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Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
(pronounced [slobǒdan milǒːʃeʋitɕ] ( listen); Serbian Cyrillic: Слободан Милошевић; 20 August 1941 – 11 March 2006) was a Yugoslav and Serbian politician and the President of Serbia
Serbia
(originally the Socialist Republic of Serbia, a constituent republic within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) from 1989 to 1997 and President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
from 1997 to 2000. He also led the Socialist Party of Serbia
Socialist Party of Serbia
from its foundation in 1990. He rose to power as Serbian President after he and his supporters claimed the need to reform the 1974 Constitution of Yugoslavia due to both the marginalization of Serbia
Serbia
and its political incapacity to deter Albanian separatist unrest in the province of Kosovo. His presidency of Serbia
Serbia
and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
was marked by several major reforms to Serbia's constitution in the 1980s to the 1990s that reduced the powers of the autonomous provinces in Serbia
Serbia
and in 1990 transitioned Serbia
Serbia
from a Titoist one-party system to a multi-party system, attempted reforms to the 1974 Constitution of Yugoslavia, the breakup of Yugoslavia and the outbreak of the subsequent wars, the founding of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
by the former SFRY
SFRY
republics of Serbia
Serbia
and Montenegro, negotiating the Dayton Agreement
Dayton Agreement
on behalf of the Bosnian Serbs
Serbs
that ended the Bosnian War in 1995, and his overthrow in 2000. In the midst of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
in 1999, Milošević was charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) with war crimes in connection to the wars in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo.[1] Milošević resigned the Yugoslav presidency amid demonstrations, following the disputed presidential election of 24 September 2000. He was arrested by Yugoslav federal authorities on 31 March 2001 on suspicion of corruption, abuse of power, and embezzlement.[2][3] The initial investigation into Milošević faltered for lack of evidence, prompting the Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić
Zoran Đinđić
to extradite him to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to stand trial for charges of war crimes instead.[4] At the outset of the trial Milošević denounced the Tribunal as illegal because it had not been established with the consent of the United Nations
United Nations
General Assembly; therefore he refused to appoint counsel for his defence.[5] Milošević conducted his own defence in the five-year-long trial, which ended without a verdict when he died in his prison cell in The Hague
The Hague
on 11 March 2006.[6] Milošević, who suffered from heart ailments and hypertension, died of a heart attack.[7][8] The Tribunal denied any responsibility for Milošević's death, and stated that he had refused to take prescribed medicines and medicated himself instead.[9] In February 2007, the International Court of Justice
International Court of Justice
(ICJ) ruled separately in the Bosnian Genocide Case
Bosnian Genocide Case
that there was no evidence linking Serbia
Serbia
and Milošević to genocide committed by Bosnian Serb forces during the Bosnian War. However, the Court did find that Milošević and others in Serbia
Serbia
had committed a breach of the Genocide Convention
Genocide Convention
by failing to prevent the genocide from occurring and for not cooperating with the ICTY
ICTY
in punishing the perpetrators of the genocide, in particular General Ratko Mladić, and for violating its obligation to comply with the provisional measures ordered by the Court.[10][11]

Contents

1 Early life 2 Rise to power

2.1 Anti-bureaucratic revolution 2.2 Constitutional amendments 2.3 Civil and political rights
Civil and political rights
under Milošević

3 Milošević's role in the Yugoslav Wars 4 Milošević's views 5 Murders of political opponents 6 Downfall 7 Relations with other countries

7.1 Russia 7.2 China

8 Trial at The Hague 9 Death 10 Legacy 11 Published books 12 See also 13 References 14 Sources 15 Further reading 16 External links

Early life[edit]

Milošević's father Svetozar and mother Stanislava with brother Borislav and Slobodan as children.

Milošević had roots from the Lijeva Rijeka village in Podgorica
Podgorica
and was of the Vasojevići
Vasojevići
clan from Montenegro. He was born in Požarevac, four months after the Axis invasion of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and raised during the Axis occupation of World War II. He had an older brother Borislav who would later become a diplomat.[12][13] His parents separated in the aftermath of the war. His father, the Serbian Orthodox theologian[14] Svetozar Milošević (nl), shot himself in 1962.[15] Svetozar's father Simeun was an officer in the Montenegrin Army. Milošević's mother Stanislava (née Koljenšić), a school teacher and also an active member of the Communist Party, committed suicide in 1972.[16] Her brother (Milošević's maternal uncle) Milisav Koljenšić was a major-general in the Yugoslav People's Army
Yugoslav People's Army
who committed suicide in 1963. Milošević went on to study law at the University of Belgrade's Law School, where he became the head of the ideology committee of the Yugoslav Communist League's (SKJ) student branch (SSOJ). While at the university, he befriended Ivan Stambolić, whose uncle Petar Stambolić had been a president of Serbian Executive Council (the Communist equivalent of a prime minister). This was to prove a crucial connection for Milošević's career prospects, as Stambolić sponsored his rise through the SKJ hierarchy. After his graduation in 1966, Milošević became an economic advisor to Mayor of Belgrade
Belgrade
Branko Pešić. Five years later, he married his childhood friend, Mirjana Marković, with whom he had two children: Marko and Marija. Marković would have some influence on Milošević's political career both before and after his rise to power; she was also leader of her husband's junior coalition partner, Yugoslav Left (JUL) in the 1990s. In 1968, Milošević got a job at the Tehnogas company, where Stambolić was working, and became its chairman in 1973. By 1978, Stambolić's sponsorship had enabled Milošević to become the head of Beobanka, one of Yugoslavia's largest banks; his frequent trips to Paris
Paris
and New York gave him the opportunity to learn English. He was 6 feet 1¼ inches (186 cm) tall.[17] Rise to power[edit]

Milošević in the 1980s.

On 16 April 1984, Milošević was elected president of the Belgrade League of Communists City Committee.[18] On 21 February 1986 the Socialist Alliance of Working People unanimously supported him as presidential candidate for the SKJ's Serbian branch Central Committee.[19] Milošević was elected by a majority vote at the 10th Congress of the Serbian League of Communists on 28 May 1986.[20] Milošević emerged in 1987 as a force in Serbian politics after he declared support for Serbs
Serbs
in the Serbian autonomous province of Kosovo, who claimed they were being oppressed by the provincial government which was dominated by Kosovo's majority ethnic group, ethnic Albanians. Milošević claimed that ethnic Albanian authorities had abused their powers, that the autonomy of Kosovo was allowing the entrenchment of separatism in Kosovo, and that the rights of the Serbs in the province were being regularly violated. As a solution, he called for political change to reduce the autonomy, protect minority Serb rights, and initiate a strong crackdown on separatism in Kosovo. Milošević was criticized by opponents, who claimed he and his allies were attempting to strengthen the position of Serbs
Serbs
in Yugoslavia at the expense of Kosovo Albanians
Albanians
and other nationalities, a policy they accused of being nationalist, which was a taboo in the Yugoslav Communist system and effectively a political crime, as nationalism was identified as a violation of the Yugoslav Communists' commitment to Brotherhood and Unity. Milošević always denied allegations that he was a nationalist or that he exploited Serbian nationalism
Serbian nationalism
in his rise to power. In a 1995 interview with TIME, he defended himself from these accusations by claiming he stood for every nationality in Yugoslavia (though he notably made no direct or indirect mention of Macedonians or Montenegrins
Montenegrins
who are often seen by nationalist Serbs
Serbs
as being Serbs
Serbs
by ethnic heritage): "All my speeches up to '89 were published in my book. You can see that there was no nationalism in those speeches. We were explaining why we think it is good to preserve Yugoslavia for all Serbs, all Croats, all Muslims
Muslims
and all Slovenians as our joint country. Nothing else."[21] As animosity between Serbs
Serbs
and Albanians
Albanians
in Kosovo deepened during the 1980s, Milošević was sent to address a crowd of Serbs
Serbs
at the historic Kosovo field on 24 April 1987. While Milošević was talking to the leadership inside the local cultural hall, demonstrators outside clashed with the local Kosovo-Albanian police force. The New York Times reported that "a crowd of 15,000 Serbs
Serbs
and Montenegrins hurled stones at the police after they used truncheons to push people away from the entrance to the cultural center of Kosovo Polje."[22] Milošević heard the commotion and was sent outside to calm the situation. A videotape of the event shows Milošević responding to complaints from the crowd that the police were beating people by saying "You will not be beaten".[23] Later that evening, Serbian television aired the video of Milošević's encounter. In Adam LeBor's biography of Milošević, he says that the crowd attacked the police and Milošević's response was "No one should dare to beat you again!"[24] The Federal Secretariat of the SFRY
SFRY
Interior Ministry, however, condemned the police's use of rubber truncheons as not in keeping within the provisions of Articles 100 and 101 of the rules of procedure for "conducting the work of law enforcement", they had found that "the total conduct of the citizenry in the mass rally before the cultural hall in Kosovo Polje cannot be assessed as negative or extremist. There was no significant violation of law and order."[25] Although Milošević was only addressing a small group of people around him – not the public,[26] a great deal of significance has been attached to that remark. Stambolić, after his reign as President, said that he had seen that day as "the end of Yugoslavia". Dragiša Pavlović, a Stambolić ally and Milošević's successor at the head of the Belgrade
Belgrade
Committee of the party, was expelled from the party during the 8th Session of the League of Communists of Serbia after he publicly criticized the party's Kosovo policy. The central committee voted overwhelmingly for his dismissal: 106 members voted for his expulsion, eight voted against, and 18 abstained.[27] Stambolić was fired after Communist officials in Belgrade
Belgrade
accused him of abusing his office during the Pavlović affair. Stambolić was accused of sending a secret letter to the party Presidium, in what was seen as an attempt to misuse the weight of his position as Serbian President, to prevent the central committee's vote on Pavlović's expulsion from the party.[28][29] In 2002 Adam LeBor and Louis Sell would write that Pavlović was really dismissed because he opposed Milošević's policies towards Kosovo-Serbs. They contend that, contrary to advice from Stambolić, Milošević had denounced Pavlović as being soft on Albanian radicals. LeBor and Sell assert that Milošević prepared the ground for his ascent to power by quietly replacing Stambolić's supporters with his own people, thereby forcing Pavlović and Stambolić from power.[30][31] In February 1988, Stambolić's resignation was formalized, allowing Milošević to take his place as Serbia's President. Milošević then initiated a program of IMF-supported free-market reforms, setting up in May 1988 the "Milošević Commission" comprising Belgrade's leading neoliberal economists.[32] Anti-bureaucratic revolution[edit] Main articles: Anti-bureaucratic revolution and Gazimestan speech Starting in 1988, the Anti-bureaucratic revolution led to the resignation of the governments of Vojvodina
Vojvodina
and Montenegro
Montenegro
and to the election of officials allied with Milošević. According to the ICTY
ICTY
indictment against Milošević: "From July 1988 to March 1989, a series of demonstrations and rallies supportive of Slobodan Milošević's policies – the 'Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution' – took place in Vojvodina
Vojvodina
and Montenegro. These protests led to the ousting of the respective provincial and republican governments; the new governments were then supportive of, and indebted to, Slobodan Milošević."[33] Milošević's supporters say the anti-bureaucratic revolution was an authentic grass-roots political movement. Reacting to the indictment, Dr. Branko Kostić, Montenegro's then-representative on the Yugoslav state presidency said, "Well, it sounds like nonsense to me. If a government or a leadership were supportive of Milošević, then it would be normal for him to feel indebted to them, not the other way around." He said Milošević enjoyed genuine grassroots support because "his name at that time shone brightly on the political arena of the entire federal Yugoslavia ... and many people saw him as a person who would be finally able to make things move, to get things going."[34] Kosta Bulatović, an organizer of the anti-bureaucratic rallies, said "All of this was spontaneous" the motivation to protest was "coming from the grassroots."[35] Milošević's critics claim that he cynically planned and organized the anti-bureaucratic revolution to strengthen his political power. Stjepan Mesić
Stjepan Mesić
who served as the last president of a united Yugoslavia (in the prelude of these events) said of Milošević, "with the policy he waged, broke down the autonomous [government in] Vojvodina, which was legally elected, in Montenegro
Montenegro
he implemented an anti-bureaucratic revolution, as it's called, by which he destroyed Yugoslavia."[36] Commenting on Milošević's role, Slovene president Milan Kučan
Milan Kučan
said, "none of us believed in Slovenia
Slovenia
that these were spontaneous meetings and rallies."[37] He accused the Serbian government of deliberately fanning nationalist passions and Slovene newspapers published articles comparing Milošević to Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini, a one-time Marxist who turned to nationalism. Milošević contended that such criticism was unfounded and amounted to "spreading fear of Serbia".[38] In Vojvodina, where 54 percent of the population was Serb, an estimated 100,000 demonstrators rallied outside the Communist Party headquarters in Novi Sad
Novi Sad
on 6 October 1988 to demand the resignation of the provincial leadership. The majority of protesters were workers from the town of Bačka Palanka, 40 kilometres west of Novi Sad. They were supportive of Milošević and opposed the provincial government's moves to block forthcoming amendments to the Serbian constitution.[39][40][41] The New York Times
The New York Times
reported that the demonstrations were held "with the support of Slobodan Milošević" and that "Diplomats and Yugoslavs speculated about whether Mr. Milošević, whose hold over crowds [was] great, had had a hand in organizing the Novi Sad
Novi Sad
demonstrations."[42] The demonstrations were successful. The provincial leadership resigned, and Vojvodina
Vojvodina
League of Communists elected a new leadership.[43] In the elections that followed Dr. Dragutin Zelenović, a Milošević ally, was elected member of the SFRY
SFRY
Presidency from Vojvodina[44] On 10 January 1989 the anti-bureaucratic revolution continued in Montenegro, which had the lowest average monthly wage in Yugoslavia, an unemployment rate of nearly 25 percent, and where one-fifth of the population lived below the poverty line. 50,000 demonstrators gathered in the Montenegrin capital of Titograd
Titograd
(now Podgorica) to protest the republic's economic situation and to demand the resignation of its leadership.[45] The next day Montenegro's state presidency tendered its collective resignation along with the Montenegrin delegates in the Yugoslav Politburo. Montenegro's representative on the federal presidency, Veselin Đuranović, said the decision to step down "was motivated by a sense of responsibility for the economic situation."[46][47] Demonstrators were seen carrying portraits of Milošević and shouting his name, but the New York Times reported "there is no evidence that the Serbian leader played an organizing role" in the demonstrations.[48] Multiparty elections were held in Montenegro
Montenegro
for the first time after the anti-bureaucratic revolution. Nenad Bućin, an opponent of Milošević's policies, was elected Montenegro's representative on Yugoslavia's collective presidency[49] and Momir Bulatović, a Milošević ally, was elected Montenegrin President.[50][51] Constitutional amendments[edit]

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Beginning in 1982 and 1983, in response to nationalist Albanian riots in Kosovo, the Central Committee of the SFRY
SFRY
League of Communists adopted a set of conclusions aimed at centralizing Serbia's control over law enforcement and the judiciary in its Kosovo and Vojvodina provinces.[52] In the early to mid-1980s, claims were made of a mass exodus of Serbs and Montenegrins
Montenegrins
from Kosovo as a result of Albanian riots.[53] Serbian nationalists denounced the 1974 Yugoslav constitution and demands for change were strong amongst Kosovo Serbs.[53] In 1986 Serbian President Ivan Stambolić
Ivan Stambolić
responded by accepting this position, declaring that the 1974 constitution was contrary to the interests of Serbs, though he warned that "certain individuals" were "coquetting" with Serbian nationalism.[53] Stambolić established a commission to amend the Serbian Constitution in keeping with conclusions adopted by the federal Communist Party.[52] The constitutional commission worked for three years to harmonize its positions and in 1989 an amended Serbian constitution
Serbian constitution
was submitted to the governments of Kosovo, Vojvodina
Vojvodina
and Serbia
Serbia
for approval. On 10 March 1989 the Vojvodina
Vojvodina
Assembly approved the amendments, followed by the Kosovo Assembly on 23 March, and the Serbian Assembly on 28 March.[54][55][56] In the Kosovo Assembly 187 of the 190 assembly members were present when the vote was taken: 10 voted against the amendments, two abstained, and the remaining 175 voted in favor of the amendments.[52][57] Although the ethnic composition of the Kosovo Assembly was over 70 percent Albanian,[52] they were forced to vote in favor of the amendments while under the careful watch of the newly arrived Serbian police forces. Unrest began when amendments were approved returning to Serbia
Serbia
control over the province's police, courts, national defence and foreign affairs. According to a United Press report, the rioting killed 29 people and injured 30 policemen and 97 civilians.[58] In the wake of the unrest following the 1989 constitutional amendments, ethnic Albanians
Albanians
in Kosovo largely boycotted the provincial government and refused to vote in the elections.[59][60] Azem Vllasi, leader of the League of Communists of Kosovo, was arrested for inciting rioting amid the 1989 strike by Kosovo-Albanian miners.[61] In the wake of the Albanian boycott, supporters of Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
were elected to positions of authority by the remaining Serbian voters in Kosovo. The anti-bureaucratic revolutions in Montenegro
Montenegro
and Vojvodina
Vojvodina
coupled with the Albanian boycott in Kosovo effectively meant that Slobodan Milošević and his supporters held power in four out of the eight republics and autonomous provinces that made-up the Yugoslav federation. Whether this was cynically engineered by Milošević is a matter of controversy between his critics and his supporters. Because Milošević's supporters controlled half of the votes in the SFRY
SFRY
presidency, his critics charge that he undermined the Yugoslav federation. This, his detractors argue, upset the balance of power in Yugoslavia and provoked separatism elsewhere in the federation. Milošević's supporters contend that the representatives of the SFRY presidency were elected according to the law. They say that Milošević enjoyed genuine popular support so it was perfectly logical for his allies to be elected to the presidency. His supporters dismiss allegations that he upset the balance of power in Yugoslavia as a propaganda ploy designed to justify separatism. In 1990, after other republics abandoned the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and adopted democratic multiparty systems, Milošević's government quickly followed suit and the 1990 Serbian Constitution was created. The 1990 Constitution officially renamed the Socialist Republic of Serbia
Serbia
to the Republic of Serbia
Serbia
and abandoned the one-party communist system and created a democratic multiparty system. After the creation of a multiparty system in Serbia, Milošević and his political allies in Serbia
Serbia
elsewhere in Yugoslavia pushed for the creation of a democratic multiparty system of government at the federal level, such as Serbian state media appealing to the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
in early 1992 with the promise that Bosnia and Herzegovina could peacefully coexist in a democratic Yugoslav federation alongside the republics of Serbia
Serbia
and Montenegro.[62] Outside of the Serb population,[citation needed] the remainder of Bosnian and Herzegovinian population voted in favour of secession. In the aftermath, Serbia and Montenegro
Serbia and Montenegro
agreed to create the new Yugoslav federation called the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
in 1992, which dismantled the remaining communist infrastructure and created a federal democratic multiparty system of government. Civil and political rights
Civil and political rights
under Milošević[edit] Main articles: March 1991 protests in Belgrade
Belgrade
and 1996–97 protests in Serbia Milošević's government policies on civil and political rights when serving as Serbian President and later Yugoslav president were controversial. Milošević's government exercised influence and censorship in the media. An example was in March 1991, when Serbia's Public Prosecutor ordered a 36-hour blackout of two independent media stations, B92 Radio and Studio B television to prevent the broadcast of a demonstration against the Serbian government taking place in Belgrade.[63] The two media stations appealed to the Public Prosecutor against the ban but the Public Prosecutor failed to respond.[63] Upon the creation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Milošević's government engaged in reforms to the Serbian Penal Code regarding restrictions on free speech, which were seen by critics as highly authoritarian. In particular Article 98 of the Serbian Penal Code during the 1990s punished imprisonment of up to three years for the following:

"...public ridicule [of] the Republic of Serbia
Serbia
or another Republic within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, their flag, coat of arms or anthem, their presidencies, assemblies or executive councils, the president of the executive council in connection with the performance of their office..."[63]

The federal criminal code for Yugoslavia also protected the presidents of federal institutions, the Yugoslav Army and federal emblems.[63] Both the Serbian and federal Yugoslav laws granted limited exemptions to journalists.[63] The result was multiple charges against a variety of people opposed to the policies of the Serbian and Yugoslav governments even including a Serbian cartoonist who designed political satire.[64] Milošević's role in the Yugoslav Wars[edit] Main articles: Serbia
Serbia
in the Yugoslav Wars, Role of the media in the Yugoslav wars, Serbian historiography § Post communist Serbian historiography (1980s-present), and Joint criminal enterprise The Hague
The Hague
indictment alleges that, starting in 1987, Milošević "endorsed a Serbian nationalist agenda" and "exploited a growing wave of Serbian nationalism
Serbian nationalism
in order to strengthen centralised rule in the SFRY".[33] ICTY
ICTY
prosecutors argued that "the [Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo] indictments were all part of a common scheme, strategy or plan on the part of the accused [Milošević] to create a 'Greater Serbia', a centralized Serbian state encompassing the Serb-populated areas of Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia and all of Kosovo, and that this plan was to be achieved by forcibly removing non- Serbs
Serbs
from large geographical areas through the commission of the crimes charged in the indictments. Although the events in Kosovo were separated from those in Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia by more than three years, they were no more than a continuation of that plan, and they could only be understood completely by reference to what had happened in Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia."[65] Milošević's defenders claim that the Prosecution could not produce a single order issued by his government to Serbian fighters in Croatia or Bosnia. Near the end of the Prosecution's case, a Prosecution analyst admitted under cross-examination that this was indeed the case. Theunens, however, was quick to point out, "the fact that we don't have orders doesn't mean that they don't exist" to which Milošević replied "There are none, that's why you haven't got one."[66] Since the wars, Milošević's political behaviour has been analyzed as politically opportunist in nature.[67] Claims that Milošević was principally motivated by a desire for power have been supported by many people who had known or had worked for him.[68] Some believe his original goal until the breakup of Yugoslavia was to take control of Yugoslavia, with the ambition of becoming its next great leader, a "second Tito".[67][69] According to this, Milošević exploited nationalism as a tool to seize power in Serbia, while not holding any particular commitment to it.[68] During the first twenty-five years of his political career in the communist government of Yugoslavia, Milošević was a typical civil servant who did not appear to have nationalist aims.[68] Later, he attempted to present himself as a peacemaker in the Yugoslav Wars
Yugoslav Wars
and abandoned support of nationalism.[68] He returned to support nationalism during the Kosovo War and appealed to anti-imperialist sentiments.[68] The spread of violent nationalism has also been imputed to indifference to it by Milošević.[70] The source of Milošević's nationalistic agenda is believed to have been influenced by the policies of the popular prominent Serbian Communist official and former Yugoslav Partisan
Yugoslav Partisan
Aleksandar Ranković who was known to promote Serbian national interests in Yugoslavia and hardline police actions against ethnic Albanians
Albanians
in Kosovo.[71] He supported a centralized Yugoslavia and opposed efforts that promoted decentralization that he deemed to be against the interests of Serb unity.[72] Ranković imposed harsh repressive measures on Kosovo Albanians
Albanians
based on accusations that they there were sympathizers of the Stalinist rule of Enver Hoxha
Enver Hoxha
in Albania.[73] In 1956, a show trial in Pristina was held in which multiple Albanian Communists of Kosovo were convicted of being infiltrators from Albania and were given long prison sentences.[73] Ranković sought to secure the position of the Serbs
Serbs
in Kosovo and gave them dominance in Kosovo's nomenklatura.[69] Under Ranković's influence, Islam in Kosovo at this time was repressed and both Albanians
Albanians
and Muslim Slavs
Slavs
were encouraged to declare themselves to be Turkish and emigrate to Turkey.[73] At the same time, Serbs
Serbs
and Montenegrins
Montenegrins
dominated the government, security forces, and industrial employment in Kosovo.[73] The popularity of Ranković's nationalistic policies in Serbia
Serbia
became apparent during his funeral in Serbia
Serbia
in 1983 where large numbers of people attended while considering Ranković a Serbian "national" leader.[71] This event is believed to have possibly influenced Milošević, who attended Ranković's funeral, to recognize the popularity of Ranković's agenda.[71] This connection to the legacy of Ranković was recognized by a number of Yugoslavs who regarded Milošević's policies upon his to power in Serbia
Serbia
as effectively "bringing Ranković back in".[74] During the Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution, Milošević urged Serbians and Montenegrins
Montenegrins
to "take to the streets" and utilized the slogan "Strong Serbia, Strong Yugoslavia" that drew support from Serbs
Serbs
and Montenegrins
Montenegrins
but alienated the other Yugoslav nations.[75] To these groups, Milošević's agenda reminded them of the Serb hegemonic political affairs of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Kingdom of Yugoslavia
and Ranković's policies.[75] Milošević appealed to nationalist and populist passion by speaking of Serbia's importance to the world and in a Belgrade speech on 19 November 1988, he spoke of Serbia
Serbia
as facing battles against both internal and external enemies.[75] In Vojvodina, a mob of pro-Milošević demonstrators that included 500 Kosovo Serbs
Serbs
and local Serbs
Serbs
demonstrated at the provincial capital, accusing the leadership in Vojvodina
Vojvodina
of supporting separatism and for being "traitors".[76] In August 1988, meetings by supporters of the Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution were held in many locations in Serbia
Serbia
and Montenegro, with increasingly violent nature, with calls being heard such as "Give us arms!", "We want weapons!", "Long live Serbia—death to Albanians!", and " Montenegro
Montenegro
is Serbia!".[77] In the same month, Milošević began efforts designed to destabilize the governments in Montenegro
Montenegro
and Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
to allow him to install his followers in those republics.[77] By 1989, Milošević and his supporters controlled Central Serbia
Serbia
along with the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, supporters in the leadership of Montenegro, and agents of the Serbian security service were pursuing efforts to destabilize the government in Bosnia & Herzegovina.[78] The new government of Montenegro
Montenegro
led by Momir Bulatović
Momir Bulatović
was seen by some as a satellite of Serbia.[79][80][81] In 1989, the Serbian media began to speak of "the alleged imperilment of the Serbs
Serbs
of Bosnia and Herzegovina", as tensions between Serbs
Serbs
and Bosnian Muslims
Muslims
and Croats
Croats
increased over Serb support for Milošević.[82] Efforts to spread the cult of personality of Milošević into the republic of Macedonia began in 1989 with the introduction of slogans, graffiti, and songs glorifying Milošević.[82] Furthermore, Milošević proposed a law to restore land titles held by Serbs
Serbs
in the interwar period that effectively provided a legal basis for large numbers of Serbs
Serbs
to move to Kosovo and Macedonia to regain those lands.[82] Beginning in 1989, Milošević gave support to Croatian Serbs
Serbs
who were vouching for the creation of an autonomous province for Croatian Serbs, which was opposed by Croatian communist authorities.[83] In the late 1980s, Milošević allowed the mobilization of Serb nationalist organizations to go unhindered by actions from the Serbian government, with Chetniks holding demonstrations, and the Serbian government embracing the Serbian Orthodox Church
Serbian Orthodox Church
and restored its legitimacy in Serbia.[84] Croatia
Croatia
and Slovenia
Slovenia
denounced Milošević's actions and began to demand that Yugoslavia be made a full multi-party confederal state.[82] Milošević claimed that he opposed a confederal system but also declared that a confederal system be created, with the external borders of Serbia
Serbia
being an "open question".[85] Tensions between the republics escalated to crisis beginning in 1988, with Slovenia accusing Serbia
Serbia
of pursuing Stalinism
Stalinism
while Serbia
Serbia
accused Slovenia
Slovenia
of betrayal.[86] Serbs
Serbs
boycotted Slovenian products and Belgraders began removing their savings from the Slovenian Bank of Ljubljana.[86] Slovenia
Slovenia
accused Serbia
Serbia
of persecuting Kosovo Albanians
Albanians
and declared its solidarity with the Kosovo Albanian people
Albanian people
while Milošević in turn, accused Slovenia
Slovenia
of being a "lackey" of Western Europe.[86] In response to the escalating tensions, Croatia
Croatia
expressed support for Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
declared its neutrality, while Montenegro
Montenegro
supported Serbia.[87] Slovenia
Slovenia
reformed its constitution in 1989 that declared Slovenia's right to secession. These changes provoked accusations by the Serbian media that the changes were "destabilizing".[87] Serbia's response was a plan to hold demonstrations in Ljubljana with 30,000 to 40,000 Serbs
Serbs
to supposedly inform Slovenes
Slovenes
about the situation in Kosovo, while this was suspected to be an action aimed at destabilizing the Slovenian government.[87] Croatia
Croatia
and Slovenia
Slovenia
prevented the Serb protestors from crossing by train into Slovenia.[87] Serbia
Serbia
responded by breaking political links between the two republics and 329 Serbian businesses broke ties with Slovenia.[87] With these events in 1989, nationalism soared in response along with acts of intolerance, discrimination, and ethnic violence increasing.[87] In that year, officials from Bosnia and Herzegovina noted rising tensions between Bosnian Muslims, Croats, and Serbs; active rumours spread of incidents between Croats
Croats
and Serbs; and arguments by Croats
Croats
and Serbs
Serbs
that Bosnian Muslims
Muslims
were not a real nation escalated.[88] With the collapse of the Yugoslav Communist Party, multiparty elections were held in Serbia
Serbia
in 1990, with a number of nationalist parties running on the agenda of creating a Greater Serbia
Greater Serbia
as Yugoslavia fell apart.[89] From 1990 onward, as Serbs
Serbs
in Croatia pushed for autonomy and began to arm themselves, the Serbian state-run newspaper Politika
Politika
denounced the Croatian government of Franjo Tuđman for allegedly "trying to restore the World War II-era Ustaše
Ustaše
regime" and for "copying Tito", and pledged that Belgrade
Belgrade
would support the Serbs
Serbs
of Croatia.[85] The Yugoslav People's Army
Yugoslav People's Army
(JNA) began providing weapons to the Serbs
Serbs
in Croatia
Croatia
while the situation in Belgrade
Belgrade
grew more intense as Serbs
Serbs
demonstrated outside of the parliament, shouting "We want arms" and "Let's go to Croatia!".[83] Milošević and other members of the Serbian leadership in the 1980s attempted to gain support amongst Serb nationalists by appealing to revisionism of the history of Yugoslavia in World War II. To do this, the Tito-era tradition of focusing on rallying the population of Yugoslavia in remembering the total casualties of Yugoslavs in World War II at the hands of Axis forces was replaced with the Milošević government's focus on remembering the Serb casualties of World War II as victims of the Croatian Ustaše.[90] This attempt to gain nationalist support also had the effect of increasing the radicalization of Serbian nationalism.[90] In the late 1980s, conspiracy theories that vilified the Roman Catholic Church began to become widespread and were supported by Serbian publishers. This was of particular significance since these were attacks on the national religion of the Croats.[84] The political climate in Serbia
Serbia
and Serb territories fostered the rise of ultranationalism and created tense and, at times, violent confrontations between Serbs
Serbs
themselves, particularly between nationalist Serbs
Serbs
and non-nationalist Serbs. Serbs
Serbs
who publicly opposed the nationalist agenda were reported to have been harassed, threatened, or killed.[91] The Serbian media during Milošević's era was known to espouse Serb nationalism[citation needed] and patriotism while promoting xenophobia toward the other ethnicities in Yugoslavia.[citation needed] Ethnic Albanians
Albanians
were commonly characterised in the media as anti-Yugoslav counter-revolutionaries, rapists, and a threat to the Serb nation.[92] The Serbian state-run newspaper Politika
Politika
had a number of xenophobic headlines such as in 1991, saying "The Šiptars [Albanians] are watching and waiting".[93] The newspaper also attacked Croats
Croats
for the election of Franjo Tuđman
Franjo Tuđman
as president, saying that the "Croatian leadership again shames the Croatian people".[94] It attempted to assert that Croats
Croats
and ethnic Albanians
Albanians
were cooperating in a campaign against the Serbian government during the 1991 protests in Belgrade against Milošević's government, denying that Serbs
Serbs
took part in the protest while claiming "it was the Šiptars and Croats
Croats
who demonstrated".[94] When war erupted in Croatia, Politika
Politika
promoted Serb nationalism, hostility towards Croatia, and violence, and on 2 April 1991, the newspaper's headline read "Krajina decides to join Serbia". One of the newspaper's stories was "Serbian unity—saving Krajina".[95] On 5 June 1991, Politika
Politika
ekpres ran a piece titled " Serbs
Serbs
must get weapons". On 25 June 1991 and 3 July 1991, Politika began to openly promote partitioning Croatia, saying "We can't accept Croatia
Croatia
keeping these borders", "Krajina in the same state with Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia-Herzegovina", and prominently quoted Jovan Marjanović of the Serbian Renewal Movement, who said "The [Yugoslav] Army must come into Croatia
Croatia
and occupy the line Benkovac-Karlovac-Pakrac-Baranja", which would essentially have occupied almost all of Croatia
Croatia
and all the territories in Croatia
Croatia
that were claimed by nationalist promoters of a Greater Serbia.[96] To promote fear and anger amongst Serbs
Serbs
towards Croatia, on 25 June 1991, Politika
Politika
reminded Serbs
Serbs
about the atrocities by the Croatian fascist Ustaše
Ustaše
against Serbs
Serbs
during World War II by saying "Jasenovac [an Ustase concentration camp in World War II] mustn't be forgotten".[97] According to Borisav Jović, who was formerly a close Milošević ally, Milošević exercised media censorship and maintained strong personal influence over Serbia's state media outlets, having "personally appointed editors-in-chief of newspapers and news programs ...".[98] Serbian state media during the wars featured controversial reportage that villainized the other ethnic factions. In one such program, a Croatian Serb woman denounced the old "communist policy" in Croatia, claiming that under it "[t]he majority of Serbs would be assimilated in ten years",[99] while another interviewee stated "Where Serbian blood was shed by Ustaša knives, there will be our boundaries."[99] Various Serbian state television reports featured a guest speaker, Jovan Rašković, who claimed that the Croat people had a "genocidal nature".[99] These repeatedly negative media depictions of the opposing ethnic factions have been said to have been examples of Milošević's state media promoting fear-mongering and utilizing xenophobic nationalist sentiments to draw Serbs
Serbs
to support the wars.[99] The director of Radio Television of Serbia
Radio Television of Serbia
during Milošević's era, Dušan Mitević, has since admitted on a PBS documentary "the things that happened at state TV, warmongering, things we can admit to now: false information, biased reporting. That went directly from Milošević to the head of TV.[100] Milošević was uninterested in maintaining Slovenia
Slovenia
within the Yugoslav federation, as Slovenia
Slovenia
had very few Serbs
Serbs
living within it and Milošević suggested a political deal with Slovenian president Kučan, Serbia
Serbia
would recognize the right of the self-determination of the Slovene nation to independence if Slovenia
Slovenia
in turn recognized the right of self-determination of the Serb nation to remain united with Serbia.[101] Such a deal would have set a precedent for Serbs
Serbs
in Bosnia and Croatia
Croatia
to remain in one state with Serbia.[101] Milošević's ally in the Yugoslav federal government, Borisav Jović stated "I put it bluntly. We didn't want a war with Slovenia. Serbia had no territorial claims there. It was an ethnically-pure republic – no Serbs. We couldn't care less if they left Yugoslavia ... We would have been overstretched. With Slovenia
Slovenia
out of the way, we could dictate terms to the Croats."[102] Milošević rejected the independence of Croatia
Croatia
in 1991, and even after the formation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(FRY), it too did not initially recognize Croatia's independence.[103] Plans by Milošević to carve out territory from Croatia
Croatia
to the local Serbs
Serbs
had begun by June 1990, according to the diary of Borisav Jović.[104] The Serbian government along with a clique of pro-Milošević members of the Yugoslav army and its general staff, secretly adopted the RAM or "frame" plan that involved the partition of Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia to give large amounts of territory to the local Serbs
Serbs
that would remain united with Serbia, effectively a Greater Serbia.[105] Armaments and military equipment were placed in strategic positions throughout Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia for use by the Serbs
Serbs
and local Serbs
Serbs
were trained as police and paramilitary soldiers in preparation for war.[104] Milošević was less interested in annexing the Serb breakaway republic of Krajina.[106] According to testimony by Krajina's former President Milan Babić, Milošević had abandoned plans of having "all Serbs
Serbs
in one state" by March 1991 in the secret Karađorđevo agreement
Karađorđevo agreement
with Croatian President Franjo Tuđman
Franjo Tuđman
that discussed the partition of Bosnia.[106] Babić attended the meeting and noted that Milošević stated that "Tuđman needs Bihać" – a city in Bosnia that was separated by Serbian Krajina from Croatian government-controlled territory in Croatia; and then added "He needs a road between Benkovac and Drniš
Drniš
as well" that would involve the road going through territory claimed by Krajina.[106] Upon the Republic of Macedonia
Republic of Macedonia
seceding in 1991, the FRY government declared Macedonia an "artificial nation" and it allied with Greece against the country, even suggesting a partition of the Republic of Macedonia between the FRY and Greece.[107] Subsequent interviews with government officials involved in these affairs have revealed that Milošević planned to arrest the Republic of Macedonia's political leadership and replace it with politicians loyal to him.[107] Milošević demanded the self-determination of Serbs
Serbs
in the Republic of Macedonia and did not recognize the independence of the Republic of Macedonia until 1996.[107] Despite the bitterness towards the Macedonian nation whose locals rejected Serbian ethnicity, the FR Yugoslavia would recognise Republic of Macedonia
Republic of Macedonia
in 1996. Four years before this milestone, however, JNA troops and remnants of Belgrade's central government had peacefully and voluntarily left Macedonia.[108] Milošević denounced the declaration of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia in 1992, and said that "Bosnia and Herzegovina was illegally proclaimed as an independent state and recognized. That recognition was like when the Roman Emperor
Roman Emperor
Caligula appointed his horse as a Senator: they recognized a state that never existed before. The Serbs
Serbs
there said, 'We want to stay within Yugoslavia. We don't want to be second-class citizens.' And then the conflicts were started by Muslims, no doubt. And the Serbs, in defending themselves, were always better fighters, no doubt. And they achieved results, no doubt. But please, we were insisting on peace. The international community gave premature recognition first of Slovenia
Slovenia
and then of Croatia
Croatia
and supported the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina on a totally irregular basis."[109] A telephone conversation between Milošević and Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadžić in September 1991 talking about the prospects of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
was tapped by Yugoslav intelligence, which reported the transcript to Yugoslav prime minister Ante Marković, who released the transcript to the public to discredit Milošević. The transcript involved Milošević ordering Karadžić to "Go to Uzelac [JNA commander in northern Bosnia], he'll tell you everything. If you have any problems, telephone me", and said "As long as there is the army no one can touch us ... Don't worry about Herzegovina. Momir [Bulatović, Montenegrin leader] said to his men: 'Whoever is not ready to die in Bosnia, step forward five paces.' No one did so."[110] The conversation revealed that Milošević controlled the military strategy for the war in Bosnia and that Montenegro
Montenegro
was under his control.[110]

Milošević signing the Dayton Accords
Dayton Accords
on behalf of the Bosnian Serb leadership, formally ending the Bosnian War.

Vojislav Šešelj, leader of the Serbian Radical Party
Serbian Radical Party
and a Serbian paramilitary leader during the Yugoslav wars, claimed that Milošević was directly involved in supporting his paramilitaries and controlled Serb forces during the wars: "Milošević organized everything. We gathered the volunteers and he gaves us a special barracks, Bubanj Potok, all our uniforms, arms, military technology and buses. All our units were always under the command of the Krajina [Serb army] or [Bosnian] Republika Srpska
Republika Srpska
Army or the JNA. Of course I don't believe he signed anything, these were verbal orders. None of our talks was taped and I never took a paper and pencil when I talked with him. His key people were the commanders. Nothing could happen on the Serbian side without Milošević's order or his knowledge."[111] No direct orders to commit atrocities by Milošević have ever been discovered, though little or no effort was made by Milošević to punish people deemed responsible for such atrocities, including Ratko Mladić who, after being accused of allowing atrocities to occur against Croats
Croats
in Vukovar, was sent to lead the Army of the Republika Srpska, in which capacity Mladić was accused of ordering atrocities, including the murder of thousands of Bosniak men and boys in Srebrenica. Even after the reports of Srebrenica were released, Milošević refused to accept that Mladić was responsible for the crimes he was accused of. Wesley Clark, who was a member of the US team that helped negotiate the 1995 peace agreement ending the Bosnian War, claimed in his testimony during the trial of Milošević that Milošević had prior knowledge of the Srebrenica massacre
Srebrenica massacre
and knew of Mladić's plans.[112] During the negotiations, Clark had asked Milošević: 'Mr. President, you say you have so much influence over the Bosnian Serbs, but how is it then, if you have such influence, that you allowed General Mladić to kill all those people in Srebrenica?' with Milošević answering: 'Well, General Clark ... I warned Mladić not to do this, but he didn't listen to me.'"[112][113] Milošević's views[edit] A large number of Slobodan Milošević's interviews have been collected online by his supporters.[114] Milošević argued that the Yugoslav Constitution gave self-determination to constitutive nations, not to republics and Serbs
Serbs
were constitutive nation in both the Socialistic Republic of Croatia
Croatia
and the Socialistic Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. On this basis, he stated that the Croatian Serbs and later the Bosnian Serbs
Serbs
should not have been subject to the declarations of independence by the Yugoslav republics of Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Milošević denied that Serbia
Serbia
was at war, even though Serbia's military involvement was evident during the wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia in particular.[citation needed] Milošević was President of Serbia, not of Yugoslavia, and claims that his government was only indirectly involved through support for Serbs
Serbs
in Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia at some points. Others including former members of his cabinet such as Borisav Jović
Borisav Jović
have admitted that Milošević, while not head of state of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, in fact played a key role in the military affairs taken in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia. This included a scheme discussed and designed by both Jović and Milošević that transferred every Bosnian Serb unit from the Yugoslav Army (JNA) to the newly formed Bosnian Serb army upon Bosnia's separation from Yugoslavia, which meant that Yugoslavia could not be criticized for occupying parts of Bosnia as it was officially a civil war, although Jović admitted that the Bosnian Serb Army was fully funded by Belgrade
Belgrade
because the Bosnian Serb military budget was too small to support such an army.[115] Milošević spent most of 1988–89 focusing his politics on the "Kosovo problem". In Kosovo, to seem non-contradictory, Milošević alleged that he supported the right of the Albanians
Albanians
to "self-determination", but not to independence, as he claimed that Kosovo was an essential part of Serbia
Serbia
due to its history and its numerous churches and cultural relics. He also claimed that the KLA were a neo-Nazi organisation that sought an ethnically pure Kosovo, and he argued that independence would deliver Kosovo to their hands.[116] Milošević denies that he gave orders to massacre Albanians
Albanians
in 1998. He claims that the deaths were sporadic events confined to rural areas of West Kosovo committed by paramilitaries and by rebels in the armed forces. Those from the Serbian army or police who were involved were all, he claims, arrested and many were sentenced to long prison sentences.[117] Former United States
United States
ambassador to Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmermann, during his conversations with Milošević claimed that he was not a genuine nationalist, but rather a political opportunist.[118] Zimmerman has claimed that unlike other politicians with whom he had discussions during the collapse of Yugoslavia, such as Franjo Tuđman and Radovan Karadžić, Milošević did not emphasize any hatred of ethnic groups and instead emphasized that Serbia
Serbia
would continue to be a multi-ethnic republic in Yugoslavia. Zimmerman has claimed that Milošević opportunistically used nationalism to allow him to rise to power in the Communist establishment in Serbia
Serbia
as Communism
Communism
in eastern Europe became increasingly unpopular, and continued to advocate a nationalist agenda to draw in support for his government.[118] On another occasion, however, Milošević revealed to Zimmerman his negative attitude towards ethnic Albanians
Albanians
who had demanded autonomy and in the 1990s, independence from Serbia
Serbia
and Yugoslavia. Milošević told Zimmerman jokingly that the Albanians
Albanians
of Kosovo were the most pampered minority in Europe.[118] Milošević also was known to talk disparagingly about Slovenes, when he in conversation with an interviewer of what he thought of the Slovene delegation's decision to depart the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Milošević made a derogatory joke, calling the Slovene League of Communists delegation, "those stingy Slovenes".[115] Zimmerman later reported that Milošević's unusual and conflicting positions and mannerisms were almost schizophrenic in nature, as at times Milošević would behave in an arrogant, stubborn, authoritarian and aggressive manner towards others, which staunchly supported Serbian nationalism
Serbian nationalism
against all opponents, while at other times he would be polite, conciliatory, and be eager and willing to find moderate and peaceful solutions to the crisis in Yugoslavia.[119] Zimmerman has concluded, however, that Milošević constantly demonstrated that he primarily saw Yugoslavia as a state for ensuring the unity of Serbs, and did not have much interest in preserving the unity of Yugoslavia outside areas of Serb national interests.[120] Milošević's personality according to others has indicated a similar double-sided nature as U.S. ambassador Zimmerman has claimed. In public appearances, he would appear strong, confident, bold and serious while in private, it is said that Milošević was very laid back, and according to the former director of Politika, Hadži Dragan Antić, Milošević was often interested in non-political things such as comic strips and Disney
Disney
cartoons and admired the music of Frank Sinatra.[121] Milošević only allowed a close inner circle of personal friends to visit him while others including the former Information Minister of Serbia
Serbia
during Milošević's era, Aleksandar Tijanić have said that in private Milošević demonstrated elements of paranoia to many people outside of his inner circle, such as demanding that Tijanić remove the battery from his mobile-phone on each occasion that Tijanić met him.[121] Milošević also refused to keep notes on talks on important issues and would only meet with his most trusted allies, to whom he simply gave directions and instructions without engaging in substantial discussion.[121] Murders of political opponents[edit] In the summer of 2000 former Serbian President Ivan Stambolić
Ivan Stambolić
was kidnapped; his body was found in 2003 and Milošević was charged with ordering his murder. In 2005, several members of the Serbian secret police and criminal gangs were convicted in Belgrade
Belgrade
for a number of murders, including Stambolić's. These were the same people who arrested Milošević in April 2001. Later, Interior Minister Dušan Mihajlović denied that Milošević had been involved in Stambolić's death at Fruška Gora.[122] In June 2006 the Supreme Court of Serbia ruled that Milošević had ordered the murder of Stambolić, accepting the previous ruling of the Special
Special
Court for Organized Crime in Belgrade, which targeted Milošević as the main abettor of politically motivated murders in the 1990s. Milošević's attorneys said the Court's ruling was of little value because he was never formally charged or given an opportunity to defend himself against the accusations. Moreover, most of these murders were of government officials, such as high police official Radovan Stojičić, Defence Minister Pavle Bulatović, and the director of JAT Žika Petrović. Downfall[edit] Main article: Overthrow of Slobodan Milošević

Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
with U.S. President Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
in Paris, 14 December 1995.

On 4 February 1997, Milošević recognized the opposition victories in some local elections, after mass protests lasting 96 days. Constitutionally limited to two terms as President of Serbia, on 23 July 1997, Milošević assumed the presidency of the Federation, though it had been understood he had held the real power for some time before then. Serbian police and military counter-action against the pro-Albanian separatist Kosovo Liberation Army
Kosovo Liberation Army
in Serbia's previously autonomous (and 90 percent Albanian) province of Kosovo culminated in escalating armed conflict in 1998 and NATO
NATO
air strikes against FR Yugoslavia between March and June 1999, ending in full withdrawal of Yugoslav security forces from the province and deployment of international civil and security forces. Milošević was indicted on 24 May 1999 for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Kosovo, and he was standing trial, up until his death, at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). He attempted to assert that the trial was illegal, having been established in contravention of the UN Charter.[123] Ironically, Milošević lost his grip on power by losing in elections he scheduled prematurely (that is, before the end of his mandate) and that he did not even need to win in order to retain power, which was centered in the parliaments that his party and its associates controlled. In the five-man presidential race held on 24 September 2000, Milošević was defeated in the first round by opposition leader Vojislav Koštunica, who won slightly more than 50% of the vote. Milošević initially refused to acquiesce, claiming that no one had won a majority. The Yugoslav constitution called for a runoff between the top two candidates in the event that no candidate won more than 50% of the vote. Official results put Koštunica ahead of Milošević but at under 50 percent. The internationally financed CeSID claimed otherwise, though its story changed throughout the two weeks between 24 September and 5 October. This led to mass demonstrations in Belgrade
Belgrade
on 5 October, known as the Bulldozer Revolution. Milošević was forced to accept this when VJ commanders he had expected to support him had indicated that in this instance they would not, and would permit the violent overthrow of the Serbian government.[citation needed] On 6 October, Milošević met with Koštunica and publicly accepted defeat. Koštunica finally took office as Yugoslav president on 7 October following Milošević's announcement. Milošević was arrested by Yugoslav authorities on April 1, 2001 following a 36 hour armed standoff between police and Milošević's bodyguards at his Belgrade
Belgrade
villa. Although no official charges were made, Milošević was suspected of abuse of power and corruption.[124] Following his arrest, the United States
United States
pressured the Yugoslav government to extradite Milošević to the ICTY
ICTY
or lose financial aid from the IMF
IMF
and World Bank.[124] President Koštunica opposed extradition of Milošević, arguing that it would violate the Yugoslav Constitution. Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić
Zoran Đinđić
called an extraordinary meeting of the government to issue a decree for extradition.[125] Milošević's lawyers appealed the extradition process to the Yugoslav Constitutional Court. The court requested 2 weeks to deliberate the appeal. Ignoring objections from the president and the constitutional court, Đinđić ordered the extradition of Milošević to the ICTY. On 28 June, Milošević was flown by helicopter from Belgrade
Belgrade
to the U.S. air base in Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
from where he was then flown to The Hague, Netherlands.[125] The extradition caused political turmoil in Yugoslavia. President Koštunica denounced the extradition as illegal and unconstitutional, while a junior party in the Đinđić coalition government left in protest. Milošević's lawyer, Toma Fila said the extradition violated the Yugoslav constitutional ban on extradition. Đinđić stated there would be negative consequences if the government did not cooperate. Additionally, the government argued that sending Milošević to the ICTY
ICTY
was not extradition as it is a UN institution and not a foreign country.[125] Following the extradition, Yugoslavia received approximately $1 billion dollars in financial aid.[126] Relations with other countries[edit] Russia[edit] See also: Russia– Serbia
Serbia
relations Historically, Russia
Russia
and Serbia
Serbia
have had very close relations, sharing a common Slavic ancestry and Orthodox Christian faith. Russia
Russia
is remembered by most Serbs
Serbs
for its assistance to Serbia
Serbia
during its uprising and war for independence from the Ottoman Empire
Ottoman Empire
in the 19th century. During Milošević's rule, Russia
Russia
pursued policies that generally supported his policies. During the Kosovo conflict in 1999, some observers suggested the possibility of Russia
Russia
deploying troops in support of Serbia.[127] Russia
Russia
has provided political asylum to Milošević's wife and children. China[edit] Milošević first visited China in the early 1980s while head of Beobank. Milošević visited China again in 1997, after an invitation by Chinese president Jiang Zemin. Milošević was often popularly known in China by the nickname "Lao Mi" (老米), a shortened form of the informal Chinese-style nickname "Old Milošević" (老米洛舍维奇); among the state-operated media in China, Milošević was often referred to as "Comrade Milošević" (米洛舍维奇同志). Many sources hold that the Chinese government asserted strong backing of Milošević throughout his presidency until his surrender, and was one of the few countries supportive of him and the Yugoslav government,[128] at a time when most Western countries were strongly critical of the Milošević government. The New York Times states that People's Republic of China was "one of Mr. Milošević's staunchest supporters" during the Kosovo conflict.[129] China vocally opposed NATO
NATO
armed intervention in Kosovo throughout the campaign. Chinese parliamentary leader Li Peng, was presented by Milošević with Yugoslavia's highest medal (the Great Star) in Belgrade
Belgrade
in 2000.[129] The New York Times
The New York Times
observed that Milošević, and particularly his wife Marković had "long viewed Beijing and its Communist party" as allied and "the sort of ideological comrades" lacking in Eastern Europe after the fall of Communism
Communism
in the 1990s.[129] After Milošević's indictment, China's public statements shifted toward emphasizing Yugoslav-Chinese relations rather than focusing on its support for Milošević, while after the election of Vojislav Koštunica as Yugoslav president, Chinese foreign ministry officially stated that "China respects the choice of the Yugoslavian people."[129] Trial at The Hague[edit] Main article: Trial of Slobodan Milošević Milošević was indicted in May 1999, during the Kosovo War, by the UN's International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
for crimes against humanity in Kosovo. Charges of violating the laws or customs of war, grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions
Geneva Conventions
in Croatia and Bosnia and genocide in Bosnia were added a year and a half later. The charges on which Milošević was indicted were: genocide; complicity in genocide; deportation; murder; persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds; inhumane acts/forcible transfer; extermination; imprisonment; torture; willful killing; unlawful confinement; wilfully causing great suffering; unlawful deportation or transfer; extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly; cruel treatment; plunder of public or private property; attacks on civilians; destruction or wilful damage done to historic monuments and institutions dedicated to education or religion; unlawful attacks on civilian objects.[130][131] The ICTY indictment reads that Milošević was responsible for the forced deportation of 800,000 ethnic Albanians
Albanians
from Kosovo, and the murder of hundreds of Kosovo Albanians
Albanians
and hundreds of non- Serbs
Serbs
in Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia.[132] Following Milošević's transfer, the original charges of war crimes in Kosovo were upgraded by adding charges of genocide in Bosnia and war crimes in Croatia. On 30 January 2002, Milošević accused the war crimes tribunal of an "evil and hostile attack" against him. The trial began at The Hague
The Hague
on 12 February 2002, with Milošević defending himself. The prosecution took two years to present its case in the first part of the trial, where they covered the wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo. Throughout the two-year period, the trial was being closely followed by the public of the involved former Yugoslav republics as it covered various notable events from the war and included several high-profile witnesses. Milošević died before the trial could be concluded; he was therefore never found guilty of the charges brought against him. The ICTY
ICTY
in its ruling of the case against Radovan Karadžić
Radovan Karadžić
stated "there was no sufficient evidence presented in this case to find that Slobodan Milosevic agreed with the common plan [to create territories ethnically cleansed of non-Serbs]."[133] Paragraph 3460, pp. 1303 reads: "With regard to the evidence presented in this case in relation to Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
and his membership in the JCE, the Chamber recalls that he shared and endorsed the political objective of the Accused and the Bosnian Serb leadership to preserve Yugoslavia and to prevent the separation or independence of BiH and co-operated closely with the Accused during this time. The Chamber also recalls that Milošević provided assistance in the form of personnel, provisions, and arms to the Bosnian Serbs
Serbs
during the conflict. Based on the evidence before the Chamber regarding the diverging interests that emerged between the Bosnian Serb and Serbian leaderships during the conflict and in particular, however, Milošević’s repeated criticism and disapproval of the policies and decisions made by the Accused and the Bosnian Serb leadership, the Chamber is not satisfied that there was sufficient evidence presented in this case to find that Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
agreed with the common plan."[134] Death[edit] Main article: Death of Slobodan Milošević

People paying their respects in front of the Museum of Yugoslav History.

On 11 March 2006, Milošević was found dead in his prison cell in the UN war crimes tribunal's detention centre, located in the Scheveningen section of The Hague, Netherlands.[135] Autopsies soon established that Milošević had died of a heart attack. He had been suffering from heart problems and high blood pressure. Many suspicions were voiced to the effect that the heart attack had been caused or made possible deliberately – by the ICTY,[136] according to sympathizers, or by himself, according to critics.[137] Milošević's death occurred shortly after the Tribunal denied his request to seek specialised medical treatment at a cardiology clinic in Russia.[138][139] The reactions to Milošević's death were mixed: supporters of the ICTY
ICTY
lamented what they saw as Milošević having remained unpunished, while opponents blamed the Tribunal for what had happened. As he was denied a state funeral, a private funeral for him was held by his friends and family in his hometown of Požarevac, after tens of thousands of his supporters attended a farewell ceremony in Belgrade. The return of Milošević's body and his widow's return to Serbia
Serbia
were very controversial. Attendees of the funeral included Ramsey Clark
Ramsey Clark
and Peter Handke.[140] Legacy[edit] The last opinion poll taken in Serbia
Serbia
before Milošević's death listed him as the third most favourably rated politician in Serbia behind then- Serbian Radical Party
Serbian Radical Party
chairman Tomislav Nikolić
Tomislav Nikolić
and then-Serbian President Boris Tadić.[141] In February 2007, the International Court of Justice
International Court of Justice
cleared Serbia
Serbia
under Milošević's rule of direct responsibility for occurrences of crime committed during the Bosnian War. The president of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), however, did state that it was "'conclusively proved' that the Serbian leadership, and Milošević in particular, 'were fully aware ... that massacres were likely to occur'".[142] In 2010, the Life website included Milošević in its list of "The World's Worst Dictators".[143] He remains a controversial figure in Serbia
Serbia
and the Balkans due to the Yugoslav wars and his abuse of power, especially during the elections in both 1997 and 2000. The public image of Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
in Serbia
Serbia
oscillated from a faceless bureaucrat to defender of Serbs,[144] while the attitude of the Western accounts toward Milošević oscillated from Milošević being demonized as the "Butcher of the Balkans" to Milošević being the "guarantor of the peace in the Balkans".[145][146] Published books[edit]

Godine raspleta (BIGZ, 1989)

See also[edit]

Biography portal Serbia
Serbia
portal

Propaganda during the Yugoslav Wars Serbia
Serbia
in the Yugoslav Wars

References[edit]

^ "Milosevic charged with Bosnia genocide". BBC. 23 November 2001. Retrieved 20 June 2011.  ^ "Slobodan Milosevic to Stand Trial in Serbia" (transcript). CNN. 31 March 2001. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Milosevic arrested". BBC. 1 April 2001. Retrieved 23 May 2010.  ^ Gall, Carlotta (1 July 2001). "Serbian Tells of Spiriting Milošević Away". The New York Times. Retrieved 24 July 2008.  ^ " BBC News
BBC News
- EUROPE - Milosevic hearing transcript". bbc.co.uk.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy" (PDF). United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ Report to the President: Death of Slobodan Milošević. United Nations, May 2006. 40 points 3 and 7; ^ Paul Mitchell (16 March 2007). "The significance of the World Court ruling on genocide in Bosnia". World Socialist Web. Retrieved 9 February 2013.  ^ Court Declares Bosnia Killings Were Genocide The New York Times, 26 February 2007. A copy of the ICJ judgement can be found here "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 3 August 2007. Retrieved 3 August 2007.  ^ "Borislav Milosevic: Diplomat who defended his brother Slobodan". The Independent. 2013-02-01. Retrieved 2013-02-02.  ^ " Borislav Milošević laid to rest in Montenegro". B92 News. 1 February 2013. Archived from the original on 13 April 2014. Retrieved 2 February 2013.  ^ "Find-a-Grave website". Findagrave. 14 March 2006. Retrieved 30 May 2011.  ^ Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia – Louis Sell. Google Books. 22 February 2002. ISBN 9780822332237. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ Slobodan Milosevic. Google Books. 2002-02-22. ISBN 9780822332237. Retrieved 30 May 2011.  ^ [1] ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 18 April 1984, Wednesday; Belgrade LC City Committee officials elected; Source: Yugoslav News Agency 1229 gmt 16 April 1984 ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 27 February 1986, Thursday; Presidential candidate for Serbian LC named; Source: Belgrade
Belgrade
home service 1800 gmt 21 February 1986 ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 30 May 1986, Friday; Serbian LC Congress ends ^ "Milosevic: I Am Just An Ordinary Man". TIME. 17 July 1995. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ The New York Times; Protest
Protest
Staged by Serbs
Serbs
In an Albanian Region; 26 April 1987, Sunday, Late City Final Edition ^ ICTY
ICTY
(2005). "trial transcript, p. 35947". Archived from the original on 23 June 2006.  ^ LeBor 2004, pp. 79–84. ^ ICTY
ICTY
(2005). "trial transcript, p. 35686-87". Archived from the original on 23 June 2006.  ^ ICTY
ICTY
(2005). "trial transcript, p. 35654". Archived from the original on 23 June 2006.  ^ Xinhua; 25 SEPTEMBER 1987, FRIDAY; Senior Yugoslav Party Official Sacked Over Kosovo Issue; Belgrade, 25 September; ITEM NO: 0925148 ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; BELGRADE COMMUNISTS GIVE VIEWS ON STAMBOLIC'S RELATIONS WITH DRAGISA PAVLOVIC; 27 November 1987; SOURCE: Belgrade
Belgrade
home service 2100 gmt 24 November 1987 ^ Xinhua; 14 December 1987; Leader of Yugoslavia's Serbia
Serbia
Republic Sacked; ITEM NO: 1214003 ^ Sell 2002, pp. 47–49. ^ LeBor 2004, pp. 92–94. ^ Karadjis, Mike (2000). Bosnia, Kosova & the West. Australia: Resistance Books. pp. 39–40.  ^ a b "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ Communism
Communism
O Nationalism!, TIME Magazine, 24 October 1988 ^ Xinhua; 6 October 1988; Yugoslav Protesters Demand Provincial Leaders' Resignation; ITEM NO: 1006181 ^ The Times (London); 7 October 1988, Friday; Angry Serbs
Serbs
topple the leadership of Vojvodina
Vojvodina
province; Demonstrations against the Communist Party; Yugoslavia ^ The Globe and Mail (Canada); 6 October 1988 Thursday; Yugoslavs demand new leader ^ Kamm, Henry (7 October 1988). "Growing Yugoslav Ethnic Protests Lead Province Officials to Resign". The New York Times. Retrieved 23 May 2010.  ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 25 January 1989; SECOND DAY OF VOJVODINA LC CONFERENCE NEW LEADERSHIP ELECTED ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 9 May 1989, Tuesday; Election of SFRY
SFRY
Presidency member from Vojvodina
Vojvodina
confirmed; SOURCE: Yugoslav News Agency in Serbo-Croat 1534 gmt 4 May 1989 ^ The Guardian (London); 11 January 1989; 50,000 in Titograd
Titograd
protest ^ The Guardian (London); 12 January 1989; Montenegro
Montenegro
leaders quit en masse ^ The Associated Press; 13 January 1989, Friday, AM cycle; Government Leadership Resigns En Masse ^ The New York Times; 22 January 1989, Late City Final Edition; The Yugoslav Republic That Roared; By HENRY KAMM ^ The Associated Press; 10 April 1989, Monday, AM cycle; Reformer Elected in Montenegro
Montenegro
Presidential Election ^ Xinhua General News Service; 24 December 1990; Bulatovic Elected Montenegro
Montenegro
President ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 28 December 1990; Momcir(sic) Bulatovic elected President of Montenegro ^ a b c d "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ a b c Ramet 2006, p. 343. ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 16 March 1989, Thursday; PARTY AND GOVERNMENT Vojvodina
Vojvodina
agrees to Serbian constitutional changes; SOURCE: Excerpts Yugoslav News Agency in English 1815 gmt 10 March 1989 ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 24 March 1989, Friday; Kosovo Assembly adopts changes to Serbian Constitution ^ The Washington Post; 29 March 1989, Final Edition; 21 Dead in Two Days Of Yugoslav Rioting; Federal Assembly Ratifies Changes at Issue ^ Xinhua; 23 MARCH 1989; Kosovo adopts constitutional changes ^ United Press International; 29 March 1989, BC cycle; Tense calm maintained in restive province ^ United Press International; 14 December 1990; Ethnic Albanians reject Serbia's first multi-party polls ^ BBC Summary of World Broadcasts; 23 December 1993, Thursday; ATA: a million Kosovo Albanians
Albanians
boycott Serbian elections; SOURCE: Albanian Telegraph Agency news agency, Tirana, in English 0911 gmt 21 December 1993 ^ The Associated Press; 24 November 1989; Prosecutors Try 15 Ethnic Albanians; Former Vice President Charged ^ Burg & Shoup 1999, p. 102. ^ a b c d e Thompson 1994, p. 59. ^ Thompson 1994, p. 60. ^ Decision of the ICTY
ICTY
Appeals Chamber; 18 April 2002; Reasons for the Decision on Prosecution Interlocutory Appeal from Refusal to Order Joinder; Paragraph 8 ^ "Icty – Tpiy". United Nations. 5 March 2007. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ a b Henriksen 2007, p. 181. ^ a b c d e Sell 2002, p. 170. ^ a b Hagan 2003, p. 11. ^ Post & George 2004, p. 184. ^ a b c Cohen 2001, p. 98. ^ Bokovoy 1997, p. 295. ^ a b c d Independent International Commission on Kosovo. The Kosovo report: conflict, international response, lessons learned. New York, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 2000. p. 35. ^ Jović 2009, p. 299. ^ a b c Ramet 2006, p. 119. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 350. ^ a b Ramet 2006, p. 351. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 354. ^ Sabrina P. Ramet. Serbia
Serbia
Since 1989: Politics and Society Under Milos̆ević and After. University of Washington Press, 2005. p. 64. ^ Adam LeBor. Milosevic: A Biography. Bloomsbury. Yale University Press, 2002. p. 195. ^ Janine Di Giovanni. Madness Visible: A Memoir Of War. First Vintage Books Edition. Vintage Books, 2005. p. 95. ^ a b c d Ramet 2006, p. 355. ^ a b Ramet 2006, p. 361. ^ a b Ramet 2006, p. 349. ^ a b Ramet 2006, p. 359. ^ a b c Ramet 2006, p. 364. ^ a b c d e f Ramet 2006, p. 366. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 367. ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 358–359. ^ a b Wydra 2007, p. 232. ^ Gagnon 2004, p. 5. ^ Thompson 1994, p. 55. ^ Thompson 1994, p. 74. ^ a b Thompson 1994, p. 72. ^ Thompson 1994, p. 76. ^ Thompson 1994, p. 79. ^ Thompson 1994, p. 78. ^ " Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
Trial Public Archive" (PDF). Human Rights Project.  ^ a b c d " Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
Trial Public Archive" (PDF). Human Rights Project.  ^ rafael mejias says: (12 September 2002). "Media by Milosevic". PBS. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ a b LeBor 2004, pp. 135–137. ^ LeBor 2004, p. 138. ^ Sriram, Martin-Ortega & Herman 2010, p. 70. ^ a b LeBor 2004, p. 140. ^ LeBor 2004, pp. 140–143. ^ a b c Armatta 2010, pp. 161–162. ^ a b c Ackermann 2000, p. 72. ^ http://www.ethnopolitics.org/ethnopolitics/archive/volume_I/issue_3/issue_3.pdf ^ "on 28 May 2011". Time. 17 July 1995. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ a b LeBor 2004, p. 175. ^ LeBor 2004, p. 191. ^ a b "BBC: Milosevic 'knew Srebrenica plan'". BBC News. 18 December 2003. Retrieved 9 October 2011.  ^ Sullivan, Stacy. "Milosevic "Knew of Srebrenica Plans"". IWPR. Retrieved 9 October 2011.  ^ "MILOSEVIC: Speeches & Interviews". Slobodan-milosevic.org. Retrieved 30 May 2011.  ^ a b Death of Yugoslavia. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). 1995. ^ "Washington Post Interview". Slobodan-milosevic.org. 16 December 1998. Retrieved 30 May 2011.  ^ "UPI 1999 Interview". Slobodan-milosevic.org. 30 April 1999. Retrieved 30 May 2011.  ^ a b c Zimmermann 1996, p. 25. ^ Zimmermann 1996, p. 26. ^ Zimmermann 1996, p. 27. ^ a b c rafael mejias says: (12 September 2002). "Media by Milosevic ~ Video: Full Episode, Wide Angle". PBS. Retrieved 30 May 2011.  ^ "Analysis: Stambolic Murder Trial". BBC News. 23 February 2004. Retrieved 4 December 2007.  ^ "Tuesday, 3 July 2001". International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. 2001-07-03. Archived from the original on 2009-06-17. Retrieved 2012-07-13.  ^ a b "Milosevic arrested". BBC News. 1 April 2001. Retrieved 3 March 2014.  ^ a b c "Milosevic extradited". BBC News. 28 June 2001. Retrieved 3 March 2014.  ^ "Milosevic extradition unlocks aid coffers". BBC News. 29 June 2001. Retrieved 3 March 2014.  ^ "Antiwar.com". Antiwar.com. 17 June 2005. Retrieved 9 October 2011.  ^ Milošević's China dream flops, Chinatown- Belgrade
Belgrade
booms Boris Babic 9 September 2006 ^ a b c d Eckholm, 8 October 2000 ^ http://www.icty.org/x/cases/slobodan_milosevic/cis/en/cis_milosevic_slobodan_en.pdf ^ "TPIY : The Cases". ICTY. Retrieved 9 October 2011.  ^ Marija Ristic. "Dacic Denies His Party's Role in Balkan Conflicts". Balkan Insight. Retrieved 2013-12-15.  ^ Milosevic 'Exonerated'? War-Crime Deniers Feed Receptive Audience ^ Prosecutor v. Radovan Karadžić ^ "Europe Milosevic found dead in his cell". BBC News. 11 March 2006. Retrieved 21 January 2012.  ^ http://fakti.org/srpski-duh/milosevic-je-ubijen-u-hagu-ali-ne-rinfapicinom-vec-droperidolom ^ Marlise Simons (13 March 2006). "Milosevic Died of Heart Attack, Autopsy Shows". The New York Times. Retrieved 6 April 2013.  ^ "Report to the President Death of Slobodan Milosevic". un.org, May 2006. Pg. 4 para. 3 ^ Decision on Assigned Counsel Request for Provisional Release. un.org, 23 February 2006. ^ Jo Eggen (2014-11-10). "Til Arne Ruste". Klassekampen. p. 20. Han deltar i dennes begravels, men det gjør også Ramsay Clark, tidligere amerikansk justisminister og arkitekt bak avskaffelsen av det politiske raseskillet i USA, begge anså behandlinga av den krigsforbrytertiltalte ekspresidenten som urettferdig.  ^ "Opinion Poll Shows Milosevic More Popular In Serbia
Serbia
Than Premier". Slobodan-milosevic.org. 2005-04-22. Retrieved 2013-12-15.  ^ "UN clears Serbia
Serbia
of genocide". The Age. Melbourne, Australia. 27 February 2007.  ^ "Power Through Hatred: Slobodan Milosevic". LIFE. June 2009. Archived from the original on 27 June 2009. Retrieved 27 June 2009.  ^ (Petersen 2011, p. 115) Slobodan Milosevic rode to power on a wave of discontent, using the Kosovo issue. Previously a faceless bureaucrat, Milosevic firmly established his public image as the defender of the Serbian people at a mass rally in Kosovo one night in ... ^ Bataković, Dušan T. (2007). Kosovo and Metohija: living in the enclave. Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Balkan Studies. p. 75. ... of the signatories of the hard-won peace, went from being the demonized "butcher of the Balkans" to being the guarantor of ...  ^ Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (January 2002). Serbia: The History Behind the Name. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. ix. ISBN 978-1-85065-477-3. Even in the 1990s there were oscillations in Western attitudes, from integration at all costs to absolute disintegration, and to re-integration; from Milosevic 'butcher of the Balkans' to Milosevic 'guarantor of the peace in the Balkans'; 

Sources[edit]

Books

Ackermann, Alice (2000). Making Peace Prevail: Preventing Violent Conflict in Macedonia (1st ed.). Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 978-0-8156-0602-4.  Armatta, Judith (2010). Twilight of Impunity: The War Crimes Trial of Slobodan Milosevic. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-4746-0.  Bokovoy, Melissa K. (1997). State-Society Relations in Yugoslavia 1945–1992. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 978-0-312-12690-2.  Burg, Steven L.; Shoup, Paul S. (1999). The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 978-1-56324-308-0.  Cohen, Lenard J. (2001). Serpent in the Bosom: The Rise and Fall of Slobodan Milošević. Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-2902-4.  Doder, Dusko; Branson, Louise (1999). Milosevic: Portrait of a Tyrant. Free Press. ISBN 978-1-4391-3639-3.  Gagnon, V. P. (2004). The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia
Serbia
and Croatia
Croatia
in the 1990s. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4264-3.  Hagan, John (2003). Justice in the Balkans: Prosecuting War Crimes in the Hague Tribunal. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-31228-6.  Henriksen, Dag (2007). NATO's Gamble: Combining Diplomacy and Airpower in the Kosovo Crisis 1998–1999. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-59114-355-0.  Jović, Dejan (2009). Yugoslavia: A State That Withered Away. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press. ISBN 978-1-55753-495-8.  LeBor, Adam (2004). Milosevic: A Biography. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10317-5.  Nitis, Takis (2011). The "Trial" of Slobodan Milocevic. Athens, Greece: Ocelotos Publications. p. 236. ISBN 978-960-9607-05-6.  Pavlowitch, Stevan K. (2002). Serbia: The History behind the Name. London: Hurst & Company.  Post, Jerrold M.; George, Alexander L. (2004). Leaders and Their Followers in a Dangerous World: The Psychology of Political Behaviour. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4169-1.  Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.  Sell, Louis (2002). Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-2870-4.  Sriram, Chandra Lekha; Martin-Ortega, Olga; Herman, Johanna (2010). War, Conflict and Human rights: Theory and Practice. London, UK; New York, NY: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-45205-2.  Thompson, Mark (1994). Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia
Croatia
and Bosnia-Hercegovina. International Centre Against Censorship, Article 19. Avon, United Kingdom: The Bath Press.  Wydra, Harald (2007). Communism
Communism
and the Emergence of Democracy. Cambridge, UK; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-85169-5.  Zimmermann, Warren (1996). Origins of a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and its Destroyers (1st ed.). New York, NY: Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8129-6399-1. 

News reports

Eckholm, Erik (8 October 2000). "Showdown in Yugoslavia: An Ally". The New York Times. Retrieved 22 October 2011. 

Further reading[edit]

Recorded telephone conversations of Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
as Yugoslav crisis unfolded (transcripts in English) Clark, Janine (May 2007). "National Minorities and the Milošević Regime". Nationalities Papers. 35 (2): 317–339. doi:10.1080/00905990701254375.  Crnobrnja, Mihailo, "The Yugoslav Drama" (McGill 1996) Herman, Edward S. and David Peterson, Marlise Simons on the Yugoslavia Tribunal: A Study in Total Propaganda Service, ZNet, 2004. Herman, Edward S. and David Peterson, Milosevic's Death in the Propaganda System, ZNet, 14 May 2006. Herman, Edward S. and David Peterson, Marlise Simons and the New York Times on the International Court of Justice
International Court of Justice
Decision on Serbia
Serbia
and Genocide in Bosnia, ZNet, 2007. Kelly, Michael J., Nowhere to Hide: Defeat of the Sovereign Immunity Defense for Crimes of Genocide & the Trials of Slobodan Milosevic and Saddam Hussein (Peter Lang 2005). Laughland, John, "Travesty: the Trial of Slobodan Milosevic and the Corruption
Corruption
of International Justice" (London: Pluto Press, 2007) Vladisavljevic, Nebojsa (March 2004). "Institutional power and the rise of Milošević". Nationalities Papers. 32 (1): 183–205. doi:10.1080/0090599042000186160.  Parenti, Michael (2002) [2000]. To Kill a Nation: The Attack on Yugoslavia. Verso. ISBN 978-1-85984-366-6. 

External links[edit]

Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
at Find a Grave Quotations related to Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
at Wikiquote Media related to Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
at Wikimedia Commons Slobodan Milošević, Indictment and Transcripts (ICTY)

Party political offices

Preceded by Ivan Stambolić Chairman of the League of Communists of Serbia 1986–1989 Succeeded by Bogdan Trifunović

Preceded by Position established President of the Socialist Party of Serbia 1990–1991 Succeeded by Borisav Jović

Preceded by Borisav Jović President of the Socialist Party of Serbia 1992–2006 Succeeded by Ivica Dačić

Political offices

Preceded by Petar Gračanin as President of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia President of Serbia 1989–1997 Succeeded by Dragan Tomić Acting

Preceded by Zoran Lilić President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 1997–2000 Succeeded by Vojislav Koštunica

v t e

Members of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia (1989–90)

Slobodan Milošević
Slobodan Milošević
President of the Presidency Aleksandar Bakočević Jurij Bajec Slobodan Vučetić Miroslav Đorđević Skender Karahoda Mihalj Kertes

Members ex officio

Zoran Sokolović as President of the Assembly of SR Serbia Bogdan Trifunović as President of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia Jugoslav Kostić as President of the Presidency of SAP Vojvodina Hysen Kajdomçaj as President of the Presidency of SAP Kosovo

v t e

Presidents of Serbia

Presidents of the People's Assembly of SR Serbia
Serbia
(1945–1974)

Siniša Stanković Petar Stambolić Jovan Veselinov Dušan Petrović Miloš Minić Dragoslav Marković Živan Vasiljević

Presidents of the Presidency of SR Serbia
Serbia
(1974–1992)

Dragoslav Marković Dobrivoje Vidić Nikola Ljubičić Dušan Čkrebić Ivan Stambolić Petar Gračanin Ljubiša Igić* Slobodan Milošević

Presidents of Serbia
Serbia
(1992–2006) (within Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
and Serbia
Serbia
and Montenegro)

Slobodan Milošević Dragan Tomić* Milan Milutinović Nataša Mićić* Dragan Maršićanin* Vojislav Mihailović* Predrag Marković* Boris Tadić

Presidents of Serbia
Serbia
(since 2006)

Boris Tadić Slavica Đukić Dejanović* Tomislav Nikolić Aleksandar Vučić

* acting

v t e

Chairmen of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia

Blagoje Nešković Petar Stambolić Jovan Veselinov Dobrivoje Radosavljević Petar Stambolić
Petar Stambolić
(second term) Marko Nikezić Tihomir Vlaškalić Dušan Čkrebić Ivan Stambolić Slobodan Milošević Bogdan Trifunović

v t e

Revolutions of 1989

Internal background

Era of Stagnation Communism Anti-communism Criticism of communist party rule Eastern Bloc Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
economies Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
politics Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
media and propaganda Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
emigration and defection KGB Nomenklatura Shortage economy Totalitarianism Eastern European anti-Communist insurgencies

International background

Active measures Cold War List of socialist states People Power Revolution Predictions of the dissolution of the Soviet Union Reagan Doctrine Soviet Empire Terrorism and the Soviet Union Vatican Opposition Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia

Reforms

Uskoreniye Perestroika

Democratization in the Soviet Union Khozraschyot 500 Days Sinatra Doctrine

Glasnost Socialism with Chinese characteristics Đổi mới

Government leaders

Ramiz Alia Nicolae Ceaușescu Mikhail Gorbachev Károly Grósz Erich Honecker János Kádár Miloš Jakeš Egon Krenz Wojciech Jaruzelski Slobodan Milošević Mathieu Kérékou Mengistu Haile Mariam Ne Win Denis Sassou Nguesso Heng Samrin Deng Xiaoping Todor Zhivkov Siad Barre

Opposition methods

Civil resistance Demonstrations Human chains Magnitizdat Polish underground press Protests Samizdat Strike action

Opposition leaders

Lech Wałęsa Václav Havel Alexander Dubček Ion Iliescu Liu Gang Wu'erkaixi Chai Ling Wang Dan Feng Congde Tank Man Joachim Gauck Sali Berisha Sanjaasürengiin Zorig Vladimir Bukovsky Boris Yeltsin Viacheslav Chornovil Vytautas Landsbergis Zianon Pazniak Zhelyu Zhelev Aung San Suu Kyi Meles Zenawi Isaias Afwerki Ronald Reagan George H. W. Bush Pope John Paul II

Opposition movements

Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation Charter 77 New Forum Civic Forum Democratic Party of Albania Democratic Russia Initiative for Peace and Human Rights Sąjūdis Peaceful Revolution People's Movement of Ukraine Solidarity Popular Front of Latvia Popular Front of Estonia Public Against Violence Belarusian Popular Front National League for Democracy National Salvation Front Unification Church political activities Union of Democratic Forces

Events by location

Central and Eastern Europe

Albania Bulgaria Czechoslovakia East Germany Hungary Poland Romania Soviet Union Yugoslavia

Soviet Union

Armenia Azerbaijan Belarus Chechnya Estonia Georgia Latvia Lithuania Kazakhstan Kyrgyzstan Moldova Russia Tajikstan Turkmenistan Ukraine Uzbekistan

Elsewhere

Afghanistan Angola Benin Burma Cambodia China Congo-Brazzaville Ethiopia Mongolia Mozambique Somalia South Yemen

Individual events

1988 Polish strikes April 9 tragedy Black January Baltic Way 1987–89 Tibetan unrest Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 Removal of Hungary's border fence with Austria Polish Round Table Agreement Hungarian Round Table Talks Pan-European Picnic Monday Demonstrations Alexanderplatz demonstration Malta Summit German reunification January Events in Lithuania January Events in Latvia 1991 protests in Belgrade August Coup Dissolution of the Soviet Union

Later events

Colour revolution Decommunization Lustration Democratization Economic liberalization Post-Soviet conflicts Neo-Sovietism Neo-Stalinism Post-communism Yugoslav Wars

v t e

Yugoslav Wars

Overview Participants People

Wars and conflicts

Slovenian War of Independence (1991) Croatian War of Independence
Croatian War of Independence
(1991–95) Bosnian War
Bosnian War
(1992–95)

Croat–Bosniak War
Croat–Bosniak War
(1992–94)

Kosovo War
Kosovo War
(1998–99) Insurgency in the Preševo Valley
Insurgency in the Preševo Valley
(1999–2001) 2001 insurgency in the Republic of Macedonia
Republic of Macedonia
(2001)

Background:

Timeline of Yugoslav breakup Josip Broz Tito Brotherhood and unity League of Communists of Yugoslavia Croatian Spring SANU Memorandum Contributions for the Slovenian National Program Anti-bureaucratic revolution JBTZ-trial Gazimestan speech RAM Plan Breakup of Yugoslavia Karađorđevo agreement Graz agreement Joint Criminal Enterprise Role of the media in the Yugoslav wars

Consequences:

Brioni Agreement Dayton Agreement Agreement on Sub-Regional Arms Control International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)

List of ICTY
ICTY
indictees

Human rights in Croatia Human rights in Serbia

Articles on nationalism:

Ethnic cleansing Greater Albania Greater Croatia United Macedonia Greater Serbia United Slovenia Anti-Serbian sentiment Islamophobia Albanian nationalism Bosnianism Croatian nationalism Macedonian nationalism Montenegrin nationalism Serbian nationalism Serbian–Montenegrin unionism Slovenian nationalism Yugoslavism

Ex-Yugoslav republics:

 Yugoslavia (SFRY)

 Croatia  Slovenia  Bosnia and Herzegovina  Macedonia  Yugoslavia (FRY)

Unrecognized entities:

  Republic of Serbian Krajina
Republic of Serbian Krajina
(RSK)

SAO Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia SAO Krajina SAO Western Slavonia

  Republika Srpska
Republika Srpska
(RS)

SAO Bosanska Krajina SAO Herzegovina SAO North-Eastern Bosnia SAO Romanija

 Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia (HRHB) Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia (APZB)

United Nations
United Nations
protectorate:

United Nations
United Nations
Transitional Authority for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES) United Nations
United Nations
Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)

Armies:

Yugoslav People's Army
Yugoslav People's Army
(JNA) Yugoslav Territorial Defence (TO) Slovenian Territorial Defence
Slovenian Territorial Defence
(TORS) Yugoslav Army (VJ) Croatian Army (HV) BiH Territorial Defence (TORBIH) Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
(ARBiH) Army of Republika Srpska
Republika Srpska
(VRS) Army of the Republic of Serb Krajina
Army of the Republic of Serb Krajina
(SVK) Croatian Defence Council
Croatian Defence Council
(HVO)

Military formations and volunteers:

Croatian Defence Forces
Croatian Defence Forces
(HOS) White Eagles Serb Guard (SG) Serb Volunteer Guard
Serb Volunteer Guard
(SDG) Scorpions Yellow Wasps Greek Volunteer Guard Wolves of Vučjak

External factors:

NATO United Nations
United Nations
(UN)

United Nations
United Nations
Protection Force (UNPROFOR) United Nations
United Nations
Confidence Restoration Operation (UNCRO)

Politicians:

Ante Marković Borisav Jović Slobodan Milošević Momir Bulatović Milo Đukanović Vuk Drašković Milan Kučan Lojze Peterle Janez Janša Franjo Tuđman Stjepan Mesić Ante Paradžik
Ante Paradžik
† Dobroslav Paraga Alija Izetbegović Mate Boban Fikret Abdić Radovan Karadžić Biljana Plavšić Momčilo Krajišnik Mirko Jović Jovan Rašković
Jovan Rašković
† Milan Babić Goran Hadžić Milan Martić Vojislav Šešelj

Top military commanders:

Veljko Kadijević Života Panić Momčilo Perišić Janko Bobetko Martin Špegelj Gojko Šušak Mile Novaković Mile Mrkšić Ratko Mladić Rasim Delić Sefer Halilović Atif Dudaković Dragoljub Ojdanić Nebojša Pavković Vladimir Lazarević

Other notable commanders:

Blago Zadro
Blago Zadro
 † Blaž Kraljević
Blaž Kraljević
† Ante Gotovina Jovan Divjak Naser Orić Veselin Šljivančanin Milan Tepić
Milan Tepić
 † Đorđe Božović  † Vukašin Šoškoćanin
Vukašin Šoškoćanin
Veljko Milanković
Veljko Milanković
† Ljubiša Savić Dragan Vasiljković Željko Ražnatović Milorad Ulemek

Key foreign figures:

Lord Carrington Cyrus Vance Lord Owen Richard Holbrooke Robert Badinter

v t e

Croatian War of Independence

Part of the Yugoslav Wars

Prelude

Log Revolution SAO Krajina

1991

Pakrac
Pakrac
clash Plitvice Lakes incident 1991 siege of Kijevo Battle of Borovo Selo 1991 riot in Zadar 1991 protest in Split SAO Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia Operation Stinger Dalj massacre Operation Labrador SAO Western Slavonia Battle of Vukovar Battle of Osijek Battle of Gospić Battle of Kusonje Battle of the Barracks Siege of Varaždin Barracks Siege of Bjelovar Barracks Battle of Zadar Battle of Šibenik 1991 Yugoslav campaign in Croatia Siege of Dubrovnik Bombing of Banski dvori Široka Kula massacre Lovas massacre Gospić massacre Baćin massacre Saborsko massacre Operation Otkos 10 Battle of Logorište Erdut massacre Battle of the Dalmatian channels Kostrići massacre Škabrnja massacre Vukovar
Vukovar
massacre Vance plan Operation Whirlwind Paulin Dvor massacre Gornje Jame massacre Operation Orkan 91 Voćin massacre Joševica massacre Operation Devil's Beam Bruška massacre

1992

Sarajevo Agreement 1992 European Community Monitor Mission helicopter downing Operation Baranja Operation Jackal Battle of the Miljevci Plateau Operation Tiger (1992) Operation Liberated Land Battle of Konavle Operation Vlaštica

1993–94

Operation Maslenica Daruvar Agreement Operation Backstop Operation Medak Pocket Z-4 Plan Operation Winter '94

1995

Operation Leap 1 Operation Flash Zagreb rocket attack Operation Leap 2 Operation Summer '95 Operation Storm Operation Maestral 2 Varivode massacre

Timeline of the Croatian War of Independence

Internment camps

Begejci camp Bučje camp Knin camp Lora prison camp Ovčara camp Sremska Mitrovica prison camp Stajićevo camp Velepromet camp

Other

Independence of Croatia Persecution of Croats
Croats
in Serbia
Serbia
during the war in Croatia

Category Commons

v t e

Bosnian War

Part of the Yugoslav Wars

Belligerents

Bosnian side

Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

1st Corps 2nd Corps 3rd Corps 4th Corps 5th Corps 6th Corps 7th Corps

Paramilitary

Patriotic League Green Berets Black Swans Mujahideen Croatian Defence Forces

Croat side

Croatian Defence Council

1OZ 2OZ 3OZ 4OZ

Paramilitary

Croatian Defence Forces Knights

Serb side

Army of Republika Srpska

1st Krajina Corps 2nd Krajina Corps 3rd Corps East Bosnia Corps Herzegovina Corps Sarajevo-Romanija Corps Drina Corps

Paramilitary

Wolves of Vučjak White Eagles Serb Volunteer Guard Scorpions Yellow Wasps

Prelude

Karađorđevo meeting Zulfikarpašić–Karadžić agreement RAM Plan Serb Autonomous Regions

Bosanska Krajina Herzegovina North-East Bosnia Romanija

Establishment of Republika Srpska Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
independence referendum Sarajevo wedding shooting Declaration of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Battle of Bosanski Brod Sijekovac killings Bijeljina massacre 1992 anti-war protests in Sarajevo

1992

Battle of Kupres Siege of Sarajevo Foča massacres Siege of Srebrenica Zvornik massacre Doboj Snagovo massacre Prijedor ethnic cleansing Sarajevo column incident Siege of Goražde Graz agreement Glogova massacre Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing Tuzla
Tuzla
column incident Zaklopača massacre Vilina Vlas Siege of Doboj Bijeli Potok massacre Pionirska Street fire Operation Jackal Višegrad massacres

Bosanska Jagodina Paklenik Barimo Sjeverin

Čemerno massacre Siege of Bihać Ahatovići massacre Croat–Bosniak War Operation Vrbas '92 Operation Corridor 92  Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia Korićani Cliffs massacre

1993

Kravica attack Duša killings Skelani massacre Štrpci Siege of Mostar Srebrenica shelling Ahmići massacre Trusina killings Sovići and Doljani massacres Vranica case Dobrinja mortar attack Battle of Žepče

Operation Irma Operation Neretva '93 Grabovica massacre Mokronoge massacre Stupni Do massacre Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia Operation Deny Flight Križančevo Selo killings

1994

Operation Tvigi 94 First Markale massacre Banja Luka incident Washington Agreement  Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina Operation Bøllebank Attack on Spin magazine journalists Operation Tiger Battle of Kupres Operation Amanda Operation Spider Operation Winter '94

1995

Operation Leap 1 Battle of Orašje Operation Leap 2 Split Agreement Operation Summer '95 Pale air strikes Tuzla
Tuzla
shelling Battle of Vrbanja Bridge Srebrenica massacre

Kravica

Battle for Vozuća Operation Miracle Operation Storm Second Markale massacre NATO
NATO
bombing campaign Operation Mistral 2 Operation Sana Operation Una Operation Southern Move Exodus of Sarajevo Serbs Dayton Agreement  Bosnia and Herzegovina

Internment camps

Silos Manjača Liplje Luka Omarska Keraterm Trnopolje Sušica Čelebići Batković Dretelj Uzamnica Heliodrom Gabela Vojno

Aspects

Ethnic cleansing
Ethnic cleansing
and massacres

Bosnian genocide

Internment camps Rape Peace plans NATO
NATO
intervention Foreign support Foreign fighters

Timeline of the Bosnian War
Bosnian War
(Timeline of the Croat–Bosniak War)

Category Commons

Category Commons

v t e

Presidents of Serbia
Serbia
and Montenegro

Dobrica Ćosić Miloš Radulović (acting) Zoran Lilić Srđa Božović (acting) Slobodan Milošević Vojislav Koštunica Svetozar Marović

v t e

City of Požarevac

Towns/Villages

Bare Batovac Beranje Bradarac Bratinac Brežane Bubušinac Burjan Ćirikovac Dragovac Drmno Dubravica Kasidol Klenovnik Kličevac Kostolac Lučica Maljurevac Nabrđe Ostrovo Petka Poljana Prugovo Požarevac Rečica Selo Kostolac Trnjane Živica

Culture/History

Čačalica FK Mladi Radnik Ljubičevo Equestrian Games Požarevac
Požarevac
Gymnasium Treaty of Passarowitz

Religious monuments

Bradača Monastery Rukumija Monastery Serbian Orthodox Eparchy of Braničevo

Notable people

Patriarch Dimitrije Petar Dobrnjac Saša Ilić Branislav Milosavljević Slobodan Milošević Milena Pavlović-Barili Milutin Petrović Kosta Protić Milivoje Stojanović Milenko Stojković Velibor Vasović Prvoslav Vujčić

Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 76357572 LCCN: n88221123 ISNI: 0000 0001 2140 1346 GND: 119112108 SELIBR: 241365 SUDOC: 030252121 BNF: cb12170840h (data) NKC: jn20010525080 BNE: XX1502

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