The Info List - Revolution

--- Advertisement ---

In political science, a revolution (Latin: revolutio, "a turn around") is a fundamental change in political power and political organization, which occurs relatively quickly when the population revolt against their oppression (political, social, economic) by the incumbent government.[1] In book V of the Politics, the Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle
(384–322 BC) described two types of political revolution:

Complete change from one constitution to another Modification of an existing constitution.[2]

Revolutions have occurred through human history and vary widely in terms of methods, duration, and motivating ideology. Their results include major changes in culture, economy, and socio-political institutions, usually in response to overwhelming autocracy or plutocracy. Scholarly debates about what does and does not constitute a revolution center on several issues. Early studies of revolutions primarily analyzed events in European history
European history
from a psychological perspective, but more modern examinations include global events and incorporate perspectives from several social sciences, including sociology and political science. Several generations of scholarly thought on revolutions have generated many competing theories and contributed much to the current understanding of this complex phenomenon.


1 Etymology 2 Types 3 Political and socioeconomic revolutions 4 See also

4.1 Lists of revolutions

5 Bibliography 6 References 7 External links

Etymology The word "revolucion" is known in French from the 13th century, and "revolution" in English by the late fourteenth century, with regards to the revolving motion of celestial bodies. "Revolution" in the sense of representing abrupt change in a social order is attested by at least 1450.[3][4] Political usage of the term had been well established by 1688 in the description of the replacement of James II with William III. This incident was termed the "Glorious Revolution".[5] Types

A Watt steam engine
Watt steam engine
in Madrid. The development of the steam engine propelled the Industrial Revolution
Industrial Revolution
in Britain and the world. The steam engine was created to pump water from coal mines, enabling them to be deepened beyond groundwater levels.

There are many different typologies of revolutions in social science and literature. Alexis de Tocqueville
Alexis de Tocqueville
differentiated between;

political revolutions, sudden and violent revolutions that seek not only to establish a new political system but to transform an entire society, and; slow but sweeping transformations of the entire society that take several generations to bring about (such as changes in religion).[6]

One of several different Marxist typologies [7] divides revolutions into;

pre-capitalist early bourgeois, bourgeois, bourgeois-democratic, early proletarian socialist

Charles Tilly, a modern scholar of revolutions, differentiated between;

coup d'état (a top-down seizure of power) civil war revolt, and "great revolution" (a revolution that transforms economic and social structures as well as political institutions, such as the French Revolution
of 1789, Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
of 1917, or Islamic Revolution of Iran).[8][9]

Mark Katz[10] identified six forms of revolution;

rural revolution urban revolution Coup d'état, e.g. Egypt, 1952 revolution from above, e.g. Mao's Great leap forward
Great leap forward
of 1958 revolution from without, e.g. the allied invasions of Italy, 1944 and Germany, 1945. revolution by osmosis, e.g. the gradual Islamization of several countries.

These categories are not mutually exclusive; the Russian revolution of 1917 began with urban revolution to depose the Czar, followed by rural revolution, followed by the Bolshevik
coup in November. Katz also cross-classified revolutions as follows;

Central; countries, usually Great powers, which play a leading role in a Revolutionary wave; e.g. the USSR, Nazi Germany, Iran
since 1979.[11] Aspiring revolutions, which follow the Central revolution subordinate or puppet revolutions rival revolutions, e.g. communist Yugoslavia, and China after 1969

A further dimension to Katz's typology[12] is that revolutions are either against (anti-monarchy, anti-dictatorial, anti-communist, anti-democratic0 or for (pro-fascism, communism, nationalism etc.).In the latter cases, a transition period is often necessary to decide on the direction taken. Other types of revolution, created for other typologies, include the social revolutions; proletarian or communist revolutions (inspired by the ideas of Marxism
that aims to replace capitalism with Communism); failed or abortive revolutions (revolutions that fail to secure power after temporary victories or large-scale mobilization); or violent vs. nonviolent revolutions. The term revolution has also been used to denote great changes outside the political sphere. Such revolutions are usually recognized as having transformed in society, culture, philosophy, and technology much more than political systems; they are often known as social revolutions.[13] Some can be global, while others are limited to single countries. One of the classic examples of the usage of the word revolution in such context is the Industrial Revolution, or the Commercial Revolution. Note that such revolutions also fit the "slow revolution" definition of Tocqueville.[14] A similar example is the Digital Revolution. Political and socioeconomic revolutions Perhaps most often, the word "revolution" is employed to denote a change in social and political institutions.[15][16][17] Jeff Goodwin gives two definitions of a revolution. First, a broad one, including

any and all instances in which a state or a political regime is overthrown and thereby transformed by a popular movement in an irregular, extraconstitutional and/or violent fashion.

Second, a narrow one, in which

revolutions entail not only mass mobilization and regime change, but also more or less rapid and fundamental social, economic and/or cultural change, during or soon after the struggle for state power.[18]

Jack Goldstone defines a revolution as

an effort to transform the political institutions and the justifications for political authority in society, accompanied by formal or informal mass mobilization and non-institutionalized actions that undermine authorities.[19]

The storming of the Bastille, 14 July 1789 during the French Revolution.

George Washington, leader of the American Revolution.

Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik
of 1917.

Sun Yat-sen, leader of the Chinese Xinhai Revolution
Xinhai Revolution
in 1911.

Political and socioeconomic revolutions have been studied in many social sciences, particularly sociology, political sciences and history. Among the leading scholars in that area have been or are Crane Brinton, Charles Brockett, Farideh Farhi, John Foran, John Mason Hart, Samuel Huntington, Jack Goldstone, Jeff Goodwin, Ted Roberts Gurr, Fred Halliday, Chalmers Johnson, Tim McDaniel, Barrington Moore, Jeffery Paige, Vilfredo Pareto, Terence Ranger, Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy, Theda Skocpol, James Scott, Eric Selbin, Charles Tilly, Ellen Kay Trimberger, Carlos Vistas, John Walton, Timothy Wickham-Crowley, and Eric Wolf.[20] Scholars of revolutions, like Jack Goldstone, differentiate four current 'generations' of scholarly research dealing with revolutions.[19] The scholars of the first generation such as Gustave Le Bon, Charles A. Ellwood, or Pitirim Sorokin, were mainly descriptive in their approach, and their explanations of the phenomena of revolutions was usually related to social psychology, such as Le Bon's crowd psychology theory.[15] Second generation theorists sought to develop detailed theories of why and when revolutions arise, grounded in more complex social behavior theories. They can be divided into three major approaches: psychological, sociological and political.[15] The works of Ted Robert Gurr, Ivo K. Feierbrand, Rosalind L. Feierbrand, James A. Geschwender, David C. Schwartz, and Denton E. Morrison fall into the first category. They followed theories of cognitive psychology and frustration-aggression theory and saw the cause of revolution in the state of mind of the masses, and while they varied in their approach as to what exactly caused the people to revolt (e.g., modernization, recession, or discrimination), they agreed that the primary cause for revolution was the widespread frustration with socio-political situation.[15] The second group, composed of academics such as Chalmers Johnson, Neil Smelser, Bob Jessop, Mark Hart, Edward A. Tiryakian, and Mark Hagopian, followed in the footsteps of Talcott Parsons and the structural-functionalist theory in sociology; they saw society as a system in equilibrium between various resources, demands and subsystems (political, cultural, etc.). As in the psychological school, they differed in their definitions of what causes disequilibrium, but agreed that it is a state of a severe disequilibrium that is responsible for revolutions.[15] Finally, the third group, which included writers such as Charles Tilly, Samuel P. Huntington, Peter Ammann, and Arthur L. Stinchcombe followed the path of political sciences and looked at pluralist theory and interest group conflict theory. Those theories see events as outcomes of a power struggle between competing interest groups. In such a model, revolutions happen when two or more groups cannot come to terms within a normal decision making process traditional for a given political system, and simultaneously have enough resources to employ force in pursuing their goals.[15] The second generation theorists saw the development of the revolutions as a two-step process; first, some change results in the present situation being different from the past; second, the new situation creates an opportunity for a revolution to occur. In that situation, an event that in the past would not be sufficient to cause a revolution (e.g., a war, a riot, a bad harvest), now is sufficient; however, if authorities are aware of the danger, they can still prevent a revolution through reform or repression.[19] Many such early studies of revolutions tended to concentrate on four classic cases: famous and uncontroversial examples that fit virtually all definitions of revolutions, such as the Glorious Revolution (1688), the French Revolution
French Revolution
(1789–1799), the Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
of 1917, and the Chinese Revolution
(also known as the Chinese Civil War) (1927–1949).[19] In his The Anatomy of Revolution, however, the Harvard historian Crane Brinton focused on the English Civil War, the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and the Russian Revolution.[21] In time, scholars began to analyze hundreds of other events as revolutions (see List of revolutions and rebellions), and differences in definitions and approaches gave rise to new definitions and explanations. The theories of the second generation have been criticized for their limited geographical scope, difficulty in empirical verification, as well as that while they may explain some particular revolutions, they did not explain why revolutions did not occur in other societies in very similar situations.[19] The criticism of the second generation led to the rise of a third generation of theories, with writers such as Theda Skocpol, Barrington Moore, Jeffrey Paige, and others expanding on the old Marxist class conflict approach, turning their attention to rural agrarian-state conflicts, state conflicts with autonomous elites, and the impact of interstate economic and military competition on domestic political change Particularly Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions became one of the most widely recognized works of the third generation; Skocpol defined revolution as "rapid, basic transformations of society's state and class structures [...] accompanied and in part carried through by class-based revolts from below", attributing revolutions to a conjunction of multiple conflicts involving state, elites and the lower classes.[19]

The fall of the Berlin Wall
Berlin Wall
and most of the events of the Autumn of Nations in Europe, 1989, were sudden and peaceful.

From the late 1980s a new body of scholarly work began questioning the dominance of the third generation's theories. The old theories were also dealt a significant blow by new revolutionary events that could not be easily explain by them. The Iranian and Nicaraguan Revolutions of 1979, the 1986 People Power Revolution
People Power Revolution
in the Philippines
and the 1989 Autumn of Nations
Autumn of Nations
in Europe saw multi-class coalitions topple seemingly powerful regimes amidst popular demonstrations and mass strikes in nonviolent revolutions. Defining revolutions as mostly European violent state versus people and class struggles conflicts was no longer sufficient. The study of revolutions thus evolved in three directions, firstly, some researchers were applying previous or updated structuralist theories of revolutions to events beyond the previously analyzed, mostly European conflicts. Secondly, scholars called for greater attention to conscious agency in the form of ideology and culture in shaping revolutionary mobilization and objectives. Third, analysts of both revolutions and social movements realized that those phenomena have much in common, and a new 'fourth generation' literature on contentious politics has developed that attempts to combine insights from the study of social movements and revolutions in hopes of understanding both phenomena.[19] Further, social science research on revolution, primarily work in political science, has begun to move beyond individual or comparative case studies towards large-N empirical studies assessing the causes and implications of revolution. Initial studies generally rely on the Polity Project’s data on democratization.[22] Such analyses, like those by Enterline,[23] Maoz,[24] and Mansfield and Snyder,[25] identify revolutions based on regime changes indicated by a change in the country’s score on Polity’s autocracy to democracy scale. More recently, scholars like Jeff Colgan have argued that Polity, which measures the degree of democratic or autocratic authority in a state's governing institutions based on the openness of executive recruitment, constraints on executive authority, and political competition, is inadequate because it measures democratization, not revolution, and fails to account for regimes which come to power by revolution but fail to change the structure of the state and society sufficiently to yield a notable difference in Polity score.[26] Instead, Colgan offers a new data set on revolutionary leaders which identifies governments that "transform the existing social, political, and economic relationships of the state by overthrowing or rejecting the principal existing institutions of society."[27] This most recent data set has been employed to make empirically-based contributions to the literature on revolution by identifying links between revolution and the likelihood of international disputes. Revolutions have also been approached from anthropological perspectives. Drawing on Victor Turner’s writings on ritual and performance, Bjorn Thomassen has argued that revolutions can be understood as "liminal" moments: modern political revolutions very much resemble rituals and can therefore be studied within a process approach.[28] This would imply not only a focus on political behavior "from below", but also to recognize moments where "high and low" are relativized, made irrelevant or subverted, and where the micro and macro levels fuse together in critical conjunctions. Economist Douglass North
Douglass North
argued that it is much easier for revolutionaries to alter formal political institutions such as laws and constitutions than to alter informal social conventions. According to North, inconsistencies between rapidly changing formal institutions and slow-changing informal ones can inhibit effective sociopolitical change. Because of this, the long-term effect of revolutionary political restructuring is often more moderate than the ostensible short-term effect.[29] While revolutions encompass events ranging from the relatively peaceful revolutions that overthrew communist regimes to the violent Islamic revolution in Afghanistan, they exclude coups d'état, civil wars, revolts, and rebellions that make no effort to transform institutions or the justification for authority (such as Józef Piłsudski's May Coup of 1926 or the American Civil War), as well as peaceful transitions to democracy through institutional arrangements such as plebiscites and free elections, as in Spain
after the death of Francisco Franco.[19] See also

Social Movements Age of Revolution Classless society Passive revolution Political warfare Psychological warfare Rebellion Reformism Revolutionary wave Right of revolution Subversion User revolt
User revolt
- A phenomenon related to the modern Internet

Lists of revolutions

List of revolutions and rebellions List of fictional revolutions and coups List of uprisings led by women


Popovic, Srdja. Blueprint for Revolution: How to use rice pudding, Lego men, and other nonviolent techniques to galvanize communities, overthrow dictators, or simply change the world. Spiegel and Grau, New York, 2015, ISBN 9780812995305 The International Encyclopedia of Revolution
and Protest: 1500 to the Present, ed. by Immanuel Ness, Malden, MA [etc.]: Wiley & Sons, 2009, ISBN 1-4051-8464-7 Perreau-Sausine, Emile. "Les libéraux face aux révolutions : 1688, 1789, 1917, 1933", Commentaire, Spring 2005, pp. 181–193


^ The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought Third Edition (1999), Allan Bullock and Stephen Trombley, Eds. pp. 754–46 ^ Aristotle, The Politics V. Accessed 2013/4/24 ^ OED vol Q-R p. 617 1979 Sense III states a usage "Alteration, change, mutation" from 1400 but lists it as "rare". "c. 1450, Lydg 1196 Secrees of Elementys the Revoluciuons, Chaung of tymes and Complexiouns." It's clear that the usage had been established by the early 15th century but only came into common use in the late 17th century in England. ^ onlineetymology.com ^ Richard Pipes, A Concise History
of the Russian Revolution ^ Roger Boesche, Tocqueville's Road Map: Methodology, Liberalism, Revolution, and Despotism, Lexington Books, 2006, ISBN 0-7391-1665-7, p.86 ^ (in Polish) J. Topolski, "Rewolucje w dziejach nowożytnych i najnowszych (xvii-xx wiek)", Kwartalnik Historyczny, LXXXIII, 1976, 251-67 ^ Charles Tilly, ''European Revolutions, 1492-1992, Blackwell Publishing, 1995, ISBN 0-631-19903-9, Google Print, p.16 ^ Bernard Lewis Archived 2007-04-29 at the Wayback Machine., " Iran
in History", Moshe Dayan Center, Tel Aviv University ^ Mark N Katz, Revolutions and Revolutionary Waves, St Martin's Press, 1997, p4 ^ Mark N Katz, Revolutions and Revolutionary Waves, St Martin's Press, 1997, p13 ^ Mark N Katz, Revolutions and Revolutionary Waves, St Martin's Press, 1997, p12 ^ Irving E. Fang, A History
of Mass Communication: Six Information Revolutions, Focal Press, 1997, ISBN 0-240-80254-3, p. xv ^ Murray, Warwick E. Geographies of Globalization. Routledge, 2006, ISBN 0-415-31800-9. p.226 ^ a b c d e f Jack Goldstone, "Theories of Revolutions: The Third Generation, World Politics 32, 1980:425-53 ^ John Foran, "Theories of Revolution
Revisited: Toward a Fourth Generation", Sociological Theory 11, 1993:1-20 ^ Clifton B. Kroeber, "Theory and History
of Revolution, Journal of World History
7.1, 1996: 21-40 ^ Goodwin, p.9. ^ a b c d e f g h Jack Goldstone, "Towards a Fourth Generation of Revolutionary Theory", Annual Review of Political Science 4, 2001:139-87 ^ Jeff Goodwin, No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements, 1945-1991. Cambridge University Press, 2001, p.5 ^ Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution, revised ed. (New York, Vintage Books, 1965). First edition, 1938. ^ "PolityProject". www.systemicpeace.org. Retrieved 2016-02-17.  ^ Enterline, A. J. (1998-12-01). "Regime Changes, Neighborhoods, and Interstate Conflict, 1816-1992". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 42 (6): 804–829. doi:10.1177/0022002798042006006. ISSN 0022-0027.  ^ Maoz, Zeev (1996). Domestic sources of global change. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.  ^ Mansfield, Edward D.; Snyder, Jack (2007). Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies go to War. MIT Press.  ^ Colgan, Jeff (2012-09-01). "Measuring Revolution". Conflict Management and Peace
Science. 29 (4): 444–467. doi:10.1177/0738894212449093. ISSN 0738-8942.  ^ "Data - Jeff D Colgan". sites.google.com. Retrieved 2016-02-17.  ^ Thomassen, Bjorn (2012). "Toward an anthropology of political revolutions". Comparative Studies in Society
and History. 54 (3): 679–706. doi:10.1017/s0010417512000278.  ^ North, Douglass C (1992). Transaction costs, institutions, and economic performance. San Francisco: ICS Press. p. 13. 

External links

Look up Revolution
in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Revolution

Revolutions Podcast Interface journal special issue on "Crises, social movements and revolutionary transformations" Daemon.be, Revolution
in Political Risk Management John Kekes, City-Journal.org "Why Robespierre Chose Terror. The lessons of the first totalitarian revolution", City Journal, Spring 2006. Plinio Correa de Oliveira " Revolution
and Counter-Revolution". Foundation for a Christian, Third edition, 1993. TFP.org. ISBN 1-877905-27-5 Michael Barken, "Regulating revolutions in Eastern Europe: Polyarchy and the National Endowment for Democracy", ZMAG.org, 1 November 2006. Polyarchy.org, Polyarchy Documents: Revolution DailyEvergreen.com, Vive la Révolution!: Revolution
is an Indelible Phenomenon Throughout History
by Qasim Hussaini Hannah Arendt, IEP.UTM.edu, On Revolution, 1963, Penguin Classics, New Ed edition: February 8, 1991. ISBN 0-14-018421-X Ernest Mandel, "The Marxist Case for Revolution

v t e

Social and political philosophy

Pre-modern philosophers

Aquinas Aristotle Averroes Augustine Chanakya Cicero Confucius Al-Ghazali Han Fei Laozi Marsilius Mencius Mozi Muhammad Plato Shang Socrates Sun Tzu Thucydides

Modern philosophers

Bakunin Bentham Bonald Bosanquet Burke Comte Emerson Engels Fourier Franklin Grotius Hegel Hobbes Hume Jefferson Kant Kierkegaard Le Bon Le Play Leibniz Locke Machiavelli Maistre Malebranche Marx Mill Montesquieu Möser Nietzsche Paine Renan Rousseau Royce Sade Smith Spencer Spinoza Stirner Taine Thoreau Tocqueville Vivekananda Voltaire

20th–21th-century Philosophers

Ambedkar Arendt Aurobindo Aron Azurmendi Badiou Baudrillard Bauman Benoist Berlin Judith Butler Camus Chomsky De Beauvoir Debord Du Bois Durkheim Foucault Gandhi Gehlen Gentile Gramsci Habermas Hayek Heidegger Irigaray Kirk Kropotkin Lenin Luxemburg Mao Marcuse Maritain Michels Mises Negri Niebuhr Nozick Oakeshott Ortega Pareto Pettit Plamenatz Polanyi Popper Radhakrishnan Rand Rawls Rothbard Russell Santayana Sarkar Sartre Schmitt Searle Simonović Skinner Sombart Spann Spirito Strauss Sun Taylor Walzer Weber Žižek

Social theories

Ambedkarism Anarchism Authoritarianism Collectivism Communism Communitarianism Conflict theories Confucianism Consensus theory Conservatism Contractualism Cosmopolitanism Culturalism Fascism Feminist political theory Gandhism Individualism Legalism Liberalism Libertarianism Mohism National liberalism Republicanism Social constructionism Social constructivism Social Darwinism Social determinism Socialism Utilitarianism Vaisheshika


Civil disobedience Democracy Four occupations Justice Law Mandate of Heaven Peace Property Revolution Rights Social contract Society War more...

Related articles

Jurisprudence Philosophy and economics Philosophy of education Philosophy of history Philosophy of love Philosophy of sex Philosophy of social science Political ethics Social epistemology

Category Portal Task Force

Authority control

GND: 4049680-6 BNF: cb119523277 (d