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The St. Bartholomew's Day massacre
St. Bartholomew's Day massacre
(French: Massacre
Massacre
de la Saint-Barthélemy) in 1572 consisted of assassinations and a wave of Catholic mob violence, directed against the Huguenots (French Calvinist
Calvinist
Protestants) during the French Wars of Religion. Traditionally believed to have been instigated by Queen Catherine de' Medici, the mother of King Charles IX, the massacre took place a few days after the wedding on 18 August of the king's sister Margaret to the Protestant
Protestant
Henry III of Navarre
Henry III of Navarre
(the future Henry IV of France). Many of the most wealthy and prominent Huguenots had gathered in Catholic Paris
Paris
to attend the wedding. The massacre began in the night of 23/24 August 1572 (the eve of the feast of Bartholomew the Apostle), two days after the attempted assassination of Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, the military and political leader of the Huguenots. The king ordered the killing of a group of Huguenot
Huguenot
leaders, including Coligny and the slaughter spread throughout Paris. Lasting several weeks, the massacre spread to other urban centres and the countryside. Modern estimates for the number of dead across France vary widely, from 10,000 to 70,000 people. The massacre was a watershed in the French Wars of Religion. The Huguenot
Huguenot
political movement was crippled by the loss of many of its prominent aristocratic leaders and the many re-conversions by the rank and file; the survivors became more extreme. Though by no means unique, it "was the worst of the century's religious massacres".[2] Throughout Europe, it "printed on Protestant
Protestant
minds the indelible conviction that Catholicism was a bloody and treacherous religion".[3]

Contents

1 Background

1.1 An unacceptable peace and an unacceptable marriage 1.2 Tension in Paris 1.3 Shift in Huguenot
Huguenot
thought 1.4 Huguenot
Huguenot
intervention in the Netherlands 1.5 The attempted assassination of Admiral de Coligny

2 The massacres

2.1 Paris 2.2 In the provinces 2.3 Death toll

3 Reactions 4 Interpretations

4.1 Role of the royal family 4.2 Role of the religious factions

5 Cultural references 6 See also 7 Notes 8 References 9 Further reading 10 External links

Background[edit]

Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, the leader of the Huguenots

The Massacre
Massacre
of Saint Bartholomew's Day was the culmination of a series of events:

The Peace of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, which put an end to the third War of Religion on 8 August 1570. The marriage between Henry III of Navarre
Henry III of Navarre
and Margaret of Valois
Margaret of Valois
on 18 August 1572. The failed assassination of Admiral de Coligny on 22 August 1572.

An unacceptable peace and an unacceptable marriage[edit] The Peace of Saint-Germain put an end to three years of terrible civil war between Catholics and Protestants. This peace, however, was precarious since the more intransigent Catholics refused to accept it. The Guise family (strongly Catholic) was out of favour at the French court; the Huguenot
Huguenot
leader, Admiral Gaspard de Coligny, was readmitted into the king's council in September 1571. Staunch Catholics were shocked by the return of Protestants to the court, but the queen mother, Catherine de' Medici, and her son, Charles IX, were practical in their support of peace and Coligny, as they were conscious of the kingdom's financial difficulties and the Huguenots' strong defensive position: they controlled the fortified towns of La Rochelle, La Charité-sur-Loire, Cognac, and Montauban. To cement the peace between the two religious parties, Catherine planned to marry her daughter Margaret to the Protestant
Protestant
prince, Henry of Navarre (the future King Henry IV), son of the Huguenot
Huguenot
leader Queen Jeanne d'Albret. The royal marriage was arranged for 18 August 1572. It was not accepted by traditionalist Catholics or by the Pope. Both the Pope and King Philip II of Spain
Philip II of Spain
strongly condemned Catherine's Huguenot
Huguenot
policy as well. Tension in Paris[edit]

Charles IX of France, who was 22 years old in August 1572

The impending marriage led to the gathering of a large number of well-born Protestants in Paris, who had come to escort their prince. But Paris
Paris
was a violently anti- Huguenot
Huguenot
city, and Parisians, who tended to be extreme Catholics, found their presence unacceptable. Encouraged by Catholic preachers, they were horrified at the marriage of a princess of France with a Protestant.[4] The Parlement's opposition and the court's absence from the wedding led to increased political tension.[5] Compounding this bad feeling was the fact that the harvests had been poor and taxes had risen.[6] The rise in food prices and the luxury displayed on the occasion of the royal wedding increased tensions among the common people. A particular point of tension was an open-air cross erected on the site of the house of Philippe de Gastines, a Huguenot
Huguenot
who had been executed in 1569. The mob had torn down his house and erected a large wooden cross on a stone base. Under the terms of the peace, and after considerable popular resistance, this had been removed in December 1571 (and re-erected in a cemetery), which had already led to about 50 deaths in riots, as well as mob destruction of property.[7] In the massacres of August, the relatives of the Gastines family were among the first to be killed by the mob.[8] The court itself was extremely divided. Catherine had not obtained Pope Gregory XIII's permission to celebrate this irregular marriage; consequently, the French prelates hesitated over which attitude to adopt. It took all the queen mother's skill to convince the Cardinal de Bourbon (paternal uncle of the Protestant
Protestant
groom, but himself a Catholic clergyman) to marry the couple. Beside this, the rivalries between the leading families re-emerged. The Guises were not prepared to make way for their rivals, the House of Montmorency. François, Duke of Montmorency and governor of Paris, was unable to control the disturbances in the city. On August 20, he left the capital and retired to Chantilly.[9] Shift in Huguenot
Huguenot
thought[edit] In the years preceding the massacre, Huguenot
Huguenot
"political rhetoric" had for the first time taken a tone against not just the policies of a particular monarch of France, but monarchy in general. In part this was led by an apparent change in stance by John Calvin
John Calvin
in his Readings on the Prophet Daniel, a book of 1561, in which he had argued that when kings disobey God, they "automatically abdicate their worldly power" – a change from his views in earlier works that even ungodly kings should be obeyed. This change was soon picked up by Huguenot writers, who began to expand on Calvin and promote the idea of the sovereignty of the people, ideas to which Catholic writers and preachers responded fiercely.[10] Nevertheless, it was only in the aftermath of the massacre that anti-monarchical ideas found widespread support from Huguenots, among the "Monarchomachs" and others. " Huguenot
Huguenot
writers, who had previously, for the most part, paraded their loyalty to the Crown, now called for the deposition or assassination of a Godless king who had either authorised or permitted the slaughter".[11] Thus, the massacre "marked the beginning of a new form of French Protestantism: one that was openly at war with the crown. This was much more than a war against the policies of the crown, as in the first three civil wars; it was a campaign against the very existence of the Gallican monarchy itself".[12] Huguenot
Huguenot
intervention in the Netherlands[edit] Tensions were further raised when in May 1572 the news reached Paris that a French Huguenot
Huguenot
army under Louis of Nassau
Louis of Nassau
had crossed from France to the Netherlandish
Netherlandish
province of Hainaut and captured the Catholic strongholds of Mons
Mons
and Valenciennes
Valenciennes
(now in Belgium and France, respectively). Louis governed the Principality of Orange around Avignon
Avignon
in southern France for his brother William the Silent, who was leading the Dutch Revolt
Dutch Revolt
against the Spanish. This intervention threatened to involve France in that war; many Catholics believed that Coligny had again persuaded the king to intervene on the side of the Dutch,[13] as he had managed to do the previous October, before Catherine had got the decision reversed.[14] The attempted assassination of Admiral de Coligny[edit]

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This popular print shows the attempted assassination of Coligny at left, his subsequent murder at right, and scenes of the general massacre in the streets.

After the wedding on 18 August 1572, Coligny and the leading Huguenots remained in Paris
Paris
to discuss some outstanding grievances about the Peace of St. Germain with the king. On 22 August, an attempt was made on Coligny's life as he made his way back to his house from the Louvre. He was shot from an upstairs window, and seriously wounded. The would-be assassin, probably Charles de Louviers, Lord of Maurevert (c. 1505-1583), escaped in the ensuing confusion, and it is still difficult today to decide who was ultimately responsible for the attack. History records three possible candidates:

The Guises: the Cardinal of Lorraine (who was in fact in Rome at the time), and his nephews, the Dukes of Guise and Aumale, are the most likely suspects. The leaders of the Catholic party, they wanted to avenge the death of the two dukes' father Francis, Duke of Guise, whose assassination ten years earlier they believed to have been ordered by Coligny. The shot aimed at Admiral de Coligny came from a house belonging to the Guises. The Duke of Alba: he governed the Netherlands on behalf of Philip II. Coligny planned to lead a campaign in the Netherlands to participate in the Dutch Revolt
Dutch Revolt
to free the region from Spanish control. During the summer, Coligny had secretly dispatched a number of troops to help the Protestants in Mons, who were now besieged by the Duke of Alba. So Admiral de Coligny was a real threat to the latter. Catherine de' Medici: according to tradition, the Queen Mother had been worried that the king was increasingly becoming dominated by Coligny. Amongst other things, Catherine reportedly feared that Coligny's influence would drag France into a war with Spain over the Netherlands.[citation needed]

The massacres[edit]

Preparation for the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre. Painting by Kārlis Hūns
Kārlis Hūns
(1868)

Paris[edit] The attempted assassination of Coligny triggered the crisis that led to the massacre. Admiral de Coligny was the most respected Huguenot leader and enjoyed a close relationship with the king, although he was distrusted by the king's mother. Aware of the danger of reprisals from the Protestants, the king and his court visited Coligny on his sickbed and promised him that the culprits would be punished. While the Queen Mother was eating dinner, Protestants burst in to demand justice, some talking in menacing terms.[15] Fears of Huguenot
Huguenot
reprisals grew. Coligny's brother-in-law led a 4,000-strong army camped just outside Paris[13] and, although there is no evidence it was planning to attack, Catholics in the city feared it might take revenge on the Guises or the city populace itself. That evening, Catherine held a meeting at the Tuileries
Tuileries
Palace with her Italian advisers, including Albert de Gondi, Comte de Retz. On the evening of 23 August, Catherine went to see the king to discuss the crisis. Though no details of the meeting survive, Charles IX and his mother apparently made the decision to eliminate the Protestant leaders. Holt speculated this entailed "between two and three dozen noblemen" who were still in Paris.[16] Other historians are reluctant to speculate on the composition or size of the group leaders targeted at this point, beyond the few obvious heads. (Most potential candidates were accompanied by groups of gentlemen as staff and bodyguards like Coligny; so, each killing of a leader could have been expected to involve killing these as well.) Shortly after this decision, the municipal authorities of Paris
Paris
were summoned. They were ordered to shut the city gates and arm the citizenry to prevent any attempt at a Protestant
Protestant
uprising. The king's Swiss Guard
Swiss Guard
was given the task of killing a list of leading Protestants. It is difficult today to determine the exact chronology of events and to know the moment the killing began. It seems probable that a signal was given by ringing bells for matins (between midnight and dawn) at the church of Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois, near the Louvre, which was the parish church of the kings of France. The Swiss guards had expelled the Protestant
Protestant
nobles from the Louvre castle
Louvre castle
and then slaughtered them in the streets.

One morning at the gates of the Louvre, 19th-century painting by Édouard Debat-Ponsan. Catherine de' Medici
Catherine de' Medici
is in black. The scene from Dubois (above) re-imagined.

A group led by Guise in person dragged Admiral Coligny
Admiral Coligny
from his bed, killed him, and threw his body out of a window. Huguenot
Huguenot
nobles in the building first put up a fight, as they were terrified for the life of their leader,[17] but Coligny himself seemed unperturbed. One of Coligny's murderers recognized this calm regarding his fate by stating that "he never saw anyone less afraid in so great a peril, nor die more steadfastly" (Dethou).[18] The tension that had been building since the Peace of St. Germain now exploded in a wave of popular violence. The common people began to hunt Protestants throughout the city, including women and children. Chains were used to block streets so that Protestants could not escape from their houses. The bodies of the dead were collected in carts and thrown into the Seine. The massacre in Paris
Paris
lasted three days despite the king's attempts to stop it. Holt concludes that "while the general massacre might have been prevented, there is no evidence that it was intended by any of the elites at court," listing a number of cases where Catholic courtiers intervened to save individual Protestants who were not in the leadership.[19] The two leading Huguenot
Huguenot
princes, Henry of Navarre and his cousin the Prince of Condé (respectively aged 19 and 20), were spared as they pledged to convert to Catholicism; both renounced their conversions after they escaped Paris.[20] According to some interpretations, the survival of these princes was a key point in Catherine's overall scheme, to prevent the House of Guise
House of Guise
from becoming too powerful. On August 26, the king and court established the official version of events by going to the Paris
Paris
Parlement. "Holding a lit de justice, Charles declared that he had ordered the massacre in order to thwart a Huguenot
Huguenot
plot against the royal family."[21] A jubilee celebration, including a procession, was then held, while the killings continued in parts of the city.[21] In the provinces[edit] Although Charles had dispatched orders to his provincial governors on August 24 to prevent violence and maintain the terms of the 1570 edict,[22] from August to October, similar massacres of Huguenots took place in a total of twelve other cities: Toulouse, Bordeaux, Lyon, Bourges, Rouen,[23] Orléans, Meaux, Angers, La Charité, Saumur, Gaillac
Gaillac
and Troyes.[24] In most of them, the killings swiftly followed the arrival of the news of the Paris
Paris
massacre, but in some places there was a delay of more than a month. According to Mack P. Holt: "All twelve cities where provincial massacres occurred had one striking feature in common; they were all cities with Catholic majorities where there had once been significant Protestant minorities.... All of them had also experienced serious religious division... during the first three civil wars... Moreover seven of them shared a previous experience ... [they] had actually been taken over by Protestant
Protestant
minorities during the first civil war..."[22]

The Siege of La Rochelle
Siege of La Rochelle
(1572–1573) began soon after the St. Bartholomew massacre.

In several cases the Catholic party in the city believed they had received orders from the king to begin the massacre, some conveyed by visitors to the city, and in other cases apparently coming from a local nobleman or his agent.[25] It seems unlikely any such orders came from the king, although the Guise faction may have desired the massacres.[26] Apparently genuine letters from the Duke of Anjou, the king's younger brother, did urge massacres in the king's name; in Nantes
Nantes
the mayor fortunately held on to his without publicising it until a week later when contrary orders from the king had arrived.[27] In some cities the massacres were led by the mob, while the city authorities tried to suppress them, and in others small groups of soldiers and officials began rounding up Protestants with little mob involvement.[28] In Bordeaux
Bordeaux
the inflammatory sermon on September 29 of a Jesuit, Edmond Auger, encouraged the massacre that was to occur a few days later.[29] In the cities affected the loss to the Huguenot
Huguenot
communities after the massacres was numerically far larger than those actually killed; in the following weeks there were mass conversions to Catholicism, apparently in response to the threatening atmosphere for Huguenots in these cities. In Rouen, where some hundreds were killed, the Huguenot community shrank from 16,500 to fewer than 3,000 mainly as a result of conversions and emigration to safer cities or countries. Some cities unaffected by the violence nevertheless witnessed a sharp decline in their Huguenot
Huguenot
population.[30] It has been claimed that the Huguenot community represented as much as 10% of the French population on the eve of the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre, declining to 7-8% by the end of the 16th century, and further after heavy persecution began once again during the reign of Louis XIV, culminating with the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.[31] Soon afterward both sides prepared for a fourth civil war, which began before the end of the year. Death toll[edit] Estimates of the number that perished in the massacres have varied from 2,000 by a Roman Catholic apologist to 70,000 by the contemporary Huguenot
Huguenot
duc de Sully, who himself barely escaped death.[32] Accurate figures for casualties have never been compiled,[33] and, even in writings by modern historians there is a considerable range, though the more specialised the historian, the lower they tend to be. At the low end are figures of about 2,000 in Paris[34] and 3,000 in the provinces, the latter figure an estimate by Philip Benedict
Philip Benedict
in an article in 1978.[35] Other estimates are about 10,000 in total,[36] with about 3,000 in Paris[37] and 7,000 in the provinces.[38] At the higher end are total figures of up to 20,000,[39] or 30,000 in total, from "a contemporary, non-partisan guesstimate" quoted by the historians Felipe Fernández-Armesto and D. Wilson.[40] For Paris, the only hard figure is a payment by the city to workmen for collecting and burying 1,100 bodies washed up on the banks of the Seine downstream from the city in one week. Body counts relating to other payments are computed from this.[41] Among the slain were the philosopher Petrus Ramus, and in Lyon
Lyon
the composer Claude Goudimel. The corpses floating down the Rhone
Rhone
from Lyons are said to have put the people of Arles
Arles
off drinking the water for three months.[42] Reactions[edit]

Gregory XIII's medal

The Politiques, those Catholics who placed national unity above sectarian interests, were horrified, but many Catholics inside and outside France initially regarded the massacres as deliverance from an imminent Huguenot
Huguenot
coup d'etat. The severed head of Coligny was apparently dispatched to Pope Gregory XIII, though it got no further than Lyon, and the pope sent the king a Golden Rose.[43] The pope ordered a Te Deum
Te Deum
to be sung as a special thanksgiving (a practice continued for many years after) and had a medal struck with the motto Ugonottorum strages 1572 (Latin for "overthrow" or "slaughter," "of the Huguenots") showing an angel bearing a cross and sword before which are the felled Protestants.[44]

The massacre, with the murder of Gaspard de Coligny above left, as depicted in a fresco by Giorgio Vasari.

Pope Gregory XIII
Pope Gregory XIII
also commissioned the artist Giorgio Vasari
Giorgio Vasari
to paint three frescos in the Sala Regia depicting the wounding of Coligny, his death, and Charles IX before Parliament, matching those commemorating the defeat of the Turks at the Battle of Lepanto (1571). "The massacre was interpreted as an act of divine retribution; Coligny was considered a threat to Christendom
Christendom
and thus Pope Gregory XIII designated 11 September 1572 as a joint commemoration of the Battle of Lepanto and the massacre of the Huguenots."[45] Although these formal acts of rejoicing in Rome were not repudiated publicly, misgivings in the papal curia grew as the true nature of the killings gradually became better known. Pope Gregory XIII
Pope Gregory XIII
himself refused to receive Charles de Maurevert, said to be the killer of Coligny, on the grounds he was a murderer.[46] On hearing of the slaughter, Philip II of Spain
Philip II of Spain
"laughed, for almost the only time on record".[47] In Paris, the poet Jean-Antoine de Baïf, founder of the Academie de Musique et de Poésie, wrote a sonnet extravagantly praising the killings.[48] On the other hand, the Holy Roman Emperor, Maximilian II, King Charles's father-in-law, was sickened, describing the massacre as "shameful".[49] Moderate French Catholics also began to wonder whether religious uniformity was worth the price of such bloodshed and the ranks of the Politiques began to swell. The massacre caused a "major international crisis".[50] Protestant countries were horrified at the events, and only the concentrated efforts of Catherine's ambassadors, including a special mission by Gondi, prevented the collapse of her policy of remaining on good terms with them.[citation needed] Elizabeth I of England's ambassador to France at that time, Sir Francis Walsingham, barely escaped with his life.[51] Even Tsar Ivan the Terrible
Ivan the Terrible
expressed horror at the carnage in a letter to the Emperor.[52] The massacre "spawned a pullulating mass of polemical literature, bubbling with theories, prejudices and phobias"[53] Many Catholic authors were exultant in their praise of the king for his bold and decisive action (after regretfully abandoning a policy of meeting Huguenot
Huguenot
demands as far as he could) against the supposed Huguenot coup, whose details were now fleshed out in officially sponsored works, though the larger mob massacres were somewhat deprecated: "[one] must excuse the people's fury moved by a laudable zeal which is difficult to restrain once it has been stirred up".[54] Huguenot
Huguenot
works understandably dwelt on the harrowing details of violence, expounded various conspiracy theories that the royal court had long planned the massacres, and often showed extravagant anti-Italian feelings directed at Catherine, Gondi, and other Italians at court.[55] Diplomatic correspondence was readier than published polemics to recognise the unplanned and chaotic nature of the events,[56] which also emerged from several accounts in memoirs published over the following years by witnesses to the events at court, including two dramatic and influential accounts by members of the royal family that were not recognised as fake until the 19th century, those supposedly by Marguerite of Navarre,[57] and Anjou. Anjou's supposed account was the source of the quotation attributed to Charles IX: "Well then, so be it! Kill them! But kill them all! Don't leave a single one alive to reproach me!"[58]

Charles IX in front of the Paris
Paris
Parlement
Parlement
on 26 August 1572, justifying the Saint Bartholomew massacre as a response to a Huguenot plot. Vasari
Vasari
for Pope Gregory XIII, Sala Regia (Vatican).

The author of the Lettre de Pierre Charpentier (1572) was not only "a Protestant
Protestant
of sorts, and thus, apparently, writing with inside knowledge", but also "an extreme apologist for the massacre ... in his view ... a well-merited punishment for years of civil disobedience [and] secret sedition..."[59] A strand of Catholic writing, especially by Italian authors, broke from the official French line to applaud the massacre as precisely a brilliant stratagem, deliberately planned from various points beforehand.[60] The most extreme of these writers was Camilo Capilupi, a papal secretary, whose work insisted that the whole series of events since 1570 had been a masterly plan conceived by Charles IX, and carried through by frequently misleading his mother and ministers as to his true intentions. The Venetian government refused to allow the work to be printed there, and it was eventually published in Rome in 1574, and in the same year quickly reprinted in Geneva in the original Italian and a French translation.[61] It was in this context that the massacre came to be seen as a product of Machiavellianism, a view greatly influenced by the Huguenot Innocent Gentillet, who published his Discours contre Machievel in 1576, which was printed in ten editions in three languages over the next four years.[62] Gentillet held, quite wrongly according to Sydney Anglo, that Machiavelli's "books [were] held most dear and precious by our Italian and Italionized courtiers" (in the words of his first English translation), and so (in Anglo's paraphrase) "at the root of France's present degradation, which has culminated not only in the St Bartholemew massacre but the glee of its perverted admirers".[63] In fact there is little trace of Machiavelli
Machiavelli
in French writings before the massacre, and not very much after, until Gentillet's own book, but this concept was seized upon by many contemporaries, and played a crucial part in setting the long-lasting popular concept of Machiavellianism
Machiavellianism
that so infuriates scholars of his actual thought.[64] It also gave added impetus to the strong anti-Italian feelings already present in Huguenot
Huguenot
polemic. Christopher Marlowe
Christopher Marlowe
was one of many Elizabethan
Elizabethan
writers who were enthusiastic proponents of these ideas. In the Jew of Malta (1589–90) "Machievel" in person speaks the Prologue, claiming to not be dead, but to have possessed the soul of (the Duke of) Guise, "And, now the Guise is dead, is come from France/ To view this land, and frolic with his friends" (Prologue, lines 3-4)[65] His last play, The Massacre
Massacre
at Paris
Paris
(1593) takes the massacre, and the following years, as its subject, with Guise and Catherine both depicted as Machiavellian plotters, bent on evil from the start. The Catholic Encyclopedia of 1913 was still ready to endorse a version of this view, describing the massacres as "an entirely political act committed in the name of the immoral principles of Machiavellianism" and blaming "the pagan theories of a certain raison d'état according to which the end justified the means".[42] The French 18th-century historian Louis-Pierre Anquetil, in his Esprit de la Ligue of 1767, was among the first to begin impartial historical investigation, emphasizing the lack of premeditation (before the attempt on Coligny) in the massacre and that Catholic mob violence had a history of uncontrollable escalation.[66] By this period the Massacre
Massacre
was being widely used by Voltaire
Voltaire
(in his Henriade) and other Enlightenment writers in polemics against organized religion in general. The question of whether the massacre had long been premeditated was not entirely settled until the late 19th century; Lord Acton
Lord Acton
changed his mind on the matter twice, finally concluding that it was not.[67] Interpretations[edit] Role of the royal family[edit]

Catherine de Medici, Charles IX's mother

Over the centuries, the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre
St. Bartholomew's Day massacre
has inevitably aroused a great deal of controversy. Modern historians are still divided over the responsibility of the royal family:

The traditional interpretation makes Catherine de Medici
Catherine de Medici
and her Catholic advisers the principal culprits in the execution of the principal military leaders. They forced the hand of a hesitant and weak-willed king in the decision of that particular execution. This traditional interpretation has been largely abandoned by modern historians including, among others, Janine Garrisson. However, in a more recent work than his history of the period, Holt concludes: "The ringleaders of the conspiracy appear to have been a group of four men: Henry, duke of Anjou; Chancellor Birague; the duke of Nevers, and the comte de Retz" (Gondi).[68] Apart from Anjou, the others were all Italian advisors at the French court. According to Denis Crouzet, Charles IX feared a Protestant
Protestant
uprising, and chose to strangle it at birth to protect his power. The execution decision was therefore his own, and not Catherine de' Medici's.[69] According to Jean-Louis Bourgeon, the violently anti- Huguenot
Huguenot
city of Paris
Paris
was really responsible. He stresses that the city was on the verge of revolt. The Guises, who were highly popular, exploited this situation to put pressure on the King and the Queen Mother. Charles IX was thus forced to head off the potential riot, which was the work of the Guises, the city militia and the common people.[70] According to Thierry Wanegffelen, the member of the royal family with the most responsibility in this affair is Henry, Duke of Anjou, the king's ambitious younger brother. Following the failed assassination attack against the Admiral de Coligny (which Wanegffelen attributes to the Guise family and Spain), the Italian advisers of Catherine de Medici undoubtedly recommended in the royal Council the execution of about fifty Protestant
Protestant
leaders. These Italians stood to benefit from the occasion by eliminating the Huguenot
Huguenot
danger. Despite the firm opposition of the Queen Mother and the King, Anjou, Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, present at this meeting of the Council, could see a good occasion to make a name for himself with the government. He contacted the Parisian authorities and another ambitious young man, running out of authority and power, Duke Henri de Guise (whose uncle, the clear-sighted Charles, cardinal of Lorraine, was then detained in Rome). The Parisian St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre
Massacre
resulted from this conjunction of interests, and this offers a much better explanation as to why the men of the Duke of Anjou acted in the name of the Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, consistent with the thinking of the time, rather than in the name of the King. One can also understand why, the day after the start of the massacre, Catherine de Medici, through royal declaration of Charles IX, condemned the crimes, and threatened the Guise family with royal justice. But when Charles IX and his mother learned of the involvement of the duke of Anjou, and being so dependent on his support, they issued a second royal declaration, which while asking for an end to the massacres, credited the initiative with the desire of Charles IX to prevent a Protestant plot. Initially the coup d'état of the duke of Anjou was a success, but Catherine de Medici
Catherine de Medici
went out of her way to deprive him from any power in France: she sent him with the royal army to remain in front of La Rochelle
La Rochelle
and then had him elected King of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.[71]

Role of the religious factions[edit] Traditional histories have tended to focus more on the roles of the political notables whose machinations began the massacre than the mindset of those who actually did the killing. Ordinary lay Catholics were involved in the mass killings; they believed they were executing the wishes of the king and of God. At this time, in an age before mass media, "the pulpit remained probably the most effective means of mass communication".[72] Despite the large numbers of pamphlets and broadsheets in circulation, literacy rates were still poor. Thus, some modern historians have stressed the critical and incendiary role that militant preachers played in shaping ordinary lay beliefs, both Catholic and Protestant. Historian Barbara B. Diefendorf, Professor of History at Boston University, wrote that Simon Vigor had "said if the King ordered the Admiral (Coligny) killed, 'it would be wicked not to kill him'. With these words, the most popular preacher in Paris
Paris
legitimised in advance the events of St. Bartholomew's Day".[73] Diefendorf says that when the head of the murdered Coligny was shown to the Paris
Paris
mob by a member of the nobility, with the claim that it was the King's will, the die was cast. Another historian Mack P. Holt, Professor at George Mason University, agrees that Vigor, "the best known preacher in Paris," preached sermons that were full of references to the evils that would befall the capital should the Protestants seize control.[74] This view is also partly supported by Cunningham and Grell (2000) who explained that "militant sermons by priests such as Simon Vigor served to raise the religious and eschatological temperature on the eve of the Massacre".[75]

Henry, duc de Guise, leader of the Catholic League.

Historians cite the extreme tension and bitterness that led to the powder-keg atmosphere of Paris
Paris
in August 1572.[76] In the previous ten years there had already been three outbreaks of civil war, and attempts by Protestant
Protestant
nobles to seize power in France.[77] Some blame the complete esteem with which the sovereign's office was held, justified by prominent French Roman Catholic theologians, and that the special powers of French Kings "...were accompanied by explicit responsibilities, the foremost of which was combating heresy."[78] Holt, notable for re-emphasising the importance of religious issues, as opposed to political/dynastic power struggles or socio-economic tensions, in explaining the French Wars of Religion, also re-emphasised the role of religion in the St Bartholomew's Day Massacre. He noted that the extra violence inflicted on many of the corpses "was not random at all, but patterned after the rites of the Catholic culture that had given birth to it." "Many Protestant
Protestant
houses were burned, invoking the traditional purification by fire of all heretics. Many victims were also thrown into the Seine, invoking the purification by water of Catholic baptism".[79] Viewed as a threat to the social and political order, Holt argues that "Huguenots not only had to be exterminated – that is, killed – they also had to be humiliated, dishonoured, and shamed as the inhuman beasts they were perceived to be."[79] However Raymond Mentzer points out that Protestants "could be as bloodthirsty as Catholics. Earlier Huguenot
Huguenot
rage at Nimes (in 1567) led to... the massacre of a hundred or so Catholics, mostly priests and prominent laymen, at the hands of their Protestant
Protestant
neighbours. Few towns escaped the episodic violence and some suffered repeatedly from both sides. Neither faith had a monopoly on cruelty and misguided fervour".[80] Some, like Leonie Frieda, emphasise the element within the mob violence of the "haves" being "killed by the 'have-nots'". Many Protestants were nobles or bourgeois and Frieda adds that "a number of bourgeois Catholic Parisians had suffered the same fate as the Protestants; many financial debts were wiped clean with the death of creditors and moneylenders that night".[81] At least one Huguenot
Huguenot
was able to buy off his would-be murderers.[82] The historian H.G. Koenigsberger (who until his retirement in 1984 was Professor of History at King's College, University of London) wrote that the Massacre
Massacre
was deeply disturbing because "it was Christians massacring other Christians who were not foreign enemies but their neighbours with which they and their forebears had lived in a Christian community, and under the same ruler, for a thousand years".[83] He concludes that the historical importance of the Massacre
Massacre
"lies not so much in the appalling tragedies involved as their demonstration of the power of sectarian passion to break down the barriers of civilisation, community and accepted morality".[84] An explanation of this may lie in the analysis of the massacre in terms of social anthropology by the religious historian Bruce Lincoln, who describes how the religious divide, which gave the Huguenots different patterns of dress, eating and pastimes, as well as the obvious differences of religion and (very often) class, had become a social schism or cleavage. The rituals around the royal marriage had only intensified this cleavage, contrary to its intentions, and the "sentiments of estrangement – radical otherness – [had come] to prevail over sentiments of affinity between Catholics and Protestants".[85] On 23 August 1997, Pope John Paul II, who was in Paris
Paris
for the 12th World Youth Day, issued a statement on the Massacre. He stayed in Paris
Paris
for three days and made eleven speeches. According to Reuters and the Associated Press, at a late-night vigil, with the hundreds of thousands of young people who were in Paris
Paris
for the celebrations, he made the following comments: "On the eve of Aug. 24, we cannot forget the sad massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, an event of very obscure causes in the political and religious history of France. ... Christians did things which the Gospel condemns. I am convinced that only forgiveness, offered and received, leads little by little to a fruitful dialogue, which will in turn ensure a fully Christian reconciliation. ... Belonging to different religious traditions must not constitute today a source of opposition and tension. On the contrary, our common love for Christ impels us to seek tirelessly the path of full unity."[86] Cultural references[edit]

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Millais' painting, A Huguenot
Huguenot
on St. Bartholomew's day

The Elizabethan
Elizabethan
dramatist Christopher Marlowe
Christopher Marlowe
knew the story well from the Huguenot
Huguenot
literature translated into English, and probably from French refugees who had sought refuge in his native Canterbury. He wrote a strongly anti-Catholic and anti-French play based on the events entitled 'The Massacre
Massacre
at Paris'. Also, in his biography The World of Christopher Marlowe, David Riggs claims the incident remained with the playwright, and massacres are incorporated into the final acts of three of his early plays, 1 and 2 Tamburlaine and The Jew of Malta – see above for Marlowe and Machiavellism. The story was also taken up in 1772 by Louis-Sébastien Mercier
Louis-Sébastien Mercier
in his play Jean Hennuyer, Bishop of Lizieux, unperformed until the French Revolution. This play was translated into English, with some adaptations, as The Massacre
Massacre
by the actress and playwright Elizabeth Inchbald in 1792. Inchbald kept the historical setting, but The Massacre, completed by February 1792, also reflected events in the recent French Revolution, though not the September Massacres
September Massacres
of 1792, which coincided with its printing.[87] Joseph Chénier's play Charles IX was a huge success during the French Revolution, drawing strongly anti-monarchical and anti-religious lessons from the massacre. Chénier was able to put his principles into practice as a politician, voting for the execution of Louis XVI and many others, perhaps including his brother André Chénier. However, before the collapse of the Revolution he became suspected of moderation, and in some danger himself.[88]

"They seemed but dark shadows as they slid along the walls", illustration from an English History of France, c. 1912

The story was fictionalised by Prosper Mérimée
Prosper Mérimée
in his Chronique du règne de Charles IX (1829), and by Alexandre Dumas, père
Alexandre Dumas, père
in La Reine Margot, an 1845 novel that fills in the history as it was then seen with romance and adventure. That novel has been translated into English and was made first into a commercially successful French film in 1954, "La reine Margot" (US title "A Woman of Evil"), starring Jeanne Moreau. It was remade in 1994 as La Reine Margot (later as Queen Margot, and subtitled, in English-language markets), starring Isabelle Adjani. Giacomo Meyerbeer's opera Les Huguenots
Les Huguenots
(1836), very loosely based on the events of the massacre, was one of the most popular and spectacular examples of French grand opera. The Pre-Raphaelite
Pre-Raphaelite
painter John Everett Millais
John Everett Millais
managed to create a sentimental moment in the massacre in his painting A Huguenot
Huguenot
on St. Bartholomew's Day (1852), which depicts a Catholic woman attempting to convince her Huguenot
Huguenot
lover to wear the white scarf badge of the Catholics and protect himself. The man, true to his beliefs, gently refuses her.[89] Millais was inspired to create the painting after seeing Meyerbeer's Les Huguenots. Mark Twain
Mark Twain
described the massacre in "From the Manuscript of 'A Tramp Abroad' (1879): The French and the Comanches," an essay about "partly civilized races." He wrote in part, "St. Bartholomew's was unquestionably the finest thing of the kind ever devised and accomplished in the world. All the best people took a hand in it, the King and the Queen Mother included."[90] The St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre
Massacre
and the events surrounding it were incorporated into D.W. Griffith's film Intolerance (1916). The film follows Catherine de' Medici
Catherine de' Medici
(Josephine Crowell) plotting the massacre, coercing her son King Charles IX (Frank Bennett) to sanction it. Incidental characters include Henri of Navarre, Marguerite de Valois (Constance Talmadge), Admiral Coligny
Admiral Coligny
(Joseph Henabery) and the Duke of Anjou, who is portrayed as homosexual. These historic scenes are depicted alongside a fictional plot in which a Huguenot
Huguenot
family is caught among the events. Another novel depicting this massacre is Queen Jezebel, by Jean Plaidy (1953). A 1966 serial in the British science fiction television series Doctor Who
Doctor Who
entitled The Massacre of St Bartholomew's Eve
The Massacre of St Bartholomew's Eve
is set during the events leading up to the Paris
Paris
massacre. Leonard Sachs appeared as Admiral Coligny
Admiral Coligny
and Joan Young played Catherine de Medici. This serial is missing from the BBC archives and survives only in audio form. The St Bartholomew's Day Massacre
Massacre
is the setting for Tim Willocks' historical novel, The Twelve Children of Paris
Paris
(Matthias Tannhauser Trilogy:2) (2013). The St Bartholomew's Day Massacre
Massacre
is also featured in Ken Follett's book A Column of Fire, published in 2017. Follett gives several of the book's main characters a role in the massacre and the events leading up to it. See also[edit]

Michelade: Massacre
Massacre
of Catholics by Protestants in Nîmes
Nîmes
in 1567.

Notes[edit]

^ Knecht, Robert J. (2002). The French religious wars: 1562-1598. Oxford: Osprey. pp. 51–52. ISBN 1841763950.  ^ Koenigsburger, H. G.; Mosse, George; Bowler, G. Q. (1999). Europe in the sixteenth century (2nd ed.). Longman. ISBN 0582418631.  ^ Chadwick, Henry; Evans, G. R. (1987). Atlas of the Christian church. London: Macmillan. p. 113. ISBN 0-333-44157-5.  ^ Lincoln (1989), pp. 93-94 ^ J. H. Shennan (1998). The Parlement
Parlement
of Paris. Sutton. p. 25. ISBN 978-0-7509-1830-5.  ^ Knecht (2001), p. 359 ^ Holt, Mack P. (2005). The French Wars of Religion
French Wars of Religion
1562-1626, Cambridge University Press, pp. 79-80 google Books ^ Holt (2005), p. 86 ^ Hugues Daussy (2002). Les huguenots et le roi: le combat politique de Philippe Duplessis-Mornay, 1572-1600. Librairie Droz. p. 84. ISBN 978-2-600-00667-5.  ^ Holt (2005), pp. 78-79; Calvin's book was "Praelectiones in librum prophetiarum Danielis", Geneva and Laon, 1561 ^ Fernández-Armesto, F. & Wilson, D. (1996), Reformation: Christianity and the World 1500 – 2000, Bantam Press, London, ISBN 0-593-02749-3 paperback, p. 237 ^ Holt (1995 ed), p. 95 ^ a b Holt (2005), p. 81 ^ Knecht, Robert Jean (2001), The Rise and Fall of Renaissance France, 1483-1610, p. 356, Blackwell Publishing, ISBN 0-631-22729-6, ISBN 978-0-631-22729-8, Google Books ^ Garrisson, pp. 82-83, and Lincoln, p. 96, and Knecht (2001), p. 361 ^ Holt (2005), p. 85. ^ Knecht (2001), p. 364. The site is now 144 Rue de Rivoli, with a plaque commemorating the event, though both building and street layout postdate the 16th century. New York Times on the plaque ^ De Thou, Jacques- Auguste. Histoire des choses arrivees de son temps. Boston: Ginn and Company.  ^ Holt (2005 edn), pp. 88-91 (quotation from p. 91) ^ Dyer, Thomas Henry (1861). The history of modern Europe: from the fall of Constantinople in 1453 to the war in the Crimea in 1857. John Murray. p. 268. Retrieved 28 March 2011.  ^ a b Lincoln, p. 98 ^ a b Holt (2005 ed.), p. 91 ^ Benedict, Philip (2004), Rouen
Rouen
During the Wars of Religion, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-54797-0, ISBN 978-0-521-54797-0 ^ Holt (2005 ed.), p. 91. The dates are in Garrison, p. 139, who adds Albi
Albi
to the 12 in Holt. online ^ Holt (2005 ed.), pp. 93-94, and Benedict (2004), p. 127 ^ Benedict (2004), p. 127 ^ Knecht (2001), p. 367 ^ Knecht (2001), p. 368, though see Holt (2005), pp. 93-95 for a different emphasis ^ ("Emond" or "Edmond"). Garrison, pp. 144-45, who rejects the view that this "met le feu au poudres" (lit the powder) in Bordeaux. See also: Pearl, Jonathan L. (1998), The Crime of Crimes: Demonology and Politics in France, 1560-1620, Wilfrid Laurier Univ. Press, p. 70, ISBN 978-0-88920-296-2 Google Books ^ Holt (2005 ed.), p. 95, citing Benedict (2004), pp. 127-132 ^ Hans J. Hillerbrand in his Encyclopedia of Protestantism: 4-volume Set ^ Saint Bartholomew's Day, Massacre
Massacre
of (2008) Encyclopædia Britannica Deluxe Edition, Chicago; Hardouin de Péréfixe de Beaumont, Catholic Archbishop of Paris
Paris
a century later, put the number at 100,000, but "This last number is probably exaggerated, if we reckon only those who perished by a violent death. But if we add those who died from wretchedness, hunger, sorrow, abandoned old men, women without shelter, children without bread,—all the miserable whose life was shortened by this great catastrophe, we shall see that the estimate of Péréfixe is still below the reality." G. D. Félice (1851). History of the Protestants of France. New York: Edward Walker, p. 217. ^ The range of estimates available in the mid-19th century, with other details, are summarized by the Huguenot
Huguenot
statesman and historian François Guizot
François Guizot
in his A Popular History of France from the Earliest Times, Volume IV ^ Armstrong, Alastair (2003), France 1500-1715, Heinemann, pp. 70-71 ISBN 0-435-32751-8 ^ Philip Benedict, "The Saint Bartholomew's Massacres in the Provinces," The Historical Journal, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Jun., 1978), pp. 205-225, Cambridge University Press [1], cited by Holt (2005 ed.), p. 91, and also used by Knecht (2001), p. 366, and Zalloua, Zahi Anbra (2004), Montaigne And the Ethics of Skepticism, Rookwood Press ISBN 978-1-886365-59-9 ^ Lincoln, p. 97 (a "bare minimum of 2,000" in Paris), and Chaliand, Gérard; Blin, Arnaud; Schneider, Edward; Pulver, Kathryn; Browner, Jesse (2007), The History of Terrorism: From Antiquity to Al Qaeda, University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-24709-4, ISBN 978-0-520-24709-3, citing David El Kenz (2008), Guerres et paix de religion en Europe aux XVIe-XVIIe siecles ^ Garrisson, p, 131; Parker, G. (ed.) (1998), Oxford Encyclopedia World History, Oxford University Press, Oxford, ISBN 0-19-860223-5 hardback, p. 585; and Chadwick, H. & Evans, G.R. (1987), Atlas of the Christian Church, Macmillan, London, ISBN 0-333-44157-5 hardback, pp. 113; ^ Moynahan, B. (2003) The Faith: A History of Christianity, Pimlico, London, ISBN 0-7126-0720-X paperback, p. 456; Lord Acton, who discusses the matter in some detail, found that "no evidence takes us as high as eight thousand", and found those contemporaries in the best position to know typically gave the lowest figures – Lectures on Modern History, "The Huguenots and the League", pp. 162–163. ^ Perry, Sheila (1997), Aspects of Contemporary France, p. 5, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-13179-0, ISBN 978-0-415-13179-7 ^ Fernández-Armesto, F. & Wilson, D. (1996), Reformation: Christianity and the World 1500 – 2000, Bantam Press, London, ISBN 0-593-02749-3 paperback, pp. 236-37 ^ Garrisson, 131; see also the 19th-century historian Henry White, who goes into full details, listing estimates of other historians, which range up to 100,000. His own estimation was 20,000. White, Henry (1868). The Massacre
Massacre
of St Bartholomew. London, John Murray. p. 472.  ^ a b  Goyau, Pierre-Louis-Théophile-Georges (1912). "Saint Bartholomew's Day". In Herbermann, Charles. Catholic Encyclopedia. 14. New York: Robert Appleton.  ^ Fisher, H.A.L. (1969, ninth ed.), A History of Europe: Volume One, Fontana Press, London, p. 581 ^ Lindberg, Carter (1996), The European Reformations Blackwell, p. 295 ^ Howe, E. "Architecture in Vasari's ' Massacre
Massacre
of the Huguenots'," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 39, 1976 (1976), pp. 258-261 JSTOR ^ Daniel-Rops, Henri (1964), The Catholic Reformation. Vol. 1 New York: Image, p. 241, Erlanger, Philippe (1962), St. Bartholomew's Night: The Massacre
Massacre
of Saint Bartholomew, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, p. 119, n. 2, Jouanna, Arlette (2007), La Saint Barthélemy: Les Mystères d'un Crime d'État, 24 Août 1572. Paris: Gallimard, p. 203. The ultimate source for the story of Gregory XIII
Gregory XIII
and Maurevert is a contemporaneous diplomatic report preserved in the French National Library, and described in De la Ferrière, Lettres de Catherine de Médicis vol. 4 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1891), p. cxvi. ^ Ward, A.W. (et al. eds.) (1904), The Cambridge Modern History - Volume III: Wars of Religion, Cambridge University Press, Oxford, p. 20 ^ Roberts, Yvonne. " Jean-Antoine de Baïf
Jean-Antoine de Baïf
and the Saint-Barthélemy", Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, Vol. 59, No. 3 (1997), pp. 607-611, Librairie Droz, JSTOR ^ Georges Bordonove Henri IV (Editions Pygmalion, 1981) p. 82: le honteux bain de sang ^ Cunningham, A. & Grell, O. P. (2000) The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse: Religion, War, Famine & Death in Reformation Europe, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-46701-2 paperback, p. 59 ^ According to Stephen Budiansky
Stephen Budiansky
in chapter 1 of Her Majesty's Spymaster: Elizabeth I, Sir Francis Walsingham, and the Birth of Modern Espionage (Viking, 2005) ^ Morell, J. R. (transl.) (1854), Russia self-condemned, secret and inedited documents connected with Russian history and diplomacy, London: David Bogue, p. 168. Ivan was against Anjou becoming King of Poland. ^ Anglo, Sydney (2005), Machiavelli
Machiavelli
– the First Century: Studies in Enthusiasm, Hostility, and Irrelevance, Oxford University Press, p. 229, ISBN 0-19-926776-6, ISBN 978-0-19-926776-7 Google Books. See also: Butterfield, H. "Acton and the Massacre
Massacre
of St Bartholomew," Cambridge Historical Journal, Vol. 11, No. 1 (1953), pp. 27-47 JSTOR on the many shifts in emphasis of the historiography of the massacre over the next four centuries. ^ Anglo, pp. 237-240 ^ Anglo, pp. 272-80 ^ See Butterfield, 1955, passim; The Catholic Encyclopedia
Catholic Encyclopedia
article on Saint Bartholomew's Day has several quotations ^ The Memoirs of Marguerite de Valois
Marguerite de Valois
(online) ^ See the Catholic Encyclopedia
Catholic Encyclopedia
and see note 18 Butterfield, p. 183 (and note), and p. 199; Anjou's account was defended by a minority of historians into the early 20th century, or at least claimed as being in some sense an account informed by actual witnesses. ^ Anglo, p. 251 ^ Anglo, p. 253ff ^ Anglo, pp. 254-65 ^ Anglo, p. 283, see also the whole chapter ^ Anglo, p. 286 ^ Anglo, Chapters 10 and 11; p. 328 etc. ^ Project Gutenberg Jew of Malta
Jew of Malta
text. ^ Whitehead, Barbara (1994), "Revising the Revisionists," in: Politics, Ideology, and the Law in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of J.H.M. Salmon, ed. John Hearsey McMillan Salmon, Boydell & Brewer, ISBN 1-878822-39-X, 9781878822390 p. 162 ^ The subject of Butterfield's chapter, referenced below. ^ Holt, Mack P. (2002), The Duke of Anjou and the Politique
Politique
Struggle During the Wars of Religion, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-89278-3, ISBN 978-0-521-89278-0 p. 20 ^ Crouzet, Denis (1994), La Nuit de la Saint-Barthélemy: Un rêve perdu de la Renaissance, Fayard, coll. " Chroniques ", ISBN 2-213-59216-0 ^ Bourgeon, Jean-Louis (1992), L'assassinat de Coligny, Genève: Droz ^ Wanegffelen, Thierry (2005), Catherine de Médicis: Le pouvoir au féminin, Payot ISBN 2228900184 ^ Atkin, N. & Tallett, F. (2003) Priests, Prelates & People: A History of European Catholicism Since 1750, Oxford University Press, Oxford, ISBN 0-19-521987-2 hardback, p. 9; ^ Diefendorf, B.B. (1991) Beneath The Cross: Catholics & Huguenots in Sixteenth Century Paris, Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-1950-7013-5 paperback, p. 157 ^ Holt, M. P. (1995) The French Wars of Religion
French Wars of Religion
1562 – 1629, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-35359-9 hardback, pp. 88-89 ^ Cunningham, A. & Grell, O. P. (2000) The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse: Religion, War, Famine & Death in Reformation Europe, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-46701-2 paperback, p. 151 ^ Holt, (1995), p. 86 ^ Holt, (1995), p. 44 ^ Holt (1995 ed.), p. 9 ^ a b Holt (1995 ed.), p. 87 ^ Mentzer, Raymond A., The French Wars of Religion
French Wars of Religion
in The Reformation World, Ed. Andrew Pettegree, Routledge, (2000), ISBN 0-415-16357-9, p. 332 ^ Frieda, L. (2003) Catherine de Medici, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 0-7538-2039-0, pp. 314-16 ^ Knecht (2001), p. 364 ^ Koenigsberger, H. G. (1987) Early Modern Europe 1500 – 1789, Longman, Harlow, ISBN 0-582-49401-X paperback, p. 115 ^ Koenigsberger, p. 115 ^ Lincoln, chapter 6, pp. 89-102, quotation from p. 102 ^ https://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/travels/1997/documents/hf_jp-ii_spe_23081997_vigil.html ^ Burdett, Sarah, Sarah Burdett, "'Feminine Virtues Violated’ Motherhood, Female Militancy and Revolutionary Violence in Elizabeth Inchbald's The Massacre, p. 3, Dandelion, 5.1 (Summer 2014), PDF ^ Maslan, Susan (2005), Revolutionary Acts: Theater, Democracy, and the French Revolution, Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 0-8018-8125-0, ISBN 978-0-8018-8125-1 p. 40 ^ "A Huguenot
Huguenot
on St Bartholomew's Day". Humanities Web. Retrieved 2007-04-19.  ^ Letters from Earth. Ostara publications. 2013

References[edit]

Butterfield, Herbert, Man on his Past, Cambridge University Press, 1955, Chapter VI, Lord Acton
Lord Acton
and the Massacre
Massacre
of St Bartholomew Denis Crouzet : Les Guerriers de Dieu. La violence au temps des troubles de religion vers 1525-vers 1610, Champvallon, 1990 (ISBN 2-87673-094-4), La Nuit de la Saint-Barthélemy. Un rêve perdu de la Renaissance, Fayard, coll. " Chroniques ", 1994 (ISBN 2-213-59216-0) ; Garrisson, Janine, 1572 : la Saint-Barthélemy, Complexe, 2000 (ISBN 2-87027-721-0). (in French) Google books Lincoln, Bruce, Discourse and the Construction of Society: Comparative Studies of Myth, Ritual, and Classification, Oxford University Press US, 1989, ISBN 0-19-507909-4, ISBN 978-0-19-507909-8 Google Books Note: this article incorporates material from the French.

Further reading[edit]

Barbara B. Diefendorf, The St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre: A Brief History with Documents (2008) Arlette Jouanna and Joseph Bergin. The Saint Bartholomew's Day massacre: The mysteries of a crime of state (2015) Robert Kingdon. Myths about the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacres, 1572-1576 (1988) James R. Smither, "The St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre
Massacre
and Images of Kingship in France: 1572-1574." The Sixteenth Century Journal (1991): 27-46. In JSTOR N. M Sutherland. The Massacre
Massacre
of St. Bartholomew and the European conflict, 1559-1572 (1973)

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to St. Bartholomew's Day massacre.

Massacres during the wars of religion: The Saint Bartholomew's Day Massacre, a foundational event (at Massacres.org)  Goyau, Georges (1913). "Saint Bartholomew's Day". Catholic Encyclopedia.   "St Bartholomew, Massacre
Massacre
of". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911. 

Authority control

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