The RUSSIAN REVOLUTION was a pair of revolutions in Russia in 1917
which dismantled the
Tsarist autocracy and led to the rise of the
February Revolution (March 1917) was a revolution focused around
A period of dual power ensued, during which the Provisional
Government held state power while the national network of soviets, led
by socialists, had the allegiance of the lower classes and,
increasingly, the left -leaning urban middle class. During this
chaotic period there were frequent mutinies, protests and many
strikes. Many socialist political organizations were engaged in daily
struggle and vied for influence within the
Soon after, civil war erupted among the "Reds" (Bolsheviks), the
"Whites " (counter-revolutionaries ), the independence movements and
* 1 Background
* 1.1 Economic and social changes
* 1.2 Political issues
World War I
* 3 Between February and throughout October: "Dual Power"
* 9 Chronology
* 9.1 Chronology of events leading to the revolution * 9.2 Chronology of the 1917 revolutions
* 10 Cultural portrayal
* 10.1 Film
* 11 See also * 12 Footnotes * 13 Notes
* 14 Further reading
* 14.1 Historiography * 14.2 Participants\' accounts * 14.3 Primary documents
* 15 External links
Main article: Russian history, 1892–1917 Soldiers blocking Narva Gate on Bloody Sunday
World War I
The war also developed a weariness in the city, owing to a lack of
food in response to the disruption of agriculture. Food scarcity had
become a considerable problem in Russia, but the cause of this did not
lie in any failure of the harvests , which had not been significantly
altered during wartime. The indirect reason was that the government,
in order to finance the war, had been printing millions of ruble
notes, and by 1917 inflation had made prices increase up to four times
what they had been in 1914. The peasantry were consequently faced with
the higher cost of purchases, but made no corresponding gain in the
sale of their own produce, since this was largely taken by the
middlemen on whom they depended. As a result, they tended to hoard
their grain and to revert to subsistence farming. Thus the cities were
constantly short of food. At the same time rising prices led to
demands for higher wages in the factories, and in January and February
1916 revolutionary propaganda , aided by German funds, led to
widespread strikes. The outcome of all this, however, was a growing
criticism of the government rather than any war-weariness . The
original fever of patriotic excitement, which had caused the name of
The Liberals were now better placed to voice their complaints, since they were participating more fully through a variety of voluntary organizations. Local industrial committees proliferated. In July 1915, a Central War Industries Committee was established under the chairmanship of a prominent Octobrist , Alexander Guchkov (1862-1936), and including ten workers' representatives. The Petrograd Mensheviks agreed to join despite the objections of their leaders abroad. All this activity gave renewed encouragement to political ambitions, and, in September 1915, a combination of Octobrists and Kadets in the Duma demanded the forming of a responsible government. The Tsar rejected these proposals. He had now taken over the position of commander-in-chief of the armed forces and, during his absence from Petrograd while at his military headquarters at Mogilev , he left most of the day-to-day government in the hands of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna . She was intensely unpopular, owing, in part, to her German origin and to the influence that Grigori Rasputin , an unsavoury "monk", exercised over her.
All these factors had given rise to a sharp loss of confidence in the
regime by 1916. Early in that year,
Social Democrat leaders in exile, most of them living
It was these views of
Martov that predominated in a manifesto drawn
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CHANGES
An elementary theory of property, believed by many peasants, was that land should belong to those who work on it. At the same time, peasant life and culture was changing constantly. Change was facilitated by the physical movement of growing numbers of peasant villagers who migrated to and from industrial and urban environments, but also by the introduction of city culture into the village through material goods, the press, and word of mouth.
Workers also had good reasons for discontent: overcrowded housing with often deplorable sanitary conditions, long hours at work (on the eve of the war a 10-hour workday six days a week was the average and many were working 11–12 hours a day by 1916), constant risk of injury and death from poor safety and sanitary conditions, harsh discipline (not only rules and fines, but foremen's fists), and inadequate wages (made worse after 1914 by steep wartime increases in the cost of living). At the same time, urban industrial life was full of benefits, though these could be just as dangerous, from the point of view of social and political stability, as the hardships. There were many encouragements to expect more from life. Acquiring new skills gave many workers a sense of self-respect and confidence, heightening expectations and desires. Living in cities, workers encountered material goods such as they had never seen in villages. Most important, living in cities, they were exposed to new ideas about the social and political order.
The social causes of the Russian
The rapid industrialization of Russia also resulted in urban
overcrowding and poor conditions for urban industrial workers (as
mentioned above). Between 1890 and 1910, the population of the
capital, Saint Petersburg, swelled from 1,033,600 to 1,905,600, with
YEARS AVERAGE ANNUAL STRIKES
World War I
Many sections of the country had reason to be dissatisfied with the existing autocracy. Nicholas II was a deeply conservative ruler and maintained a strict authoritarian system. Individuals and society in general were expected to show self-restraint, devotion to community, deference to the social hierarchy and a sense of duty to the country. Religious faith helped bind all of these tenets together as a source of comfort and reassurance in the face of difficult conditions and as a means of political authority exercised through the clergy. Perhaps more than any other modern monarch, Nicholas II attached his fate and the future of his dynasty to the notion of the ruler as a saintly and infallible father to his people.
This idealized vision of the Romanov monarchy blinded him to the actual state of his country. With a firm belief that his power to rule was granted by Divine Right , Nicholas assumed that the Russian people were devoted to him with unquestioning loyalty. This ironclad belief rendered Nicholas unwilling to allow the progressive reforms that might have alleviated the suffering of the Russian people. Even after the 1905 revolution spurred the Tsar to decree limited civil rights and democratic representation, he worked to limit even these liberties in order to preserve the ultimate authority of the crown.
Despite constant oppression, the desire of the people for democratic participation in government decisions was strong. Since the Age of Enlightenment , Russian intellectuals had promoted Enlightenment ideals such as the dignity of the individual and the rectitude of democratic representation. These ideals were championed most vociferously by Russia’s liberals, although populists, Marxists, and anarchists also claimed to support democratic reforms. A growing opposition movement had begun to challenge the Romanov monarchy openly well before the turmoil of World War I.
Dissatisfaction with Russian autocracy culminated in the huge
national upheaval that followed the Bloody Sunday massacre of January
1905, in which hundreds of unarmed protesters were shot by the Tsar's
troops. Workers responded to the massacre with a crippling general
strike, forcing Nicholas to put forth the
October Manifesto , which
established a democratically elected parliament (the State
One of the Tsar’s principal rationales for risking war in 1914 was
his desire to restore the prestige that Russia had lost amid the
debacles of the
Russo-Japanese war . Nicholas also sought to foster a
greater sense of national unity with a war against a common and
ancient enemy. The
WORLD WAR I
The outbreak of war in August 1914 initially served to quiet the prevalent social and political protests, focusing hostilities against a common external enemy, but this patriotic unity did not last long. As the war dragged on inconclusively, war-weariness gradually took its toll. More important, though, was a deeper fragility: although many ordinary Russians joined anti-German demonstrations in the first few weeks of the war, the most widespread reaction appears to have been skepticism and fatalism. Hostility toward the Kaiser and the desire to defend their land and their lives did not necessarily translate into enthusiasm for the Tsar or the government.
Russia's first major battle of the war was a disaster: in the 1914 Battle of Tannenberg , over 30,000 Russian troops were killed or wounded and 90,000 captured, while Germany suffered just 12,000 casualties. However, Austro-Hungarian forces allied to Germany were driven back deep into the Galicia region by the end of the year. In the autumn of 1915, Nicholas had taken direct command of the army, personally overseeing Russia's main theatre of war and leaving his ambitious but incapable wife Alexandra in charge of the government. Reports of corruption and incompetence in the Imperial government began to emerge, and the growing influence of Grigori Rasputin in the Imperial family was widely resented. In the eyes of Michael Lynch, a revisionist historian (member of the School of Historical Studies at the University of Leicester) who focuses on the role of the people, Rasputin was a "fatal disease" to the Tsarist regime.
In 1915, things took a critical turn for the worse when Germany
shifted its focus of attack to the Eastern front. The superior German
army – better led, better trained and better supplied – was
terrifyingly effective against the ill-equipped Russian forces,
driving the Russians out of Galicia, as well as Russian Poland, during
Gorlice–Tarnów Offensive campaign. By the end of
These staggering losses played a definite role in the mutinies and revolts that began to occur. In 1916, reports of fraternizing with the enemy started to circulate. Soldiers went hungry, and lacked shoes, munitions, and even weapons. Rampant discontent lowered morale, which was further undermined by a series of military defeats. Russian troops awaiting German attack in trenches
Casualty rates were the most vivid sign of this disaster. Already, by the end of 1914, only five months into the war, around 390,000 Russian men had lost their lives and nearly 1,000,000 were injured. Far sooner than expected, barely trained recruits had to be called up for active duty, a process repeated throughout the war as staggering losses continued to mount. The officer class also saw remarkable changes, especially within the lower echelons, which were quickly filled with soldiers rising up through the ranks. These men, usually of peasant or working-class backgrounds, were to play a large role in the politicization of the troops in 1917.
The huge losses on the battlefields were not limited to men. The army quickly ran short of rifles and ammunition (as well as uniforms and food), and, by mid-1915, men were being sent to the front bearing no arms. It was hoped that they could equip themselves with the arms that they recovered from fallen soldiers, of both sides, on the battlefields. The soldiers did not feel that they were being treated as human beings, or even as valuable soldiers, but rather as raw materials to be squandered for the purposes of the rich and powerful.
By the spring of 1915, the army was in steady retreat, which was not always orderly; desertion, plunder and chaotic flight were not uncommon. By 1916, however, the situation had improved in many respects. Russian troops stopped retreating, and there were even some modest successes in the offensives that were staged that year, albeit at great loss of life. Also, the problem of shortages was largely solved by a major effort to increase domestic production. Nevertheless, by the end of 1916, morale among soldiers was even worse than it had been during the great retreat of 1915 . The fortunes of war may have improved, but the fact of the war, still draining away strength and lives from the country and its many individuals and families, remained an oppressive inevitability. The crisis in morale (as was argued by Allan Wildman, a leading historian of the Russian army in war and revolution) "was rooted fundamentally in the feeling of utter despair that the slaughter would ever end and that anything resembling victory could be achieved."
The war devastated not only soldiers. By the end of 1915, there were manifold signs that the economy was breaking down under the heightened strain of wartime demand. The main problems were food shortages and rising prices. Inflation dragged incomes down at an alarmingly rapid rate, and shortages made it difficult to buy even what one could afford. These shortages were a problem especially in the capital, St. Petersburg , where distance from supplies and poor transportation networks made matters particularly bad. Shops closed early or entirely for lack of bread, sugar, meat and other provisions, and lines lengthened massively for what remained. It became increasingly difficult both to afford and actually buy food.
Not surprisingly, strikes increased steadily from the middle of 1915, and so did crime; but, for the most part, people suffered and endured, scouring the city for food. Working class women in St. Petersburg reportedly spent about forty hours a week in food lines, begging, turning to prostitution or crime, tearing down wooden fences to keep stoves heated for warmth, grumbling about the rich, and wondering when and how this would all come to an end.
Government officials responsible for public order worried about how
long people's patience would last. A report by the St. Petersburg
branch of the security police, the
Okhrana , in
Nicholas was blamed for all of these crises, and what little support he had left began to crumble. As discontent grew, the State Duma issued a warning to Nicholas in November 1916. It stated that, inevitably, a terrible disaster would grip the country unless a constitutional form of government was put in place. Nicholas ignored these warnings and Russia's Tsarist regime collapsed a few months later during the February Revolution of 1917. One year later, the Tsar and his entire family were executed.
Main article: February Revolution Revolutionaries protesting in February 1917 Meeting Germans in No Man's Land Meeting before the Russian wire entanglements
At the beginning of February, Petrograd workers began several strikes and demonstrations . On 7 March , workers at Putilov , Petrograd's largest industrial plant, announced a strike.
The next day, a series of meetings and rallies were held for International Women\'s Day , which gradually turned into economic and political gatherings. Demonstrations were organised to demand bread , and these were supported by the industrial working force who considered them a reason for continuing the strikes. The women workers marched to nearby factories bringing out over 50,000 workers on strike. By 10 March , virtually every industrial enterprise in Petrograd had been shut down, together with many commercial and service enterprises. Students, white-collar workers and teachers joined the workers in the streets and at public meetings.
To quell the riots, the Tsar looked to the army. At least 180,000
troops were available in the capital, but most were either untrained
or injured. Historian Ian Beckett suggests around 12,000 could be
regarded as reliable, but even these proved reluctant to move in on
the crowd, since it included so many women. It was for this reason
that when, on 11 March , the Tsar ordered the army to suppress the
rioting by force, troops began to mutiny. Although few actively
joined the rioting, many officers were either shot or went into
hiding; the ability of the garrison to hold back the protests was all
but nullified, symbols of the Tsarist regime were rapidly torn down
around the city, and governmental authority in the capital collapsed
– not helped by the fact that Nicholas had prorogued the
The Tsar directed the royal train back towards Petrograd, which was
stopped 14 March , by a group of revolutionaries at
Malaya Vishera .
When the Tsar finally arrived at in
The immediate effect of the February Revolution was a widespread atmosphere of elation and excitement in Petrograd. On 16 March , a provisional government was announced. The center-left was well represented, and the government was initially chaired by a liberal aristocrat, Prince Georgy Yevgenievich Lvov , a member of the Constitutional Democratic party (KD). The socialists had formed their rival body, the Petrograd Soviet (or workers' council) four days earlier. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government competed for power over Russia.
BETWEEN FEBRUARY AND THROUGHOUT OCTOBER: "DUAL POWER" (_DVOEVLASTIE_)
The effective power of the Provisional Government was challenged by
the authority of an institution that claimed to represent the will of
workers and soldiers and could, in fact, mobilize and control these
groups during the early months of the revolution – the Petrograd
Soviet of Workers' Deputies. The model for the soviet were workers'
councils that had been established in scores of Russian cities during
the 1905 Revolution. In February 1917, striking workers elected
deputies to represent them and socialist activists began organizing a
citywide council to unite these deputies with representatives of the
socialist parties. On 27 February, socialist
The leaders of the
Petrograd Soviet believed that they represented
particular classes of the population, not the whole nation. They also
believed Russia was not ready for socialism. So they saw their role as
limited to pressuring hesitant "bourgeoisie" to rule and to introduce
extensive democratic reforms in Russia (the replacement of the
monarchy by a republic, guaranteed civil rights, a democratic police
and army, abolition of religious and ethnic discrimination,
preparation of elections to a constituent assembly, and so on). They
met in the same building as the emerging Provisional Government not to
compete with the
The relationship between these two major powers was complex from the
beginning and would shape the politics of 1917. The representatives of
the Provisional Government agreed to "take into account the opinions
of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies", though they were also determined
to prevent "interference in the actions of the government", which
would create "an unacceptable situation of dual power." In fact, this
was precisely what was being created, though this "dual power"
(dvoevlastie) was the result less of the actions or attitudes of the
leaders of these two institutions than of actions outside their
control, especially the ongoing social movement taking place on the
streets of Russia’s cities, in factories and shops, in barracks and
in the trenches, and in the villages. The 2nd
A series of political crises – see the chronology below – in the relationship between population and government and between the Provisional Government and the soviets (which developed into a nationwide movement with a national leadership, The All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets (VTsIK)) undermined the authority of the Provisional Government but also of the moderate socialist leaders of the Soviet. Although the Soviet leadership initially refused to participate in the "bourgeois" Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky , a young and popular lawyer and a member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SRP), agreed to join the new cabinet, and became an increasingly central figure in the government, eventually taking leadership of the Provisional Government. As minister of war and later Prime Minister, Kerensky promoted freedom of speech, released thousands of political prisoners, did his very best to continue the war effort and even organised another offensive (which, however, was no more successful than its predecessors). Nevertheless, Kerensky still faced several great challenges, highlighted by the soldiers, urban workers and peasants, who claimed that they had gained nothing by the revolution:
* Other political groups were trying to undermine him. * Heavy military losses were being suffered on the front. * The soldiers were dissatisfied and demoralised and had started to defect. (On arrival back in Russia, these soldiers were either imprisoned or sent straight back into the front.) * There was enormous discontent with Russia's involvement in the war, and many were calling for an end to it. * There were great shortages of food and supplies, which was difficult to remedy because of the wartime economic conditions.
The political group that proved most troublesome for Kerensky, and
would eventually overthrow him, was the
With Lenin's arrival, the popularity of the
steadily. Over the course of the spring, public dissatisfaction with
the Provisional Government and the war, in particular among workers,
soldiers and peasants, pushed these groups to radical parties. Despite
growing support for the Bolsheviks, buoyed by maxims that called most
famously for "all power to the Soviets," the party held very little
real power in the moderate-dominated
Petrograd Soviet. In fact,
historians such as Sheila Fitzpatrick have asserted that Lenin's
exhortations for the Soviet Council to take power were intended to
arouse indignation both with the Provisional Government, whose
policies were viewed as conservative, and the Soviet itself, which was
viewed as subservient to the conservative government. By some
historians' accounts, Lenin and his followers were unprepared for how
their groundswell of support, especially among influential worker and
soldier groups, would translate into real power in the summer of 1917.
Soviets attacking the Czar's police in the early days of the
On 18 June, the Provisional Government launched an attack against
Germany that failed miserably. Soon after, the government ordered
soldiers to go to the front, reneging on a promise. The soldiers
refused to follow the new orders. The arrival of radical Kronstadt
sailors – who had tried and executed many officers, including one
admiral – further fueled the growing revolutionary atmosphere. The
sailors and soldiers, along with
Petrograd workers, took to the
streets in violent protest, calling for "all power to the Soviets."
The revolt, however, was disowned by Lenin and the
In August, poor or misleading communication led General Lavr Kornilov
, the recently appointed Supreme Commander of Russian military forces,
to believe that the
Petrograd government had already been captured by
radicals, or was in serious danger thereof. In response, he ordered
Petrograd to pacify the city. To secure his position,
Kerensky had to ask for
In early September, the
Petrograd Soviet freed all jailed Bolsheviks
In Finland, Lenin had worked on his book _State and
Though Lenin was the leader of the
On 7 November 1917,
Soviet membership was initially freely elected, but many members of
Socialist Revolutionary Party , anarchists, and other leftists
created opposition to the
Bolsheviks through the soviets themselves.
When it became clear that the
Bolsheviks had little support outside of
the industrialized areas of
RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR
American, British, and Japanese Troops parade through
The Russian Civil War, which broke out in 1918 shortly after the
revolution, brought death and suffering to millions of people
regardless of their political orientation. The war was fought mainly
Bolsheviks firstly assumed power in Petrograd, expanding their
rule outwards. They eventually reached the Easterly Siberian Russian
Several revolts were initiated against the
Bolsheviks and their army
near the end of the war, notably the
During the Civil War,
Nestor Makhno led a Ukrainian anarchist
movement, the Black Army allied to the
Bolsheviks thrice, one of the
powers ending the alliance each time. However, a
EXECUTION OF THE IMPERIAL FAMILY
Main article: Shooting of the Romanov family
Bolsheviks executed the tsar and his family on 16 July 1918. In
early March, the Provisional Government placed Nicholas and his family
under house arrest in the
During the early morning of 16 July, Nicholas, Alexandra, their
children, their physician, and several servants were taken into the
basement and shot. According to Edvard Radzinsky and Dmitrii
Volkogonov, the order came directly from Lenin and Sverdlov in Moscow.
That the order came from the top has long been believed, although
there is a lack of hard evidence. The execution may have been carried
out on the initiative of local
THE REVOLUTION AND THE WORLD
Revolutions of 1917–23
This issue is subject to conflicting views on the communist history by various Marxist groups and parties. Joseph Stalin later rejected this idea, stating that socialism was possible in one country .
The confusion regarding Stalin's position on the issue stems from the
fact that he, after Lenin's death in 1924, successfully used Lenin's
argument – the argument that socialism's success needs the workers
of other countries in order to happen – to defeat his competitors
within the party by accusing them of betraying Lenin and, therefore,
the ideals of the
Few events in historical research have been as conditioned by
political influences as the
Lenin's biographer Robert Service , says he, "laid the foundations of dictatorship and lawlessness. Lenin had consolidated the principle of state penetration of the whole society, its economy and its culture. Lenin had practised terror and advocated revolutionary amoralism."
CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS LEADING TO THE REVOLUTION
_Dates are correct for the Julian calendar , which was used in Russia until 1918. It was twelve days behind the Gregorian calendar during the 19th century and thirteen days behind it during the 20th century._
1874–81 Growing anti-government terrorist movement and government reaction.
1881 Alexander II assassinated by revolutionaries; succeeded by Alexander III .
1883 First Russian Marxist group formed.
1894 Start of reign of Nicholas II .
1898 First Congress of Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP).
1900 Foundation of Socialist Revolutionary Party (SR).
1904–5 Russo-Japanese War ; Russia loses war.
Bloody Sunday in
1907 Third State Duma, until 1912.
1911 Stolypin assassinated.
1914 Germany declares war on Russia.
1914 30 July The All Russian Zemstvo Union for the Relief of Sick and Wounded Soldiers is created with Lvov as president.
1914 August–November Russia suffers heavy defeats and a large shortage of supplies, including food and munitions, but holds onto Austrian Galicia.
1914 3 August Germany declares war on Russia, causing a brief sense of patriotic union amongst the Russian nation and a downturn in striking.
1915 Serious defeats, Nicholas II declares himself Commander in Chief.
1915 19 February Great Britain and France promise Russia Istanbul and other Turkish lands.
1915 5 June Strikers shot at in Kostromá; casualties.
1915 9 July The Great Retreat begins, as Russian forces pull back out of Galicia and Russian Poland into Russia proper.
1915 9 August The Duma's bourgeois parties form the 'Progressive bloc' to push for better government and reform; includes the Kadets, Octobrist groups and Nationalists.
1915 10 August Strikers shot at in Ivánovo-Voznesénsk; casualties.
1915 17–19 August Strikers in Petrograd protest at the deaths in Ivánovo-Voznesénsk.
Reacting to war failures and a hostile Duma, the Tsar takes over as
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, prorogues the
1916 Food and fuel shortages and high prices. Progressive Bloc formed.
1916 January–December Despite successes in the Brusilov offensive, the Russian war effort is still characterised by shortages, poor command, death and desertion. Away from the front, the conflict causes starvation, inflation and a torrent of refugees. Both soldiers and civilians blame the incompetence of the Tsar and his government.
After a month of strikes at the Putílov Factory, the government
conscripts the workers and takes charge of production.
1916 October Troops from 181st Regiment help striking Russkii Renault workers fight against the Police.
1916 1 November Miliukov gives his 'Is this stupidity or treason?' speech in reconvened Duma.
1916 29 December Rasputin is killed by Prince Yusupov.
1916 30 December The Tsar is warned that his army will not support him against a revolution.
1917 Strikes, mutinies, street demonstrations lead to the fall of autocracy.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE 1917 REVOLUTIONS
GREGORIAN DATE JULIAN DATE EVENT
January Strikes and unrest in Petrograd .
February February Revolution .
8 March 23 February International Women's Day: strikes and demonstrations in Petrograd, growing over the next few days.
12 March 27 February * Troops refuse to fire on demonstrators, deserters. Prisons, courts, and police bumbs attacked and looted by angry crowds.
Okhrana buildings set on fire. Garrison joins revolutionaries.
Petrograd Soviet formed.
* Formation of Provisional Committee of the
14 March 1 March Order No.1 of the Petrograd Soviet.
15 March 2 March Nicholas II abdicates. Provisional Government formed under Prime Minister Prince Lvov .
16 April 3 April Return of Vladimir Lenin to Russia. He publishes his April Theses .
"April Days": mass demonstrations by workers, soldiers, and others
in the streets of
18 May 5 May First Coalition Government forms when socialists, representatives of the Soviet leadership, agree to enter the cabinet of the Provisional Government. Alexander Kerensky , the only socialist already in the government, made minister of war and navy.
16 June 3 June First All-Russian Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opens in Petrograd. Closed on 24 June. Elects Central Executive Committee of Soviets (VTsIK), headed by Mensheviks and SRs.
29 June 16 June Kerensky orders offensive against Austro-Hungarian forces. Initial success only.
Russian offensive ends.
16–17 July 3–4 July The " July Days "; mass armed demonstrations in Petrograd, encouraged by the Bolsheviks, demanding "All Power to the Soviets".
20 July 7 July Lvov resigns and asks Kerensky to become Prime Minister and form a new government. Established 25 July.
8 September 26 August Second coalition government ends.
8–12 September 26–30 August "Kornilov mutiny". Begins when the commander-in-chief of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov, demands (or is believed by Kerensky to demand) that the government give him all civil and military authority and moves troops against Petrograd.
13 September 31 August Majority of deputies of the Petrograd Soviet approve a Bolshevik resolution for an all-socialist government excluding the bourgeoisie.
14 September 1 September Russia declared a republic.
24 October 11 October Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region, until 13 October.
8 November 26 October Second Congress of Soviets: Mensheviks and right SR delegates walk out in protest against the previous day's events. Congress approves transfer of state authority into its own hands and local power into the hands of local soviets of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, abolishes capital punishment, issues Decree on Peace and Decree on Land , and approves the formation of an all-Bolshevik government, the Council of People\'s Commissars (Sovnarkom), with Lenin as chairman.
George Orwell 's classic novella _
Animal Farm _ is an allegory of the
* _Arsenal_ (IMDB profile). Written and directed by Aleksandr
* _Konets Sankt-Peterburga_ AKA _The End of Saint Petersburg_ (IMDB
* _Lenin v 1918 godu AKA Lenin in 1918_ (IMDB profile). Directed by
Mikhail Romm and E. Aron (co-director).
* _October: Ten Days That Shook the World _ (IMDB profile). Directed
* ^ Scholarly literature on peasants is now extensive. Major recent
works that examine themes discussed above (and can serve as a guide to
older scholarship) Christine Worobec, _
* ^ Orlando Figes, _A Peoples Tragedy_, p370
* ^ Wood, 1979. p. 18
* ^ _A_ _B_ Wood, 1979. p. 24
* ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ Wood, 1979. p. 25
* ^ Wood, 1979. p. 26
* ^ Joel Carmichael, A short history of the Russian Revolution, pp
* ^ Abraham Ascher, _The
* Acton, Edward, Vladimir Cherniaev, and William G. Rosenberg, eds.
_A Critical Companion to the Russian Revolution, 1914–1921_
* Ascher, Abraham. _The Russian Revolution: A Beginner's Guide_
(Oneworld Publications, 2014)
* Beckett, Ian F.W. (2007). _The Great war_ (2 ed.). Longman. ISBN
* Brenton, Tony. _Was
* Gatrell, Peter. "Tsarist Russia at War: The View from Above,
1914–February 1917" _Journal of Modern History_ 87#4 (2015) 668-700
* Haynes, Mike and Wolfreys, Jim (eds). _History and Revolution:
Refuting Revisionism_. Verso Books, 2007. ISBN 978-1844671502
* Smith, S. A. "The historiography of the Russian revolution 100
years on." _Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History_
16.4 (2015): 733-749.
* Smith, Steve. "Writing the History of the Russian
* Reed, John . Ten Days that Shook the World. 1919, 1st Edition,
published by BONI 1st edition. 1 June 1980. ISBN 0-14-018293-4 .
Retrieved 14 May 2005.
* Serge, Victor . Year One of the Russian Revolution. L'An l de la
revolution russe, 1930. Year One of the Russian Revolution, Holt,
Rinehart, and Winston. Translation, editor's Introduction, and notes
© 1972 by Peter Sedgwick. Reprinted on
* Ascher, Abraham, ed. _The
Mensheviks in the Russian Revolution_
* Browder, Robert Paul and
Alexander F. Kerensky , eds., _The
Russian Provisional Government, 1917: Documents_. 3 volumes (Stanford,
* Bunyan, James and H. H. Fisher, eds. _The