but as
exceptions rather than the rule.
Chinese Civil War
Chinese Civil War , the People's Republic of China
continued the effort, and in 1955, officially renamed _guóyǔ_ as
_pǔtōnghuà_ (普通话/普通話), or "common speech". By contrast,
the name _guóyǔ_ continued to be used by the Republic of China
which, after its 1949 loss in the Chinese Civil War, was left with a
territory consisting only of
Taiwan and some smaller islands. Since
then, the standards used in the PRC and
Taiwan have diverged somewhat,
especially in newer vocabulary terms, and a little in pronunciation.
In 1956, the standard language of the People's Republic of
officially defined as: "_Pǔtōnghuà_ is the standard form of Modern
Chinese with the
Beijing phonological system as its norm of
pronunciation, and Northern dialects as its base dialect, and looking
to exemplary modern works in _báihuà_ 'vernacular literary language'
for its grammatical norms." By the official definition, Standard
* _The phonology or sound system of
Beijing ._ A distinction should
be made between the sound system of a variety and the actual
pronunciation of words in it. The pronunciations of words chosen for
the standardized language do not necessarily reproduce all of those of
Beijing dialect. The pronunciation of words is a standardization
choice and occasional standardization differences (not accents) do
exist, between Putonghua and Guoyu, for example.
* _The vocabulary of
Mandarin dialects in general_. This means that
all slang and other elements deemed "regionalisms" are excluded. On
the one hand, the vocabulary of all Chinese varieties, especially in
more technical fields like science , law , and government , are very
similar. (This is similar to the profusion of
Latin and Greek words in
European languages.) This means that much of the vocabulary of
Standard Chinese is shared with all varieties of Chinese. On the other
hand, much of the colloquial vocabulary of the
Beijing dialect is not
included in Standard Chinese, and may not be understood by people
* _The grammar and idiom of exemplary modern
Chinese literature _,
such as the work of
Lu Xun , collectively known as "vernacular "
(_baihua_). Modern written vernacular Chinese is in turn based loosely
upon a mixture of northern (predominant), southern, and classical
grammar and usage. This gives formal
Standard Chinese structure a
slightly different feel from that of street
In the early 1950s, this standard language was understood by 41% of
the population of the country, including 54% of speakers of Mandarin
dialects, but only 11% of people in the rest of the country. In 1984,
the proportion understanding the standard language nationally rose to
90% and the proportion understanding the standard language among the
Mandarin dialects rose to 91%. A survey conducted by the
Chinese Ministry of Education in 2007 indicated that 53.06% of the
population were able to effectively communicate orally in Standard
Map of eastern
Taiwan , showing the historic
distribution of all the varieties of
Mandarin Chinese in light brown.
Standard Chinese is based on the
Beijing dialect of Mandarin.
From an official point of view,
Standard Chinese serves the purpose
of a lingua franca —a way for speakers of the several mutually
unintelligible varieties of Chinese, as well as the Chinese minorities
, to communicate with each other. The very name _Putonghua,_ or
"common speech," reinforces this idea. In practice, however, due to
Standard Chinese being a "public" lingua franca, other Chinese
varieties and even non-Sinitic languages, have shown signs of losing
ground to the standard.
China and Taiwan, the use of Mandarin as the medium of
instruction in the educational system and in the media has contributed
to the spread of Mandarin. As a result, Mandarin is now spoken
fluently, though often with some regional or personal variation from
the standard in terms of pronunciation or lexicon, by most people in
China and Taiwan. In 2014, the Ministry of Education
estimated that about 70% of the population of
China spoke Standard
Mandarin to some degree, but only one tenth of those could speak it
"fluently and articulately". However, there is a 20% difference in
penetration between eastern and western parts of
China and a 50%
difference between urban and rural areas. In addition, there are still
400 million Chinese who are only able to listen and understand
Mandarin and not able to speak it. Therefore, in China's 13th Five
Year Plan, the general goal is to raise the penetration rate to over
80% by 2020.
Standard Chinese in the official
context and the governments are keen to promote its use as a national
lingua franca . The PRC in particular has enacted a law (the _National
Common Language and Writing Law_) which states that the government
must "promote" Standard Mandarin. There is no explicit official intent
Standard Chinese replace the regional varieties, but local
governments have enacted regulations (such as the _Guangdong National
Language Regulations _) which "implement" the national law by way of
coercive measures to control the public use of regional spoken
varieties and traditional characters in writing . In practice, some
elderly or rural Chinese-language speakers do not speak Standard
Chinese fluently, if at all, though most are able to understand it.
But urban residents and the younger generations, who received their
education with Standard Mandarin as the primary medium of education,
are almost all fluent in a version of Standard Chinese, some to the
extent of being unable to speak their local dialect. Further
Promotion of Putonghua
In the predominantly Han areas in mainland China, while the use of
Standard Chinese is encouraged as the common working language, the PRC
has been somewhat sensitive to the status of minority languages and,
outside the education context, has generally not discouraged their
Standard Chinese is commonly used for practical reasons,
as, in many parts of southern China, the linguistic diversity is so
large that neighboring city dwellers may have difficulties
communicating with each other without a _lingua franca_.
In Taiwan, the relationship between
Standard Chinese and other
Taiwanese Hokkien , has been more politically
heated. During the martial law period under the
between 1949 and 1987, the KMT government revived the Mandarin
Promotion Council and discouraged or, in some cases, forbade the use
Hokkien and other non-standard varieties. This produced a political
backlash in the 1990s. Under the administration of
Chen Shui-Bian ,
other Taiwanese varieties were taught in schools. The former
President, Chen Shui-Bian, often spoke in
Hokkien during speeches,
while after the late 1990s, former President
Lee Teng-hui , also
Hong Kong and
Macau , which are now special administrative regions
of the People's Republic of China,
Cantonese is the primary language
spoken by the majority of the population.
Cantonese remains the
official government language of
Hong Kong and Macau. After Hong
Kong\'s handover from the United Kingdom and Macau\'s handover from
Portugal , Putonghua is the language used by the governments of the
two territories to communicate with the Central People\'s Government
of the PRC. There have been widespread efforts to promote usage of
Hong Kong since the handover, with specific efforts to
train police and teachers.
In Singapore, the government has heavily promoted a "Speak Mandarin
Campaign " since the late 1970s, with the use of other Chinese
varieties in broadcast media being prohibited and their use in any
context officially discouraged until recently. This has led to some
resentment amongst the older generations, as Singapore's migrant
Chinese community is made up almost entirely of people of south
Lee Kuan Yew
Lee Kuan Yew , the initiator of the campaign,
admitted that to most Chinese Singaporeans, Mandarin was a "stepmother
tongue" rather than a true mother language. Nevertheless, he saw the
need for a unified language among the Chinese community not biased in
favor of any existing group.
Mandarin is now spreading overseas beyond
East Asia and Southeast
Asia as well. In New York City , the use of
Cantonese that dominated
Manhattan Chinatown for decades is being rapidly swept aside by
Mandarin, the lingua franca of most of the latest
Chinese immigrants .
STANDARD CHINESE AND THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
_ A poster outside a high school in
Yangzhou urges people to
"speak Putonghua_, welcome guests from all parts" and "use civilised
In both the PRC and Taiwan,
Standard Chinese is taught by immersion
starting in elementary school. After the second grade, the entire
educational system is in Standard Chinese, except for local language
classes that have been taught for a few hours each week in Taiwan
starting in the mid-1990s.
In December 2004, the first survey of language use in the People\'s
China revealed that only 53% of its population, about 700
million people, could communicate in Standard Chinese. This 53% is
defined as a passing grade above 3-B (a score above 60%) of the
With the fast development of the country and the massive internal
China , the standard
Putonghua Proficiency Test has
quickly become popular. Many university graduates in mainland China
Hong Kong take this exam before looking for a job. Employers often
require varying proficiency in
Standard Chinese from applicants
depending on the nature of the positions. Applicants of some
positions, e.g. telephone operators, may be required to obtain a
certificate. People raised in
Beijing are sometimes considered
inherently 1-A (A score of at least 97%) and exempted from this
requirement. As for the rest, the score of 1-A is rare. According to
the official definition of proficiency levels, people who get 1-B (A
score of at least 92%) are considered qualified to work as television
correspondents or in broadcasting stations. 2-A (A score of at least
87%) can work as Chinese Literature Course teachers in public schools.
Other levels include: 2-B (A score of at least 80%), 3-A (A score of
at least 70%) and 3-B (A score of at least 60%). In China, a
proficiency of level 3-B usually cannot be achieved unless special
training is received. Even though many Chinese do not speak with
standard pronunciation, spoken
Standard Chinese is widely understood
to some degree.
China National Language And Character Working Committee was
founded in 1985. One of its important responsibilities is to promote
Standard Chinese proficiency for Chinese native speakers.
Standard Chinese phonology
The phoneme inventory of
Standard Chinese consists of about two dozen
consonants, of which only /n/ , /ŋ/ , and under certain circumstances
the retroflex approximant /ɻ / can occur in the syllable coda ,
about half a dozen vowels, some of which form diphthongs , and four
tones , one of which is marked with creaky voice . Statistically,
vowels and tones are of similar importance in the language.
It is common for
Standard Chinese to be spoken with the speaker's
regional accent, depending on factors such as age, level of education,
and the need and frequency to speak in official or formal situations.
This appears to be changing, though, in large urban areas , as social
changes, migrations, and urbanization take place.
Due to evolution and standardization, Mandarin, although based on the
Beijing dialect , is no longer synonymous with it. Part of this was
due to the standardization to reflect a greater vocabulary scheme and
a more archaic and "proper-sounding" pronunciation and vocabulary.
Distinctive features of the
Beijing dialect are the use of erhua , a
final "er" (/ɻ /) sound, often as a diminutive , in vocabulary
items that are left unadorned in descriptions of the standard such as
Xiandai Hanyu Cidian _, as well as more neutral tones. An
example of standard versus
Beijing dialect would be the standard _men_
Standard Chinese as spoken on
Taiwan differs mostly in the tones
of some words as well as some vocabulary. Minimal use of the neutral
tone and erhua (final "er"; /ɻ/), and technical vocabulary constitute
the greatest divergences between the two forms.
The stereotypical "southern Chinese" accent does not distinguish
between retroflex and alveolar consonants , pronouncing pinyin _zh_ ,
_ch_ , and _sh_ in the same way as _z_ , _c_ , and _s_ respectively.
Standard Chinese may also interchange _l_ and _n_,
final _n_ and _ng_, and vowels _i_ and _ü_ . Attitudes towards
southern accents, particularly the
Cantonese accent, range from
disdain to admiration.
Many formal, polite and humble words that were in use in imperial
China have not been used in daily conversation in modern-day Mandarin,
such as _jiàn_ (贱/賤 "my humble") and _guì_ (贵/貴 "your
Although Chinese speakers make a clear distinction between Standard
Chinese and the
Beijing dialect, there are aspects of
that have made it into the official standard.
Standard Chinese has a
T–V distinction between the polite and informal "you" that comes
Beijing dialect, although its use is quite diminished in
daily speech. In addition, it also distinguishes between "_zánmen_"
(_we_ including the listener) and "_wǒmen_" (_we_ not including the
listener). In practice, neither distinction is commonly used by most
Chinese, at least outside the
The following samples are some phrases from the
Beijing dialect which
are not yet accepted into Standard Chinese:
* 倍儿 _bèir_ means 'very much'; 拌蒜 _bànsuàn_ means
'stagger'; 不吝 _bù lìn_ means 'do not worry about'; 撮 _cuō_
means 'eat'; 出溜 _chūliū_ means 'slip'; (大)老爷儿们儿 _dà
lǎoyermenr_ means 'man, male'.
The following samples are some phrases from
Beijing dialect which
have become accepted as Standard Chinese:
* 二把刀 _èr bǎ dāo_ means 'not very skillful'; 哥们儿
_gēménr means_ 'good male friend(s)', 'buddy(ies)'; 抠门儿 _kōu
ménr_ means 'frugal' or 'stingy'.
Chinese is a very analytic or isolating language , having almost no
inflectional morphemes . It follows a similar sentence structure to
English, frequently forming sentences in the order subject-predicate.
The predicate can be an intransitive verb, a transitive verb followed
by a direct object, a linking verb followed by a predicate nominative,
Chinese differs from English in distinguishing between names of
things, which can stand as predicate nominatives, and names of
characteristics. Names of characteristics (e.g., green) cannot follow
linking verbs. There is not an equivalent to the English predicate
adjective. Instead, abstract characterizations such as "green",
"angry", "hot", etc., stand as complete predicates in their own right
. For example, 我不累。_Wǒ bú lèi_. A word-for-word version in
English might be "I not tired." Another common phrase, 你好 (nǐ
hăo), demonstrates this feature. While it gets translated into
English as "hello", the transliteration is "You good".
Chinese additionally differs from English in that it forms another
kind of sentence by stating a topic and following it by a comment .
To do this in English, speakers generally flag the topic of a sentence
by prefacing it with "as for." For instance, one might say, "As for
the money that Mom gave us, I have already bought candy with it." Note
that the comment in this case is itself a complete sentence with
subject, verb, and object. The Chinese version is simply,
妈妈给我们的钱,我已经买了糖果。'Māma gěi wǒmen de
qián, wǒ yǐjīng mǎile tángguǒ(r)_. This might be directly
translated as "The money Mom gave us, I already bought candy," lacking
a preface as in English._
Chinese does not inflect verbs for tense like English and other
European languages. Instead it uses a combination of aspect markers
for aspect and modality. In other words, it employs single syllables
that indicate such things as (1) an action being expected or
anticipated, (2) that the subject of the sentence has gone through
some experience within a stated or implicit time period, (3) that a
statement that was formerly not the case has now become true, i.e.,
that there has been a change of status, (4) that there still has not
been a change in a condition previously noted, etc.
The time when something happens can be given by an explicit term such
as "yesterday," by relative terms such as "formerly," etc.
Another major difference between the syntax of Chinese and languages
like English lies in the stacking order of modifying clauses .
fāpíqì DE wàijiāo jǐngchá qǔxiāole méiyǒu jiāoqián DE
nàxiē rén DE rùjìngzhèng_. Using the Chinese order in English,
that sentence would be: " → foreign affairs policeman canceled →
In more ordinary English order, that would be: "The foreign affairs
policeman who got angry yesterday canceled the visas of those people
who did not pay."
There are a few other features of Chinese that would be unfamiliar to
speakers of English, but the features mentioned above are generally
the most noticeable.
Standard Chinese is written with characters corresponding to
syllables of the language, most of which represent a morpheme. In most
cases, these characters come from those used in
Classical Chinese to
write cognate morphemes of late
Old Chinese , though their
pronunciation, and often meaning, has shifted dramatically over two
millennia. However, there are several words, many of them heavily
used, which have no classical counterpart or whose etymology is
obscure. Two strategies have been used to write such words:
* An unrelated character with the same or similar pronunciation
might be used, especially if its original sense was no longer common.
For example, the demonstrative pronouns _zhè_ "this" and _nà_ "that"
have no counterparts in Classical Chinese, which used 此 _cǐ_ and
彼 _bǐ_ respectively. Hence the character 這 (later simplified as
这) for _zhè_ "to meet" was borrowed to write _zhè_ "this", and the
character 那 for _nà_, the name of a country and later a rare
surname, was borrowed to write _nà_ "that".
* A new character, usually a phono-semantic or semantic compound,
might be created. For example, _gǎn_ "pursue, overtake", is written
with a new character 趕, composed of the signific 走 _zǒu_ "run"
and the phonetic 旱 _hàn_ "drought". This method was used to
represent many elements in the periodic table .
The government of the PRC (as well as some other governments and
institutions) has promulgated a set of simplified forms . Under this
system, the forms of the words _zhèlǐ_ ("here") and _nàlǐ_
("there") changed from 這裏/這裡 and 那裏/那裡 to 这里 and
Chinese characters were traditionally read from top to bottom, right
to left, but in modern usage it is more common to read from left to
What is your name?
Nǐ jiào shénme míngzi?
My name is...
Wǒ jiào ...
How are you?
Nǐ hǎo ma? / Nǐ zěnmeyàng?
I am fine, how about you?
Wǒ hěn hǎo, nǐ ne?
I don't want it / I don't want to
Wǒ bú yào.
Welcome! / You're welcome! (Literally: No need to thank me!) /
Don't mention it! (Literally: Don't be so polite!)
歡迎！/ 不用謝！/ 不客氣！
欢迎！/ 不用谢！/ 不客气！
Huānyíng! / Búyòng xiè! / Bú kèqì!
Yes. / Correct.
是。 / 對。/ 嗯。
是。 / 对。/ 嗯。
Shì. / Duì. / M.
No. / Incorrect.
不是。/ 不對。/ 不。
不是。/ 不对。/ 不。
Búshì. / Bú duì. / Bù.
How much money?
Can you speak a little slower?
Nín néng shuō de zài mànxiē ma?
Good morning! / Good morning!
早上好！ / 早安！
早上好！ / 早安！
Zǎoshang hǎo! / Zǎo'ān!
How do you get to the airport?
Qù jīchǎng zěnme zǒu?
I want to fly to London on the eighteenth
Wǒ xiǎng shíbā hào zuò fēijī dào Lúndūn.
How much will it cost to get to Munich?
Dào Mùníhēi yào duōshǎo qián?
I don't speak Chinese very well.
Wǒ de Hànyǔ shuō de bú tài hǎo.
Do you speak English?
Nǐ huì shuō Yīngyǔ ma?
I have no money.
Wǒ méiyǒu qián.
Chinese speech synthesis
Comparison of national standards of Chinese
Comparison of Cantonese and Standard Chinese
* ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 251.
* ^ Liang (2014) , p. 45.
* ^ _A_ _B_ Luo, Chris (22 September 2014). "One-third of Chinese
do not speak Putonghua, says Education Ministry". _South
* ^ Only 7% of people in
China speak proper Putonghua: PRC MOE,
_Language Log_, 2014 Sept. 24
* ^ 台灣手語簡介 (Taiwan) (2009)
* ^ http://www.china-language.gov.cn/ (Chinese)
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November 2012. Accessed 6 November 2013.
* ^ Chinese Central
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relations pioneer praised in
Beijing meeting". 30 August 2012.
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* ^ Taiwanese
Government Entry Point. Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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* ^ Ministry of Defense Singapore. PACC PAMS Singapore. "About
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Singapore Tourism Board. "
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* ^ Official
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Language". Accessed 6 November 2013.
* ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 133–134.
* ^ Yuan, Zhongrui. (2008) "国语、普通话、华语 (Guoyu,
Putonghua, Huayu)". _
China Language_ National Language Committee,
People's Republic of China
* ^ Fell, Dafydd; Klöter, Henning; Chang, Bi-yu (2006). _What Has
Taiwan Before and After the Change in Ruling Parties_.
Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. p. 213. ISBN 9783447053792 .
* ^ _A_ _B_ Norman (1988) , p. 136.
* ^ _A_ _B_ Coblin (2000) , p. 537.
* ^ Translation quoted in Coblin (2000) , p. 539.
* ^ Liberlibri SARL. "FOURMONT, Etienne. Linguae Sinarum
Mandarinicae hieroglyphicae grammatica duplex, latinè, & cum
characteribus Sinensium. Item Sinicorum Regiae Bibliothecae librorum
catalogus" (in French). Liberlibri.com. Archived from the original on
13 July 2011. Retrieved 8 November 2010.
* ^ Coblin (2000) , pp. 549–550.
* ^ _L. Richard\'s comprehensive geography of the Chinese empire
and dependencies_ translated into English, revised and enlarged by M.
Kennelly, S.J. Shanghai: T'usewei Press, 1908. p. iv. (Translation of
Louis Richard, _Géographie de l'empire de Chine_, Shanghai, 1905.)
* ^ Chen (1999) , pp. 16–17.
* ^ Norman (1988) , p. 134.
* ^ Chen (1999) , p. 18.
* ^ Ramsey (1987) , p. 10.
* ^ Ramsey (1987) , p. 15.
* ^ Bradley (1992) , pp. 313–314.
* ^ Chen (1999) , p. 24.
* ^ "
Law of the People\'s Republic of
China on the Standard Spoken
Written Chinese Language (Order of the President No.37)". Gov.cn.
31 October 2000. Retrieved 27 April 2010. For purposes of this Law,
the standard spoken and written
Chinese language means Putonghua (a
common speech with pronunciation based on the
Beijing dialect) and the
standardized Chinese characters. Original text in Chinese:
* ^ Chen (1999) , pp. 37–38.
* ^ Chen (1999) , pp. 27–28.
* ^ "More than half of Chinese can speak mandarin". Xinhua . 7
March 2007. Retrieved 11 April 2016.
* ^ "17th National Putonghua Week" (Press release) (in Chinese).
Ministry of Education. 15 September 2014.
_news.xinhuanet.com_. Retrieved 2017-07-26.
* ^ 白宛松.
_www.gov.cn_. Retrieved 2017-07-26.
* ^ Standing Committee on Language Education & Research (25 March
2006). "Putonghua promotion stepped up".
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Retrieved 12 February 2011.
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Hong Kong Government. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
Hong Kong LegCo (19 April 1999). "Panel on Education working
Hong Kong Government. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
* ^ New
Hokkien drama aimed at seniors to be launched on Sep 9,
Channel News Asia , 1 Sep 2016
* ^ Lee Kuan Yew, _From Third World to First: The
1965–2000_, HarperCollins, 2000. ISBN 0-06-019776-5 .
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* ^ Duanmu (2007) , pp. 41–45, 236.
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* ^ Blum, Susan D. (2002). "Ethnic and Linguistic Diversity in
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China Off Center:
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* ^ Norman (1988) , p. 74.
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of the American Oriental Society_, 120 (4): 537–552,
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functional reference grammar_, Berkeley: University of California
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* Lehmann, W. P. (ed.), _Language ;background:none
* Central Plains
* Lower Yangtze
* Southern Peninsular Malaysian
DESCRIPTION OF MANDARIN CHINESE
* Chinese Idiom
Standard Chinese (Mandarin)
* Old National
* Literary and colloquial readings
* Eastern Han
* in Vietnam
* Written Dungan
* Written Sichuanese
* Oracle bone
Mainland Chinese Braille
Two-Cell Chinese Braille
* Dungan Cyrillic
List of varieties of Chinese
* Standard Mandarin
PROVINCES / SARS
Cantonese HK /MC
* English HK
* Mongolian NM
* Portuguese MC
* Tibetan XZ
* Uyghur XJ
* Zhuang GX
* Tai Nüa
* Tai Lü
* Lhao Vo
* Northern Qiang
* Southern Qiang
* Man Met
* Muak Sa-aak
* Hm Nai
* Pa Na
* Qo Xiong
* Small Flowery
* Biao Min
* Dzao Min
* Iu Mien
* Kim Mun
* Eastern Yugur
* Tai Dam
* Tai Dón
* Tai Hongjin
* Tai Lü
* Tai Nüa
* Tai Ya
* Cao Miao
* Naxi Yao
* Ong Be
* Fuyu Kyrgyz
* Ili Turki
* Western Yugur
* Sarikoli (Indo-European)
* Tsat (Austronesian)
* Languages with
Taiwan Origin (Austronesian)
* Chinese Sign
Hong Kong Sign HK/MC
* Tibetan Sign XZ
* GX = Guangxi
* HK = Hong Kong
* MC = Macau
* NM = Inner Mongolia
* XJ = Xinjiang
* XZ = Tibet
* Chitty Malay
* Orang Seletar
* Singaporean Sign Language
* Hailu dialect
* Dabu dialect
* Zhao\'an dialect
Taiwanese Sign Language
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