Social justice is a concept of fair and just relations between the
individual and society. This is measured by the explicit and tacit
terms for the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal
activity and social privileges. In Western as well as in older Asian
cultures, the concept of social justice has often referred to the
process of ensuring that individuals fulfill their societal roles and
receive what was their due from society. In the current
global grassroots movements for social justice, the emphasis has been
on the breaking of barriers for social mobility, the creation of
safety nets and economic justice.
Social justice assigns rights and duties in the institutions of
society, which enables people to receive the basic benefits and
burdens of cooperation. The relevant institutions often include
taxation, social insurance, public health, public school, public
services, labour law and regulation of markets, to ensure fair
distribution of wealth, and equal opportunity.
Interpretations that relate justice to a reciprocal relationship to
society are mediated by differences in cultural traditions, some of
which emphasize the individual responsibility toward society and
others the equilibrium between access to power and its responsible
use. Hence, social justice is invoked today while reinterpreting
historical figures such as Bartolomé de las Casas, in philosophical
debates about differences among human beings, in efforts for gender,
racial and social equality, for advocating justice for migrants,
prisoners, the environment, and the physically and developmentally
While the concept of social justice can be traced through the theology
Augustine of Hippo
Augustine of Hippo and the philosophy of Thomas Paine, the term
"social justice" became used explicitly from the 1840s. A Jesuit
Luigi Taparelli is typically credited with coining the
term, and it spread during the revolutions of 1848 with the work of
Antonio Rosmini-Serbati. However, recent research has
proved that the use of the expression "social justice" is older (even
before the 19th century). In the late industrial revolution,
progressive American legal scholars began to use the term more,
Louis Brandeis and Roscoe Pound. From the early 20th
century it was also embedded in international law and institutions;
the preamble to establish the International Labour Organization
recalled that "universal and lasting peace can be established only if
it is based upon social justice." In the later 20th century, social
justice was made central to the philosophy of the social contract,
John Rawls in A Theory of
Justice (1971). In 1993, the
Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action treats social justice as a
purpose of human rights education.
2 Contemporary theory
2.1 Philosophical perspectives
2.1.1 Cosmic values
2.1.2 John Rawls
2.1.3 Thomas Pogge
2.1.4 United Nations
3 Religious perspectives
Social justice movements
5.1 Liberation theology
5.2 Health care
Human rights education
6 See also
9 External links
Main articles: Social contract, Justice, Corrective justice, and
The different concepts of justice, as discussed in ancient Western
philosophy, were typically centered upon the community.
Plato wrote in The Republic that it would be an ideal state that
"every member of the community must be assigned to the class for which
he finds himself best fitted." In an article for J.N.V University,
author D.R. Bhandari says, "
Justice is, for Plato, at once a part of
human virtue and the bond, which joins man together in society. It is
the identical quality that makes good and social.
Justice is an order
and duty of the parts of the soul, it is to the soul as health is to
Plato says that justice is not mere strength, but it is a
Justice is not the right of the stronger but the
effective harmony of the whole. All moral conceptions revolve about
the good of the whole-individual as well as social".
Aristotle believed rights existed only between free people, and the
law should take "account in the first instance of relations of
inequality in which individuals are treated in proportion to their
worth and only secondarily of relations of equality." Reflecting this
time when slavery and subjugation of women was typical, ancient views
of justice tended to reflect the rigid class systems that still
prevailed. On the other hand, for the privileged groups, strong
concepts of fairness and the community existed. Distributive justice
was said by
Aristotle to require that people were distributed goods
and assets according to their merit.
Socrates (through Plato's dialogue Crito) is attributed with
developing the idea of a social contract, whereby people ought to
follow the rules of a society, and accept its burdens because they
have accepted its benefits. During the Middle Ages, religious
scholars particularly, such as
Thomas Aquinas continued discussion of
justice in various ways, but ultimately connected being a good citizen
to the purpose of serving God.
Renaissance and Reformation, the modern concept of social
justice, as developing human potential, began to emerge through the
work of a series of authors.
Baruch Spinoza in On the Improvement of
the Understanding (1677) contended that the one true aim of life
should be to acquire "a human character much more stable than [one's]
own", and to achieve this "pitch of perfection... The chief good is
that he should arrive, together with other individuals if possible, at
the possession of the aforesaid character." During the
enlightenment and responding to the French and American Revolutions,
Thomas Paine similarly wrote in
The Rights of Man
The Rights of Man (1792) society
should give "genius a fair and universal chance" and so "the
construction of government ought to be such as to bring forward... all
that extent of capacity which never fails to appear in
Social justice has been traditionally credited to be coined by Jesuit
Luigi Taparelli in the 1840s, but the expression is older
Although there is no certainty about the first use of the term "social
justice", early sources can be found in Europe in the 18th
century. Some references to the use of the expression are in
articles of journals aligned with the spirit of the Enlightenment, in
which social justice is described as an obligation of the
monarch; also the term is present in books written by Catholic
Italian theologians, notably members of the
Society of Jesus.
Thus, according to this sources and the context, social justice was
another term for "the justice of society", the justice that rules the
relations among individuals in society, without any mention to
socio-economic equity or human dignity.
The usage of the term started to become more frequent by Catholic
thinkers from the 1840s, including the
Luigi Taparelli in
Civiltà Cattolica, based on the work of St. Thomas Aquinas. He argued
that rival capitalist and socialist theories, based on subjective
Cartesian thinking, undermined the unity of society present in
Thomistic metaphysics as neither were sufficiently concerned with
moral philosophy. Writing in 1861, the influential British philosopher
John Stuart Mill
John Stuart Mill stated in
Utilitarianism his view that
Society should treat all equally well who have deserved equally well
of it, that is, who have deserved equally well absolutely. This is the
highest abstract standard of social and distributive justice; towards
which all institutions, and the efforts of all virtuous citizens,
should be made in the utmost degree to converge."
In the later 19th and early 20th century, social justice became an
important theme in American political and legal philosophy,
particularly in the work of John Dewey,
Roscoe Pound and Louis
Brandeis. One of the prime concerns was the
Lochner era decisions of
US Supreme Court
US Supreme Court to strike down legislation passed by state
governments and the Federal government for social and economic
improvement, such as the eight-hour day or the right to join a trade
union. After the First World War, the founding document of the
International Labour Organization
International Labour Organization took up the same terminology in its
preamble, stating that "peace can be established only if it is based
on social justice". From this point, the discussion of social justice
entered into mainstream legal and academic discourse.
Thus, in 1931, the
Pope Pius XI
Pope Pius XI stated the expression for the first
time in the Catholic Social Teaching in the encyclical Quadragesimo
Anno. Then again in Divini Redepmtoris, the Church pointed out that
the realisation of social justice relied on the promotion of the
dignity of human person. The same year, and because of the
documented influence of
Divini Redemptoris in its drafters, the
Constitution of Ireland
Constitution of Ireland was the first one to establish the term as a
principle of the economy in the State, and then other countries around
the world did the same throughout the 20th century, even in Socialist
regimes such as the Cuban Constitution in 1976.
In the late 20th century, a number of liberal and conservative
Friedrich von Hayek
Friedrich von Hayek rejected the concept by stating
that it did not mean anything, or meant too many things. However
the concept remained highly influential, particularly with its
promotion by philosophers such as John Rawls. Even though the meaning
of social justice varies, at least three common elements can be
identified in the contemporary theories about it: a duty of the State
to distribute certain vital means (such as economic, social, and
cultural rights), the protection of human dignity, and affirmative
actions to promote equal opportunities for everybody.
Hunter Lewis' work promoting natural healthcare and sustainable
economies advocates for conservation as a key premise in social
justice. His manifesto on sustainability ties the continued thriving
of human life to real conditions, the environment supporting that
life, and associates injustice with the detrimental effects of
unintended consequences of human actions. Quoting classical Greek
Epicurus on the good of pursuing happiness, Hunter also
cites ornithologist, naturalist, and philosopher
Alexander Skutch in
his book Moral Foundations:
The common feature which unites the activities most consistently
forbidden by the moral codes of civilized peoples is that by their
very nature they cannot be both habitual and enduring, because they
tend to destroy the conditions which make them possible.
Pope Benedict XVI
Pope Benedict XVI cites
Teilhard de Chardin
Teilhard de Chardin in a vision of the cosmos
as a 'living host' embracing an understanding of ecology that
includes humanity's relationship to others, that pollution affects not
just the natural world but interpersonal relations as well. Cosmic
harmony, justice and peace are closely interrelated:
If you want to cultivate peace, protect creation.
Main article: John Rawls
John Rawls draws on the utilitarian insights of
Bentham and Mill, the social contract ideas of John Locke, and the
categorical imperative ideas of Kant. His first statement of principle
was made in A Theory of
Justice where he proposed that, "Each person
possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of
society as a whole cannot override. For this reason justice denies
that the loss of freedom for some is made right by a greater good
shared by others." A deontological proposition that echoes Kant in
framing the moral good of justice in absolutist terms. His views are
definitively restated in
Political Liberalism where society is seen
"as a fair system of co-operation over time, from one generation to
All societies have a basic structure of social, economic, and
political institutions, both formal and informal. In testing how well
these elements fit and work together, Rawls based a key test of
legitimacy on the theories of social contract. To determine whether
any particular system of collectively enforced social arrangements is
legitimate, he argued that one must look for agreement by the people
who are subject to it, but not necessarily to an objective notion of
justice based on coherent ideological grounding. Obviously, not every
citizen can be asked to participate in a poll to determine his or her
consent to every proposal in which some degree of coercion is
involved, so one has to assume that all citizens are reasonable. Rawls
constructed an argument for a two-stage process to determine a
citizen's hypothetical agreement:
The citizen agrees to be represented by X for certain purposes, and,
to that extent, X holds these powers as a trustee for the citizen.
X agrees that enforcement in a particular social context is
legitimate. The citizen, therefore, is bound by this decision because
it is the function of the trustee to represent the citizen in this
This applies to one person who represents a small group (e.g., the
organiser of a social event setting a dress code) as equally as it
does to national governments, which are ultimate trustees, holding
representative powers for the benefit of all citizens within their
territorial boundaries. Governments that fail to provide for welfare
of their citizens according to the principles of justice are not
legitimate. To emphasise the general principle that justice should
rise from the people and not be dictated by the law-making powers of
governments, Rawls asserted that, "There is ... a general presumption
against imposing legal and other restrictions on conduct without
sufficient reason. But this presumption creates no special priority
for any particular liberty." This is support for an unranked set
of liberties that reasonable citizens in all states should respect and
uphold — to some extent, the list proposed by Rawls matches the
normative human rights that have international recognition and direct
enforcement in some nation states where the citizens need
encouragement to act in a way that fixes a greater degree of equality
of outcome. According to Rawls, the basic liberties that every good
society should guarantee are:
Freedom of thought;
Liberty of conscience as it affects social relationships on the
grounds of religion, philosophy, and morality;
Political liberties (e.g., representative democratic institutions,
freedom of speech and the press, and freedom of assembly);
Freedom of association;
Freedoms necessary for the liberty and integrity of the person
(namely: freedom from slavery, freedom of movement and a reasonable
degree of freedom to choose one's occupation); and
Rights and liberties covered by the rule of law.
Thomas Pogge's arguments pertain to a standard of social justice that
creates human rights deficits. He assigns responsibility to those who
actively cooperate in designing or imposing the social institution,
that the order is foreseeable as harming the global poor and is
reasonably avoidable. Pogge argues that social institutions have a
negative duty to not harm the poor.
Pogge speaks of "institutional cosmopolitanism" and assigns
responsibility to institutional schemes for deficits of human
rights. An example given is slavery and third parties. A third party
should not recognize or enforce slavery. The institutional order
should be held responsible only for deprivations of human rights that
it establishes or authorizes. The current institutional design, he
says, systematically harms developing economies by enabling corporate
tax evasion, illicit financial flows, corruption, trafficking of
people and weapons. Joshua Cohen disputes his claims based on the fact
that some poor countries have done well with the current institutional
design. Elizabeth Kahn argues that some of these
responsibilities[vague] should apply globally.
The United Nations’ 2006 document Social
Justice in an Open World:
The Role of the United Nations, states that "
Social justice may be
broadly understood as the fair and compassionate distribution of the
fruits of economic growth...":16
The term "social justice" was seen by the U.N. "as a substitute for
the protection of human rights [and] first appeared in United Nations
texts during the second half of the 1960s. At the initiative of the
Soviet Union, and with the support of developing countries, the term
was used in the Declaration on Social Progress and Development,
adopted in 1969.":52
The same document reports, "From the comprehensive global perspective
shaped by the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, neglect of the pursuit of social justice in all its
dimensions translates into de facto acceptance of a future marred by
violence, repression and chaos.":6 The report concludes, "Social
justice is not possible without strong and coherent redistributive
policies conceived and implemented by public agencies.":16
The same UN document offers a concise history: "[T]he notion of social
justice is relatively new. None of history’s great
Plato or Aristotle, or Confucius or Averroes, or
even Rousseau or Kant—saw the need to consider justice or the
redress of injustices from a social perspective. The concept first
surfaced in Western thought and political language in the wake of the
industrial revolution and the parallel development of the socialist
doctrine. It emerged as an expression of protest against what was
perceived as the capitalist exploitation of labour and as a focal
point for the development of measures to improve the human condition.
It was born as a revolutionary slogan embodying the ideals of progress
and fraternity. Following the revolutions that shook Europe in the
mid-1800s, social justice became a rallying cry for progressive
thinkers and political activists.... By the mid-twentieth century, the
concept of social justice had become central to the ideologies and
programmes of virtually all the leftist and centrist political parties
around the world...":11–12
Jāti hierarchy is undergoing changes for a variety of
reasons including 'social justice', which is a politically popular
stance in democratic India. Institutionalized affirmative action has
promoted this. The disparity and wide inequalities in social behaviour
of the jātis – exclusive, endogamous communities centred on
traditional occupations – has led to various reform movements in
Hinduism. While legally outlawed, the caste system remains strong in
Quran contains numerous references to elements of social justice.
For example, one of Islam's Five Pillars is Zakāt, or alms-giving.
Charity and assistance to the poor – concepts central to social
justice – are and have historically been important parts of the
Islamic faith.
In Muslim history, Islamic governance has often been associated with
social justice. Establishment of social justice was one of the
motivating factors of the Abbasid revolt against the Umayyads. The
Shi'a believe that the return of the Mahdi will herald in "the
messianic age of justice" and the Mahdi along with the Isa (Jesus)
will end plunder, torture, oppression and discrimination.
Muslim Brotherhood the implementation of social justice would
require the rejection of consumerism and communism. The Brotherhood
strongly affirmed the right to private property as well as differences
in personal wealth due to factors such as hard work. However, the
Brotherhood held Muslims had an obligation to assist those Muslims in
need. It held that zakat (alms-giving) was not voluntary charity, but
rather the poor had the right to assistance from the more
fortunate. Most Islamic governments therefore enforce the zakat
Main article: Tikkun olam
In To Heal a Fractured World: The
Ethics of Responsibility, Rabbi
Jonathan Sacks states that social justice has a central place in
Judaism. One of Judaism’s most distinctive and challenging ideas is
its ethics of responsibility reflected in the concepts of simcha
("gladness" or "joy"), tzedakah ("the religious obligation to perform
charity and philanthropic acts"), chesed ("deeds of kindness"), and
tikkun olam ("repairing the world").
From its founding, Methodism was a
Christian social justice movement.
Under John Wesley's direction, Methodists became leaders in many
social justice issues of the day, including the prison reform and
abolition movements. Wesley himself was among the first to preach for
slaves rights attracting significant opposition.
Today, social justice plays a major role in the United Methodist
Church. The Book of Discipline of the
United Methodist Church
United Methodist Church says,
"We hold governments responsible for the protection of the rights of
the people to free and fair elections and to the freedoms of speech,
religion, assembly, communications media, and petition for redress of
grievances without fear of reprisal; to the right to privacy; and to
the guarantee of the rights to adequate food, clothing, shelter,
education, and health care." The
United Methodist Church
United Methodist Church also
teaches population control as part of its doctrine.
Main article: Catholic social teaching
Catholic social teaching
Catholic social teaching consists of those aspects of Roman Catholic
doctrine which relate to matters dealing with the respect of the
individual human life. A distinctive feature of Catholic social
doctrine is its concern for the poorest and most vulnerable members of
society. Two of the seven key areas of "Catholic social teaching"
are pertinent to social justice:
Life and dignity of the human person: The foundational principle of
all "Catholic Social Teaching" is the sanctity of all human life and
the inherent dignity of every human person, from conception to natural
death. Human life must be valued above all material possessions.
Preferential option for the poor and vulnerable: Catholics believe
Jesus taught that on the
Day of Judgement
Day of Judgement God will ask what each
person did to help the poor and needy: "Amen, I say to you, whatever
you did for one of these least brothers of mine, you did for me."
Catholic Church believes that through words, prayers and deeds one
must show solidarity with, and compassion for, the poor. The moral
test of any society is "how it treats its most vulnerable members. The
poor have the most urgent moral claim on the conscience of the nation.
People are called to look at public policy decisions in terms of how
they affect the poor."
Even before it was propounded in the Catholic social doctrine, social
justice appeared regularly in the history of the Catholic Church:
Pope Leo XIII, who studied under Taparelli, published in 1891 the
Rerum novarum (On the Condition of the Working Classes;
lit. "On new things"), rejecting both socialism and capitalism, while
defending labor unions and private property. He stated that society
should be based on cooperation and not class conflict and competition.
In this document, Leo set out the Catholic Church's response to the
social instability and labor conflict that had arisen in the wake of
industrialization and had led to the rise of socialism. The Pope
advocated that the role of the State was to promote social justice
through the protection of rights, while the Church must speak out on
social issues in order to teach correct social principles and ensure
Quadragesimo anno (On Reconstruction of the Social
Order, literally "in the fortieth year") of 1931 by Pope Pius XI,
encourages a living wage, subsidiarity, and advocates that social
justice is a personal virtue as well as an attribute of the social
order, saying that society can be just only if individuals and
institutions are just.
Pope John Paul II
Pope John Paul II added much to the corpus of the Catholic social
teaching, penning three encyclicals which focus on issues such as
economics, politics, geo-political situations, ownership of the means
of production, private property and the "social mortgage", and private
property. The encyclicals Laborem exercens, Sollicitudo rei socialis,
Centesimus annus are just a small portion of his overall
contribution to Catholic social justice.
Pope John Paul II
Pope John Paul II was a
strong advocate of justice and human rights, and spoke forcefully for
the poor. He addresses issues such as the problems that technology can
present should it be misused, and admits a fear that the "progress" of
the world is not true progress at all, if it should denigrate the
value of the human person. He argued in
Centesimus annus that private
property, markets, and honest labor were the keys to alleviating the
miseries of the poor and to enabling a life that can express the
fullness of the human person.
Pope Benedict XVI's encyclical
Deus caritas est
Deus caritas est ("God is Love") of
2006 claims that justice is the defining concern of the state and the
central concern of politics, and not of the church, which has charity
as its central social concern. It said that the laity has the specific
responsibility of pursuing social justice in civil society and that
the church's active role in social justice should be to inform the
debate, using reason and natural law, and also by providing moral and
spiritual formation for those involved in politics.
The official Catholic doctrine on social justice can be found in the
book Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, published in
2004 and updated in 2006, by the Pontifical Council Iustitia et Pax.
The Catechism (§ 1928–1948) contain more detail of the
Church's view of social justice.
Many authors criticize the idea that there exists an objective
standard of social justice. Moral relativists deny that there is any
kind of objective standard for justice in general. Non-cognitivists,
moral skeptics, moral nihilists, and most logical positivists deny the
epistemic possibility of objective notions of justice. Political
realists believe that any ideal of social justice is ultimately a mere
justification for the status quo.
Many other people accept some of the basic principles of social
justice, such as the idea that all human beings have a basic level of
value, but disagree with the elaborate conclusions that may or may not
follow from this. One example is the statement by
H. G. Wells
H. G. Wells that all
people are "equally entitled to the respect of their fellowmen."
On the other hand, some scholars reject the very idea of social
justice as meaningless, religious, self-contradictory, and
ideological, believing that to realize any degree of social justice is
unfeasible, and that the attempt to do so must destroy all liberty.
Perhaps the most complete rejection of the concept of social justice
Friedrich Hayek of the
Austrian School of economics:
There can be no test by which we can discover what is 'socially
unjust' because there is no subject by which such an injustice can be
committed, and there are no rules of individual conduct the observance
of which in the market order would secure to the individuals and
groups the position which as such (as distinguished from the procedure
by which it is determined) would appear just to us. [Social justice]
does not belong to the category of error but to that of nonsense, like
the term 'a moral stone'.
Ben O'Neill of the
University of New South Wales
University of New South Wales argues that, for
proponents of "social justice":
the notion of "rights" is a mere term of entitlement, indicative of a
claim for any possible desirable good, no matter how important or
trivial, abstract or tangible, recent or ancient. It is merely an
assertion of desire, and a declaration of intention to use the
language of rights to acquire said desire.
In fact, since the program of social justice inevitably involves
claims for government provision of goods, paid for through the efforts
of others, the term actually refers to an intention to use force to
acquire one's desires. Not to earn desirable goods by rational thought
and action, production and voluntary exchange, but to go in there and
forcibly take goods from those who can supply them!
Janusz Korwin-Mikke states, "Either 'social justice' has the same
meaning as 'justice' – or not. If so – why use the additional word
'social?' We lose time, we destroy trees to obtain paper necessary to
print this word. If not, if 'social justice' means something different
from 'justice' – then 'something different from justice' is by
definition 'injustice.'"
Carl L. Bankston has argued that a secular, leftist view
of social justice entails viewing the redistribution of goods and
resources as based on the rights of disadvantaged categories of
people, rather than on compassion or national interest. Bankston
maintains that this secular version of social justice became widely
accepted due to the rise of demand-side economics and to the moral
influence of the civil rights movement.
Social justice movements
Part of a series on
Freedom of movement
Idea of Progress
in Latin America
List of countries
William Jennings Bryan
Marquis de Condorcet
Charles Evans Hughes
Robert M. La Follette, Sr.
John Stuart Mill
William Howard Taft
In the Muslim world
In South Korea
In the United States
Social justice is also a concept that is used to describe the movement
towards a socially just world, e.g., the Global
Justice Movement. In
this context, social justice is based on the concepts of human rights
and equality, and can be defined as "the way in which human rights are
manifested in the everyday lives of people at every level of
A number of movements are working to achieve social justice in
society. These movements are working towards the realization of a
world where all members of a society, regardless of background or
procedural justice, have basic human rights and equal access to the
benefits of their society.
Main article: Liberation theology
Liberation theology is a movement in
Christian theology which
conveys the teachings of
Jesus Christ in terms of a liberation from
unjust economic, political, or social conditions. It has been
described by proponents as "an interpretation of
through the poor's suffering, their struggle and hope, and a critique
of society and the Catholic faith and Christianity through the eyes of
the poor", and by detractors as Christianity perverted by Marxism
Although liberation theology has grown into an international and
inter-denominational movement, it began as a movement within the
Catholic Church in Latin America in the 1950s–1960s. It arose
principally as a moral reaction to the poverty caused by social
injustice in that region. It achieved prominence in the 1970s and
1980s. The term was coined by the
Peruvian priest, Gustavo Gutiérrez,
who wrote one of the movement's most famous books, A
Liberation (1971). According to Sarah Kleeb, "Marx would surely take
issue," she writes, "with the appropriation of his works in a
religious context...there is no way to reconcile Marx's views of
religion with those of Gutierrez, they are simply incompatible.
Despite this, in terms of their understanding of the necessity of a
just and righteous world, and the nearly inevitable obstructions along
such a path, the two have much in common; and, particularly in the
first edition of [A
Theology of Liberation], the use of Marxian theory
is quite evident."
Other noted exponents are
Leonardo Boff of Brazil,
Carlos Mugica of
Jon Sobrino of El Salvador, and
Juan Luis Segundo
Juan Luis Segundo of
Social justice has more recently made its way into the field of
bioethics. Discussion involves topics such as affordable access to
health care, especially for low income households and families. The
discussion also raises questions such as whether society should bear
healthcare costs for low income families, and whether the global
marketplace is the best way to distribute healthcare.
Ruth Faden of
the Johns Hopkins Berman Institute of
Bioethics and Madison Powers of
Georgetown University focus their analysis of social justice on which
inequalities matter the most. They develop a social justice theory
that answers some of these questions in concrete settings.
Social injustices occur when there is a preventable difference in
health states among a population of people. These social injustices
take the form of health inequities when negative health states such as
malnourishment, and infectious diseases are more prevalent in
impoverished nations. These negative health states can often be
prevented by providing social and economic structures such as primary
healthcare which ensures the general population has equal access to
health care services regardless of income level, gender, education or
any other stratifying factors. Integrating social justice with health
inherently reflects the social determinants of health model without
discounting the role of the bio-medical model.
Human rights education
Human rights education
Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action affirm that "Human
rights education should include peace, democracy, development and
social justice, as set forth in international and regional human
rights instruments, in order to achieve common understanding and
awareness with a view to strengthening universal commitment to human
"Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence", an anti-Vietnam war and
pro-social justice speech delivered by
Martin Luther King, Jr.
Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1967
Counterculture of the 1960s
Essentially contested concept
Labour law and labour rights
Right to education
Right to health
Right to housing
Right to social security
Social justice art
Social justice warrior
World Day of Social Justice
All pages beginning with "Social justice"
All pages with a title containing Social justice
The Politics (ca 350 BC)
^ a b Clark, Mary T. (2015). "Augustine on Justice," a Chapter in
Augustine and Social Justice. Lexington Books. pp. 3–10.
^ Banai, Ayelet; Ronzoni, Miriam; Schemmel,
Christian (2011). Social
Justice, Global Dynamics : Theoretical and Empirical
Perspectives. Florence: Taylor and Francis.
^ Kitching, G. N. (2001). Seeking Social
Justice Through Globalization
Escaping a Nationalist Perspective. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania
State University Press. pp. 3–10.
^ Hillman, Arye L. (2008). "Globalization and Social Justice". The
Singapore Economic Review. 53 (2): 173–189.
^ Agartan, Kaan (2014). "Globalization and the Question of Social
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