HOME
The Info List - Portuguese Colonial War


--- Advertisement ---



Independence of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea
Guinea
Bissau, Mozambique
Mozambique
and São Tomé e Principe:

Portuguese military victory in Angola
Angola
and Mozambique. Portugal
Portugal
regains full control of the territory of Angola
Angola
and almost all of Mozambique by the end of the conflict (1974); maintenance of the nationalist movement's headquarters and its political bodies in neighboring countries during the war. Military stalemate or Portuguese partial defeat in Portuguese Guinea.[1][2] Political, social and diplomatic erosion of the Estado Novo regime Fall of the Estado Novo regime (Carnation Revolution)[3] Subsequent withdrawal of all Portuguese troops from Africa under the Lusaka and Alvor agreements.[4]

Territorial changes Portuguese overseas territories in Africa become independent.[5]

Belligerents

Portugal

Supported by:

 South Africa  Rhodesia  Malawi

MPLA FNLA UNITA FLEC PAIGC FRELIMO

Supported by:

 Soviet Union  Cuba  China  United States  Zaire  Algeria  Tunisia  Tanzania  Zambia  Senegal  Guinea Congo-Brazzaville Egypt Bulgaria

Commanders and leaders

Generally:

António de Oliveira Salazar Marcelo Caetano Américo Tomás

Angola:

Francisco da Costa Gomes

Portuguese Guinea:

António de Spínola Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho

Mozambique:

António Augusto dos Santos (1964–69) Kaúlza de Arriaga (1969–74)

Angola:

Agostinho Neto José Eduardo dos Santos Lúcio Lara Holden Roberto Jonas Savimbi

Portuguese Guinea:

Amílcar Cabral Luís Cabral João Bernardo Vieira Domingos Ramos Pansau Na Isna Francisco Mende

Mozambique:

Eduardo Mondlane (1962–69) Joaquim Chissano
Joaquim Chissano
(1962–75) Filipe Samuel Magaia (1964–66) Samora Machel
Samora Machel
(1969–75)

Strength

148,000 European Portuguese regular troops

65,000 in Angola 32,000 in Portuguese Guinea 51,000 in Mozambique

40-60,000 guerrillas[6][better source needed] +30,000 in Angola[6][better source needed]

10,000 in Portuguese Guinea[6][better source needed] 10–15,000 in Mozambique[6][better source needed]

Casualties and losses

8,289 killed[6][better source needed] 15,507 wounded (physical and/or psychological)

c. 30,000 total killed in Angola[7][better source needed] c. 4,000 wounded in Portuguese Guinea over 10,000 killed in Mozambique

Civilian casualties:

50,000 killed in Mozambique[8]

v t e

Portuguese Colonial War

Angola Guinea-Bissau Mozambique

v t e

Portuguese colonial campaigns

Prolonged conflicts shown in bold

Date  Region 

1415–1578 Morocco

1478 Guinea

1501–02 India

1502 India

1504 India

1505 Ceylon

1505–17 Indian Ocean

1506 India

1507–1622 Persia

1508 India

1509 India

1510 India

1511 Malacca

1521 China

1522 China

1526 India

1527–1658 Ceylon

1529–59 Ethiopia

1531 India

1538–59 Indian Ocean

1546 India

1548 Arabia

1552–54 Arabia

1558 Brazil

1558–66 Indian Ocean

1567 Brazil

1568 Malacca

1569 Aceh

1570-74 India

1580–83 Atlantic Ocean

1580–89 Indian Ocean

1587 Johor

1601 Java

1606 Malacca

1606 (Aug) Malacca

1612 India

1622 China

1622 Angola

1624 Brazil

1625 Persia

1625 Brazil

1625 Gold
Gold
Coast

Date  Region 

1629 Malacca

1630 Brazil

1631 Brazil

1637 Gold
Gold
Coast

1638 India

1638 Brazil

1639 India

1640 Brazil

1640–41 Malacca

1641–48 Angola

1645 Brazil

1647 Angola

1648 Brazil

1649 Brazil

1652–54 Brazil

1654 (Mar) Ceylon

1654 (May) Ceylon

1665 Angola

1670 (Jun) Angola

1670 (Oct) Angola

1696–98 Mombasa

1710 Brazil

1711 Brazil

1735–37 Banda Oriental

1752 India

1756 South America

1761–63 South America

1762–63 Sacramento

1776–77 South America

1809 French Guiana

1816–20 Banda Oriental

1821–23 Brazil

1846 China

1849 China

1902–03 Angola

1907 Angola

1914–15 Angola

1954 India

1961 India

1961–74 Africa

 • 1961–74 Angola

 • 1963–74 Guinea-Bissau

 • 1964–74 Mozambique

The Portuguese Colonial War
Portuguese Colonial War
(Portuguese: Guerra Colonial Portuguesa), also known in Portugal
Portugal
as the Overseas War (Guerra do Ultramar) or in the former colonies as the War of Liberation (Guerra de Libertação), was fought between Portugal's military and the emerging nationalist movements in Portugal's African colonies between 1961 and 1974. The Portuguese regime was overthrown by a military coup in 1974, and the change in government brought the conflict to an end. The war was a decisive ideological struggle in Lusophone Africa, surrounding nations, and mainland Portugal. The prevalent Portuguese and international historical approach considers the Portuguese Colonial War
Portuguese Colonial War
as was perceived at the time: a single conflict fought in three separate theaters of operations: Angola, Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
and Mozambique
Mozambique
(sometimes including the 1961 Indian Annexation of Goa). Unlike other European nations during the 1950s and 1960s, the Portuguese Estado Novo regime did not withdraw from its African colonies, or the overseas provinces (províncias ultramarinas) as those territories had been officially called since 1951. During the 1960s, various armed independence movements became active: the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola, National Liberation Front of Angola, National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in Angola, African Party for the Independence of Guinea
Guinea
and Cape Verde in Portuguese Guinea, and the Mozambique
Mozambique
Liberation Front in Mozambique. During the ensuing conflict, atrocities were committed by all forces involved.[9] Throughout the period Portugal
Portugal
faced increasing dissent, arms embargoes and other punitive sanctions imposed by the international community. By 1973, the war had become increasingly unpopular due to its length and financial costs, the worsening of diplomatic relations with other United Nations
United Nations
members, and the role it had always played as a factor of perpetuation of the entrenched Estado Novo regime and the non-democratic status quo. The end of the war came with the Carnation Revolution
Carnation Revolution
military coup of April 1974. The withdrawal resulted in the exodus of hundreds of thousands of Portuguese citizens[10] plus military personnel of European, African and mixed ethnicity from the former Portuguese territories and newly independent African nations.[11][12][13] This migration is regarded as one of the largest peaceful migrations in the world's history.[14] The former colonies faced severe problems after independence. Devastating and violent civil wars followed in Angola
Angola
and Mozambique, which lasted several decades, claimed millions of lives, and resulted in large numbers of displaced refugees.[15] Economic and social recession, authoritarianism, lack of democracy and other elemental civil and political rights, corruption, poverty, inequality, and failed central planning eroded the initial revolutionary zeal.[16][17][18] A level of social order and economic development comparable to what had existed under Portuguese rule, including during the period of the Colonial War, became the goal of the independent territories.[19] The former Portuguese territories in Africa became sovereign states, with Agostinho Neto
Agostinho Neto
in Angola, Samora Machel
Samora Machel
in Mozambique, Luís Cabral in Guinea-Bissau, Manuel Pinto da Costa
Manuel Pinto da Costa
in São Tomé and Príncipe, and Aristides Pereira
Aristides Pereira
in Cape Verde
Cape Verde
as the heads of state.

Contents

1 Political context

1.1 15th century 1.2 Scramble for Africa
Scramble for Africa
and the World Wars 1.3 Post-World War II

2 Multiethnic societies, competing ideologies, and armed conflict in Portuguese Africa

2.1 Settlement subsidies

3 The combatants

3.1 Angola

3.1.1 Insurgent attacks 3.1.2 Portuguese response

3.2 Portuguese Guinea 3.3 Mozambique 3.4 Major counter-insurgency operations 3.5 Role of the Organisation of African Unity

4 Armament and tactics

4.1 Portugal 4.2 Guerrilla
Guerrilla
movements

5 Opposition in Portugal

5.1 Radicalization (early 1970s) 5.2 Carnation Revolution
Carnation Revolution
(1974)

6 Aftermath

6.1 Impact in Africa 6.2 New governments of Angola
Angola
and Mozambique

7 Economic consequences of the war 8 Films about the war 9 Documentaries 10 See also 11 References 12 Bibliography 13 External links

Political context[edit] 15th century[edit] When the Portuguese began trading on the west coast of Africa, in the 15th century, they concentrated their energies on Guinea
Guinea
and Angola. Hoping at first for gold, they soon found that slaves were the most valuable commodity available in the region for export. The Islamic Empire was already well-established in the African slave trade, for centuries linking it to the Arab slave trade. However, the Portuguese who had conquered the Islamic port of Ceuta
Ceuta
in 1415 and several other towns in current day Morocco
Morocco
in a Crusade
Crusade
against Islamic neighbors, managed to successfully establish themselves in the area. But the Portuguese never established much more than a foothold in either place. In Guinea, rival Europeans grabbed much of the trade (mainly slaves) while local African rulers confined the Portuguese to the coast. These rulers then sent enslaved Africans to the Portuguese ports, or to forts in Africa from where they were exported. Thousands of kilometers down the coast, in Angola, the Portuguese found it even harder to consolidate their early advantage against encroachments by Dutch, British and French rivals. Nevertheless, the fortified Portuguese towns of Luanda
Luanda
(established in 1587 with 400 Portuguese settlers) and Benguela
Benguela
(a fort from 1587, a town from 1617) remained almost continuously in Portuguese hands. As in Guinea, the slave trade became the basis of the local economy in Angola. Excursions traveled ever farther inland to procure captives that were sold by African rulers; the primary source of these slaves were those captured as a result of losing a war or inter-ethnic skirmish with other African tribes. More than a million men, women and children were shipped from Angola
Angola
across the Atlantic. In this region, unlike Guinea, the trade remained largely in Portuguese hands. Nearly all the slaves were destined for Brazil. In Mozambique, reached in the 15th century by Portuguese sailors searching for a maritime spice trade route, the Portuguese settled along the coast and made their way into the hinterland as sertanejos (backwoodsmen). These sertanejos lived alongside Swahili traders and even obtained employment among Shona kings as interpreters and political advisers. One such sertanejo managed to travel through almost all the Shona kingdoms, including the Mutapa Empire's (Mwenemutapa) metropolitan district, between 1512 and 1516.[20] By the 1530s, small bands of Portuguese traders and prospectors penetrated the interior regions seeking gold, where they set up garrisons and trading posts at Sena and Tete
Tete
on the Zambezi River
Zambezi River
and tried to establish a monopoly over the gold trade. The Portuguese finally entered into direct relations with the Mwenemutapa in the 1560s.[21] However, the Portuguese traders and explorers settled in the coastal strip with greater success, and established strongholds safe from their main rivals in East Africa - the Omani Arabs, including those of Zanzibar. Scramble for Africa
Scramble for Africa
and the World Wars[edit]

The Battle of Marracuene
Marracuene
in 1895

The Battle of Coolela in 1895

Portugal's colonial claim to the region was recognized by the other European powers during the 1880s, during the Scramble for Africa, and the final boundaries of Portuguese Africa were agreed by negotiation in Europe in 1891. At the time Portugal
Portugal
was in effective control of little more than the coastal strip of both Angola
Angola
and Mozambique, but important inroads into the interior had been made since the first half of the 19th century. In Angola, construction of a railway from Luanda to Malanje, in the fertile highlands, was started in 1885. Work began in 1902 on a commercially significant line from Benguela all the way inland to the Katanga region, aiming to provide access to the sea for the richest mining district of the Belgian Congo. The line reached the Congo border in 1928. In 1914, both Angola
Angola
and Mozambique had Portuguese army garrisons of around 2,000 men, African troops led by European officers. With the outbreak of World War I
World War I
in 1914, Portugal
Portugal
sent reinforcements to both colonies, because the fighting in the neighboring German African colonies was expected to spill over the borders into its territories. After Germany declared war on Portugal
Portugal
in March 1916 the Portuguese government sent more reinforcements to Mozambique
Mozambique
(the South Africans had captured German South West Africa in 1915). These troops supported British, South African and Belgian military operations against German colonial forces in German East Africa. In December 1917, German colonial forces led by Colonel Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck
Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck
invaded Mozambique
Mozambique
from German East Africa. Portuguese, British and Belgian forces spent all of 1918 chasing Lettow-Vorbeck and his men across Mozambique, German East Africa
German East Africa
and Northern Rhodesia. Portugal
Portugal
sent a total of 40,000 reinforcements to Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
during World War I. By this time the regime in Portugal
Portugal
had been through two major political upheavals: from monarchy to republic in 1910 and then to a military dictatorship after a coup in 1926. These changes resulted in a tightening of Portuguese control in Angola. In the early years of the expanded colony, there was near constant warfare between the Portuguese and the various African rulers of the region. A systematic campaign of conquest and pacification was undertaken by the Portuguese. One by one the local kingdoms were overwhelmed and abolished. By the middle of the 1920s the whole of Angola
Angola
was under control. Slavery had officially ended in Portuguese Africa, but the plantations were worked on a system of paid serfdom by African labour composed of the large majority of ethnic Africans who did not have resources to pay Portuguese taxes and were considered unemployed by the authorities. After World War II
World War II
and the first decolonization events, this system gradually declined. However, paid forced labor, including labor contracts with forced relocation of people, continued in many regions of Portuguese Africa until it was finally abolished in 1961. Post-World War II[edit] In the late 1950s, the Portuguese Armed Forces
Portuguese Armed Forces
saw themselves confronted with the paradox generated by the dictatorial regime of the Estado Novo that had been in power since 1926: on the one hand, the policy of Portuguese neutrality in World War II
World War II
placed the Portuguese Armed Forces out of the way of a possible East-West conflict; on the other hand, the regime felt the increased responsibility of keeping Portugal's vast overseas territories under control and protecting the citizenry there. Portugal
Portugal
joined NATO
NATO
as a founding member in 1949, and was integrated within the various fledgling military commands of NATO. NATO's focus on preventing a conventional Soviet attack against Western Europe was to the detriment of military preparations against guerrilla uprisings in Portugal's overseas provinces that were considered essential for the survival of the nation. The integration of Portugal
Portugal
in NATO
NATO
resulted in the formation of a military élite that were critical in the planning and implementation of operations during the Overseas War. This " NATO
NATO
generation" ascended quickly to the highest political positions and military command without having to provide evidence of loyalty to the regime. The Colonial War established a split between the military structure—heavily influenced by the western powers with democratic governments—and the political power of the regime. Some analysts see the "Botelho Moniz coup" (also known as A Abrilada) against the Portuguese government and backed by the U.S. administration,[22] as the beginning of this rupture, the origin of a lapse on the part of the regime to keep up a unique command center, an armed force prepared for threats of conflict in the colonies. This situation caused, as would be verified later, a lack of coordination between the three general staffs (Army, Air Force and Navy). The United States
United States
supported the Union of Peoples of Angola
Angola
(UPA - União dos Povos de Angola), headed by Holden Roberto. With this support, the Congo-Léopoldville-based UPA attacked Portuguese settlers and Africans living in Angola
Angola
from bases in the Congo.[23] Many of the African farm workers living in northern Angola
Angola
worked under labor contracts that required seasonal relocation of workers from the desertified Southwest and Bailundo
Bailundo
areas of Angola. Photos of Africans killed by the UPA, which included photos of decapitated civilians, men, women and children of both white and black ethnicity, would later be displayed in the UN by Portuguese diplomats.[24] The emergence of labor protests, attacks by newly organized guerrilla movements, and the Santa Maria hijacking by Henrique Galvão began a path to open warfare in Angola. According to historical researchers like José Freire Antunes, U.S. President John F. Kennedy[25] sent a message to President António de Oliveira Salazar advising Portugal
Portugal
to abandon its African colonies shortly after the outbreak of violence in 1961. Instead, after a coup led by pro-U.S. forces failed to depose him, Salazar consolidated power and immediately sent reinforcements to the overseas territories, setting the stage for continued conflict in Angola. Similar scenarios would play out in other overseas Portuguese territories. Multiethnic societies, competing ideologies, and armed conflict in Portuguese Africa[edit] By the 1950s, the European mainland Portuguese territory was inhabited by a society that was poorer and had a much higher illiteracy rate than the average Western European societies or those of North America. It was ruled by an authoritarian and conservative right-leaning dictatorship, known as the Estado Novo regime. By this time, the Estado Novo regime ruled both the Portuguese mainland and several centuries-old overseas territories as theoretically co-equal departments. The possessions were Angola, Cape Verde, Macau, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea, Portuguese India, Portuguese Timor, São João Baptista de Ajudá
São João Baptista de Ajudá
and São Tomé and Príncipe. In reality, the relation of mainland Portuguese to their overseas possessions was that of colonial administrator to a subservient colony. Political, legislative, administrative, commercial and other institutional relations between the colonies and Portugal-based individuals and organizations were numerous, though migration to, from, and between Portugal
Portugal
and its overseas departments was limited in size, due principally to the long distance and low annual income of the average Portuguese as well that of the indigenous overseas populations. An increasing number of African anti-colonial movements called for total independence of the overseas African territories from Portugal. Some, like the U.S.-backed UPA[26] wanted national self-determination, while others wanted a new form of government based on Marxist principles. Portuguese leaders, including Salazar, attempted to stave off calls for independence by defending a policy of assimilation, multiracialism, and civilising mission, or Lusotropicalism, as a way of integrating Portuguese colonies, and their peoples, more closely with Portugal
Portugal
itself.[27] For the Portuguese ruling regime, the overseas empire was a matter of national interest, to be preserved at all costs. As far back as 1919, a Portuguese delegate to the International Labour Conference in Geneva declared: "The assimilation of the so-called inferior races, by cross-breeding, by means of the Christian religion, by the mixing of the most widely divergent elements; freedom of access to the highest offices of state, even in Europe - these are the principles which have always guided Portuguese colonisation in Asia, in Africa, in the Pacific, and previously in America."[28] As late as the 1950s the policy of 'colorblind' access and mixing of races did not extend to all of Portugal's African territories, particularly Mozambique, where in tune with other minority white regimes of the day in southern Africa, the territory was segregated along racial lines. Strict qualification criteria ensured that less than one per cent of black Mozambicans became full Portuguese citizens.[29] Settlement subsidies[edit] Numerous subsidies were offered by the Estado Novo regime to those Portuguese who agreed to settle in Angola
Angola
or Mozambique, including a special premium for each Portuguese man who agreed to marry an African woman.[30] Salazar himself was fond of restating the old Portuguese policy maxim that any indigenous resident of Portugal's African territories was in theory eligible to become a member of Portuguese government, even its President. In practice, this never took place, though trained black Africans living in Portugal's overseas African possessions were allowed to occupy positions in a variety of areas including the military, the civil service, the clergy, education, and private business - providing they had the requisite education and technical skills.

Cabo Verdean and Bissau-Guinean revolutionary Amílcar Cabral

While access to basic, secondary and technical education remained poor until the 1960s, a few Africans were able to attend schools locally or in some cases in Portugal
Portugal
itself. This resulted in the advancement of certain black Portuguese Africans who would become prominent individuals during the war and its aftermath, including Samora Machel, Mário Pinto de Andrade, Marcelino dos Santos, Eduardo Mondlane, Agostinho Neto, Amílcar Cabral, Jonas Savimbi, Joaquim Chissano, and Graça Machel. Two state-run universities were founded in Portuguese Africa in the 1962 by the Minister of the Overseas Adriano Moreira (the Universidade de Luanda
Luanda
in Angola
Angola
and the Universidade de Lourenço Marques in Mozambique, awarding a range of degrees from engineering to medicine[31]); however, most of their students came from Portuguese families living in the two territories). Several personalities in Portuguese society, including one of the most idolized sports stars in Portuguese football history, a black football player from Portuguese East Africa
Portuguese East Africa
named Eusébio, were other examples of efforts towards assimilation and multiracialism in the Post-World War II period. According to Mozambican historian João Paulo Borges Coelho,[32] the Portuguese colonial army was largely segregated along terms of race and ethnicity until 1960. There were originally three classes of soldier in Portuguese overseas service: commissioned soldiers (whites), overseas soldiers (African assimilados), and native or indigenous Africans (indigenato). These categories were renamed to 1st, 2nd and 3rd class in 1960 - which effectively corresponded to the same categories. Later, after official discrimination based on skin colour was outlawed, some Portuguese commanders such as General António de Spínola
António de Spínola
began a process of Africanization of Portuguese forces fighting in Africa. In Portuguese Guinea, this included a large increase in African recruitment along with the establishment of all-black military formations such as the Black Militias (Milícias negras) commanded by Major Carlos Fabião and the African Commando Battalion (Batalhão de Comandos
Comandos
Africanos) commanded by General Almeida Bruno.[33] While black African soldiers constituted a mere 18% of the total number of troops fighting in Portugal's African territories in 1961, this percentage would rise dramatically over the next thirteen years, with black soldiers constituting over 50% of all government forces fighting in Africa by April 1974. Coelho noted that perceptions of African soldiers varied a good deal among senior Portuguese commanders during the conflict in Angola, Guinea
Guinea
and Mozambique. General Francisco da Costa Gomes, perhaps the most successful counterinsurgency commander, sought good relations with local civilians and employed African units within the framework of an organized counter-insurgency plan.[34] General António de Spínola, by contrast, appealed for a more political and psycho-social use of African soldiers.[34] On the other hand, General Kaúlza de Arriaga, the most conservative of the three, appears to have doubted the reliability of African forces outside his strict control, while continuing to view African soldiers as inferior to Portuguese troops.[34][35] Native African troops, although widely deployed were initially employed in subordinate roles as enlisted troops or noncommissioned officers. As the war went on, an increasing number of native Angolans rose to positions of command, though of junior rank. In the late 1950s, after 500 years of colonial rule, not only had Portugal
Portugal
failed to produce any native black governor, headmaster, police inspector, or professor, it had also failed to produce a single commander of senior commissioned rank in the overseas Army. Here Portuguese colonial administrators fell victim to the legacy of their own discriminatory and limited policies in education, which largely barred indigenous black Africans from an equal and adequate education until well after the outbreak of the insurgency.[36] With illiteracy rates approaching 99 per cent and almost no African enrollment in secondary schools,[36] few African candidates could qualify for Portugal's officer candidate programs; most African officers obtained their commission as the result of individual competence and valour on the battlefield. Despite these handicaps, while the overwhelming majority of black or native African soldiers served in the enlisted ranks, an increasing percentage were serving as noncommissioned or commissioned officers by the 1970s, including such officers as Captain (later Lt. Colonel) Marcelino da Mata, a black Portuguese citizen born of Guinean parents who rose to command from a first sergeant in a road engineering unit to a commander in the elite all-African Comandos
Comandos
Africanos, where he eventually became one of the most-decorated soldiers in the Portuguese Army. By the early 1970s, the Portuguese authorities had fully perceived racial discriminatory policies and lack of investment in education as wrong and contrary to their overseas ambitions in Portuguese Africa, and willingly accepted a true color blindness policy with more spending in education and training opportunities, which started to produce a larger number of black high ranked professionals, including military personnel. After the World War II, as communist and anti-colonial ideologies spread across Africa, many clandestine political movements were established in support of independence using various interpretations of Marxist
Marxist
revolutionary ideology. These new movements seized on anti-Portuguese and anti-colonial sentiment[37] to advocate the complete overthrow of existing governmental structures in Portuguese Africa. These Marxist
Marxist
movements alleged that Portuguese policies and development plans were primarily designed by the ruling authorities for the benefit of the territories' ethnic Portuguese population at the expense of local tribal control, the development of native communities, and the majority of the indigenous population, who suffered both state-sponsored discrimination and enormous social pressure to comply with government policies largely imposed from Lisbon. Many felt they had received too little opportunity or resources to upgrade their skills and improve their economic and social situation to a degree comparable to that of the Europeans. Statistically, Portuguese Africa's white Portuguese population were indeed wealthier and more educated than the indigenous majority. After conflict erupted between the UPA and MPLA
MPLA
and Portuguese military forces, U.S. President John F. Kennedy[25] advised António de Oliveira Salazar (via the US consulate in Portugal) that Portugal should abandon Portugal's African colonies. A failed Portuguese military coup known as the Abrilada, attempted in an effort to overthrow the authoritarian Estado Novo regime of António de Oliveira Salazar, received covert U.S. support.[22] In response, Salazar moved to consolidate his power, ordering an immediate military response to the violence occurring in Angola.[38] As the war progressed, Portugal
Portugal
rapidly increased its mobilized forces. Under the Salazar regime, a military draft required all males to serve three years of obligatory military service; many of those called up to active military duty were deployed to combat zones in Portugal's African overseas provinces. The national service period was increased to four years in 1967, and virtually all conscripts faced a mandatory two-year tour of service in Africa.[38] The existence of the draft and likelihood of combat in African counterinsurgency operations would over time result in a sharp increase in emigration by Portuguese men seeking to avoid such service. By the end of the Portuguese colonial war in 1974, black African participation had become crucial due to declining numbers of recruits available from Portugal itself.[39]

Portuguese-held (green), disputed (yellow) and rebel-held areas (red) in Portuguese- Guinea
Guinea
and other colonies in 1970, before the Portuguese military operations known as Gordian Knot Operation
Gordian Knot Operation
(Mozambique), Operation Green Sea
Operation Green Sea
(Guinea) and Frente Leste[40] (Angola).

While Portuguese forces had all but won the guerrilla war in Angola, and had stalemated FRELIMO
FRELIMO
in Mozambique, colonial forces were forced on the defensive in Guinea, where PAIGC
PAIGC
forces had carved out a large area of the rural countryside under effective insurgent control, using Soviet-supplied AA cannon and ground-to-air missiles to protect their encampments from attack by Portuguese air assets.[41][42] Overall, the increasing success of Portuguese counterinsurgency operations and the inability or unwillingness of guerrilla forces to destroy the economy of Portugal's African territories was seen as a victory for the Portuguese government policies. The Soviet Union,[43] realising that military success by insurgents in Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
was becoming increasingly remote, shifted much of its military support to the PAIGC
PAIGC
in Guinea, while increasing diplomatic efforts to isolate Portugal
Portugal
from the world community.[44] The success of the socialist bloc in isolating Portugal
Portugal
diplomatically extended inside Portugal
Portugal
itself into the armed forces, where younger officers disenchanted with the Estado Novo regime and promotional opportunities began to identify ideologically with those calling for overthrow of the government and the establishment of a state based on Marxist
Marxist
principles.[45] By early 1974, guerrilla operations in Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
had been reduced to sporadic ambush operations against the Portuguese in the rural countryside areas, far from the main centers of population.[39] The only exception was Portuguese Guinea, where PAIGC
PAIGC
guerrilla operations, strongly supported by neighbouring allies like Guinea
Guinea
and Senegal, were largely successful in liberating and securing large areas of Portuguese Guinea. According some historians, Portugal recognized its inability to win the conflict in Guinea
Guinea
at the outset, but was forced to fight on to prevent an independent Guinea
Guinea
from serving as an inspirational model for insurgents in Angola
Angola
and Mozambique.[46] Despite continuing attacks by insurgent forces against targets throughout the Portuguese African territories, the economies of both Portuguese Angola
Portuguese Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
had actually improved each year of the conflict, as had the economy of Portugal
Portugal
proper.[47] Angola enjoyed an unprecedented economic boom during the 1960s, and the Portuguese government built new transportation networks to link the well-developed and highly urbanized coastal strip with the remote inland regions of the territory.[38] The number of ethnic European Portuguese migrants from mainland Portugal
Portugal
(the metrópole) continued to increase as well, though always constituting a small minority of each territory's total population.[48] Nevertheless, the costs of continuing the wars in Africa imposed a heavy burden on Portugal's resources; by the 1970s, the country was spending 40 per cent of its annual budget on the war effort.[38] General Spínola was dismissed by Dr. Marcelo Caetano, the last prime minister of Portugal
Portugal
under the Estado Novo regime, over the general's publicly announced desire to open negotiations with the PAIGC
PAIGC
in Portuguese Guinea. The dismissal caused considerable public indignation in Portugal, and created favorable conditions for a military overthrow of the existing regime, which had lost all public support. On 25 April 1974 a military coup organized by left-wing Portuguese military officers, the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), overthrew the Estado Novo regime in what came to be known as the Carnation Revolution
Carnation Revolution
in Lisbon, Portugal.[45] The coup resulted in a period of economic collapse and political instability, but received general support from the public in its aim of ending the Portuguese war effort in Africa. In the ex-colonies, officers suspected of sympathizing with the prior regime, even black officers, such as Captain Marcelino da Mata, were imprisoned and tortured, while African soldiers who had served in native Portuguese Army units were forced to petition for Portuguese citizenship or else face reprisals from their former enemies in Angola, Guinea, or Mozambique. The Carnation Revolution
Carnation Revolution
of 25 April 1974 came as a shock to the United States
United States
and other Western powers, as most analysts and the Nixon administration had concluded that Portuguese military success on the battlefield would resolve any political divisions within Portugal concerning the conduct of the war in Portuguese Africa, providing the conditions for US investment there.[49] Most concerned was the apartheid government of South Africa, which launched a deep border incursion operation into Angola
Angola
to attack guerrilla-controlled areas of the country following the coup. The combatants[edit] Angola[edit] Main article: Angolan War of Independence

Map showing the location of Angola
Angola
in modern-day Africa

On 3 January 1961 Angolan peasants in the region of Baixa de Cassanje, Malanje, boycotted the Cotonang Company's cotton fields where they worked, demanding better working conditions and higher wages. Cotonang, a company owned by Portuguese, British and German investors used native Africans to produce an annual cotton crop for export abroad. The uprising, later to become known as the Baixa de Cassanje revolt, was led by two previously unknown Angolans, António Mariano and Kulu-Xingu.[50] During the protests, African workers burned their identification cards and attacked Portuguese traders. The Portuguese Air Force responded to the rebellion by bombing twenty villages in the area, allegedly using napalm in an attack that resulted in some 400 indigenous Angolan deaths.[51][52] In the Portuguese Overseas Province of Angola, the call for revolution was taken up by two insurgent groups, the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola
Angola
(MPLA), and the União das Populações de Angola (UPA), which became the National Liberation Front of Angola
Angola
(FNLA) in 1962. The MPLA
MPLA
commenced activities in an area of Angola
Angola
known as the Zona Sublevada do Norte (ZSN or the Rebel Zone of the North), consisting of the provinces of Zaire, Uíge and Cuanza Norte. Insurgent attacks[edit]

Portuguese Army
Portuguese Army
soldiers in the beginning of the War in Angola. The camouflage uniforms and the FN FAL
FN FAL
assault rifles identify them as Caçadores Especiais. At this time, the remaining Army forces still wore yellow khaki field uniforms and were mostly armed with bolt action rifles.

On February 4, 1961, using arms largely captured from Portuguese soldiers and police[53] 250 MPLA
MPLA
guerrillas attacked the São Paulo fortress prison and police headquarters in Luanda
Luanda
in an attempt to free what it termed 'political prisoners'. The attack was unsuccessful, and no prisoners were released, but seven Portuguese policemen and forty Angolans were killed, mostly MPLA
MPLA
insurgents.[53] Portuguese authorities responded with a sweeping counterinsurgency response in which over 5,000 Angolans were arrested, and a Portuguese mob raided the musseques (shanty towns) of Luanda, killing several dozen Angolans in the process.[54] On March 15, 1961, the UPA led by Holden Roberto
Holden Roberto
launched an incursion into the Bakongo
Bakongo
region of northern Angola
Angola
with 4,000-5,000 insurgents. The insurgents called for local Bantu farmworkers and villagers to join them, unleashing an orgy of violence and destruction. The insurgents attacked farms, government outposts, and trading centers, killing everyone they encountered, including women, children and newborns.[55] In surprise attacks, drunken and buoyed by belief in tribal spells that they believed made them immune to bullets, the attackers spread terror and destruction in the whole area.[55] At least 1,000 Portuguese settlers and an unknown but larger number of indigenous Angolans were killed by the insurgents during the attacks.[56] The violence of the uprising received worldwide press attention and engendered sympathy for the Portuguese, while adversely affecting the international reputation of Roberto and the UPA.[57] Portuguese response[edit]

Portuguese military parade in Luanda, Angola.

In response, Portuguese Armed Forces
Portuguese Armed Forces
instituted a harsh policy of reciprocity by torturing and massacring rebels and protesters. Some Portuguese soldiers decapitated rebels and impaled their heads on stakes, pursuing a policy of "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth". Much of the initial offensive operations against Angolan UPA and MPLA insurgents was undertaken by four companies of Caçadores Especiais ( Special
Special
Hunter) troops skilled in light infantry and antiguerrilla tactics, and who were already stationed in Angola
Angola
at the outbreak of fighting.[58] Individual Portuguese counterinsurgency commanders such as Second Lieutenant Fernando Robles of the 6ª Companhia de Caçadores Especiais became well known throughout the country for their ruthlessness in hunting down insurgents.[59] The Portuguese Army
Portuguese Army
steadily pushed the UPA back across the border into Congo-Kinshasa in a brutal counteroffensive that also displaced some 150,000 Bakongo
Bakongo
refugees, taking control of Pedra Verde, the UPA's last base in northern Angola, on 20 September 1961.[57] Within the next few weeks Portuguese military forces pushed the MPLA
MPLA
out of Luanda
Luanda
northeast into the Dembos region, where the MPLA
MPLA
established the "1st Military Region". For the moment, the Angolan insurgency had been defeated, but new guerrilla attacks would later break out in other regions of Angola
Angola
such as Cabinda province, the central plateaus, and eastern and southeastern Angola.

Training of FNLA soldiers in Zaire

By most accounts, Portugal's counterinsurgency campaign in Angola
Angola
was the most successful of all its campaigns in the Colonial War.[39] Angola
Angola
is a large territory, and the long distances from safe havens in neighboring countries supporting the rebel forces made it difficult for the latter to escape detection. The distance from the major Angolan urban centers to the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia
Zambia
were so large that the eastern part of Angola's territory was known by the Portuguese as Terras do Fim do Mundo (the lands of the far side of the world). Another factor was internecine struggles between three competing revolutionary movements - FNLA, MPLA, and UNITA
UNITA
- and their guerrilla armies. For most of the conflict, the three rebel groups spent as much time fighting each other as they did fighting the Portuguese. For example, during the 1961 Ferreira Incident, a UPA patrol captured 21 MPLA
MPLA
insurgents as prisoners, then summarily executed them on 9 October, sparking open confrontation between the two insurgent groups. Strategy also played a role, as a successful hearts and minds campaign led by General Francisco da Costa Gomes
Francisco da Costa Gomes
helped blunt the influence of the various revolutionary movements. Finally, as in Mozambique, Portuguese Angola
Portuguese Angola
was able to receive support of South Africa. South African military operations proved to be of significant assistance to Portuguese military forces in Angola, who sometimes referred to their South African counterparts as primos (cousins). Several unique counter-insurgency forces were developed and deployed in the campaign in Angola:

Batalhões de Caçadores Pára-quedistas ( Paratrooper
Paratrooper
Hunter Battalions): employed throughout the conflicts in Africa, were the first forces to arrive in Angola
Angola
when the war began. Comandos
Comandos
(Commandos): born out of the war in Angola, they were created as an elite counter-guerrilla special forces,[60] and later used in Guinea
Guinea
and Mozambique. Caçadores Especiais ( Special
Special
Hunters): were in Angola
Angola
from the start of the conflict in 1961. Fiéis (Faithfuls): a force composed by Katanga exiles, black soldiers that opposed the rule of Mobutu Sese Seko
Mobutu Sese Seko
in Congo-Kinshasa Leais (Loyals): a force composed by exiles from Zambia, black soldiers that were against Kenneth Kaunda Grupos Especiais ( Special
Special
Groups): units of volunteer black soldiers that had commando training; also used in Mozambique Tropas Especiais ( Special
Special
Troops): the name of Special
Special
Groups in Cabinda Flechas (Arrows): a successful indigenous formation of scouts, controlled by the Portuguese secret police PIDE/DGS, and composed by Bushmen
Bushmen
that specialized in tracking, reconnaissance and pseudo-terrorist operations. Also employed in Mozambique, the Flechas inspired the formation of the Rhodesian Selous Scouts. Grupo de Cavalaria Nº1 (1st Cavalry Group): a mounted cavalry unit, armed with the 7.62 mm Espingarda m/961 rifle and the m/961 Walther P38 pistol, tasked with reconnaissance and patrolling. The 1st was also known as the "Angolan Dragoons" (Dragões de Angola). The Rhodesians would also later develop a similar concept of horse-mounted counter-insurgency forces, forming the Grey's Scouts. Batalhão de Cavalaria 1927 (1927 Cavalry Battalion): a tank unit equipped with the M5A1 tank. The battalion was used for supporting infantry forces and as a rapid reaction force. Again the Rhodesians developed a similar unit, forming the Rhodesian Armoured Car Regiment.

Portuguese Guinea[edit] Main article: Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
War of Independence

Guinea-Bissau, formerly Portuguese Guinea, on a map of Africa

In Portuguese Guinea
Portuguese Guinea
(also referred to as Guinea
Guinea
at that time), the Marxist
Marxist
African Party for the Independence of Guinea
Guinea
and Cape Verde (PAIGC) started fighting in January 1963. Its guerrilla fighters attacked the Portuguese headquarters in Tite, located to the south of Bissau, the capital, near the Corubal river. Similar actions quickly spread across the entire colony, requiring a strong response from the Portuguese forces. The war in Guinea
Guinea
has been termed "Portugal's Vietnam". The PAIGC
PAIGC
was well-trained, well-led, and equipped and received substantial support from safe havens in neighboring countries like Senegal
Senegal
and the Republic of Guinea
Guinea
(Guinea-Conakry). The jungles of Guinea
Guinea
and the proximity of the PAIGC's allies near the border proved to be of significant advantage in providing tactical superiority during cross-border attacks and resupply missions for the guerrillas. The conflict in Portuguese Guinea
Portuguese Guinea
involving the PAIGC
PAIGC
guerrillas and the Portuguese Army
Portuguese Army
would prove the most intense and damaging of all conflicts in the Portuguese Colonial War, blocking Portuguese attempts to pacify the disputed territory via new economic and socioeconomic policies that had been applied with some success in Portuguese Angola and Portuguese Mozambique. In 1965 the war spread to the eastern part of Guinea; that year, the PAIGC
PAIGC
carried out attacks in the north of the territory where at the time only the Front for the Liberation and Independence of Guinea
Guinea
(FLING), a minor insurgent group, was active. By this time, the PAIGC
PAIGC
had begun to openly receive military support from Cuba, China
China
and the Soviet Union.

Portuguese troops board NRP Nuno Tristão frigate in Portuguese Guinea, during amphibious Operation Trident (Operação Tridente), 1964

In Guinea, the success of PAIGC
PAIGC
guerrilla operations put Portuguese armed forces on the defensive, forcing them to limit their response to defending territories and cities already held. Unlike Portugal's other African territories, successful small-unit Portuguese counterinsurgency tactics were slow to evolve in Guinea. Defensive operations, where soldiers were dispersed in small numbers to guard critical buildings, farms, or infrastructure were particularly devastating to the regular Portuguese infantry, who became vulnerable to guerrilla attacks outside of populated areas by the forces of the PAIGC. They were also demoralized by the steady growth of PAIGC liberation sympathizers and recruits among the rural population. In a relatively short time, the PAIGC
PAIGC
had succeeded in reducing Portuguese military and administrative control of the territory to a relatively small area of Guinea. The scale of this success can be seen in the fact that native Guineans in the 'liberated territories' ceased payment of debts to Portuguese landowners and the payment of taxes to the colonial administration.[61] The branch stores of the Companhia União Fabril (CUF), Mario Lima Whanon, and Manuel Pinto Brandão companies were seized and inventoried by the PAIGC
PAIGC
in the areas they controlled, while the use of Portuguese currency in the areas under guerrilla control was banned.[61] In order to maintain the economy in the liberated territories, the PAIGC
PAIGC
established its own administrative and governmental bureaucracy at an early stage, which organized agricultural production, educated PAIGC
PAIGC
farmworkers on how to protect crops from destruction from aerial attack by the Portuguese Air Force, and opened armazens do povo (people's stores) to supply urgently needed tools and supplies in exchange for agricultural produce.[61] In 1968, General António de Spínola, the Portuguese general responsible for the Portuguese military operations in Guinea, was appointed as governor. General Spínola began a series of civil and military reforms designed to weaken PAIGC
PAIGC
control of the Guinea
Guinea
and rollback insurgent gains. This included a 'hearts and minds' propaganda campaign designed to win the trust of the indigenous population, an effort to eliminate some of the discriminatory practices against native Guineans, a massive construction campaign for public works including new schools, hospital, an improved telecommuncations and road network, and a large increase in recruitment of native Guineans into the Portuguese armed forces serving in Guinea
Guinea
as part of an Africanization strategy. Until 1960, Portuguese military forces serving in Guinea
Guinea
were composed of units led by white officers, with commissioned soldiers (whites), overseas soldiers (African assimilados), and native or indigenous Africans (indigenato) serving in the enlisted ranks. General Spínola's Africanization policy eliminated these discriminatory colour bars, and called for the integration of indigenous Guinea Africans into Portuguese military forces in Africa. Two special indigenous African counterinsurgency detachments were formed by the Portuguese Armed Forces. The first of these was the African Commandos ( Comandos
Comandos
Africanos), consisting of a battalion of commandos composed entirely of black soldiers (including the officers). The second was the African Special
Special
Marines (Fuzileiros Especiais Africanos), Marine units entirely composed of black soldiers. The African Special
Special
Marines supplemented other Portuguese elite units conducting amphibious operations in the riverine areas of Guinea
Guinea
in an attempt to interdict and destroy guerrilla forces and supplies. General Spínola's Africanization policy also fostered a large increase in indigenous recruitment into the armed forces, culminating the establishment of all-black military formations such as the Black Militias (Milícias negras) commanded by Major Carlos Fabião.[33] By the early 1970s, an increasing percentage of Guineans were serving as noncommissioned or commissioned officers in Portuguese military forces in Africa, including such higher-ranking officers as Captain (later Lt. Colonel) Marcelino da Mata, a black Portuguese citizen born of Guinean parents who rose from a first sergeant in a road engineering unit to a commander in the Comandos
Comandos
Africanos. During the latter part of the 1960s, military tactical reforms instituted by Gen. Spínola began to improve Portuguese counterinsurgency operations in Guinea. Naval amphibious operations were instituted to overcome some of the mobility problems inherent in the underdeveloped and marshy areas of the territory, utilizing Destacamentos de Fuzileiros Especiais (DFE) (special marine assault detachments) as strike forces. The Fuzileiros Especiais were lightly equipped with folding-stock m/961 (G3) rifles, 37mm rocket launchers, and light machine guns such as the Heckler & Koch HK21 to enhance their mobility in the difficult, swampy terrain.

A PAIGC
PAIGC
checkpoint in 1974

Portugal
Portugal
commenced Operação Mar Verde or Operation Green Sea
Operation Green Sea
on 22 November 1970 in an attempt to overthrow Ahmed Sékou Touré, the leader of the Guinea- Conakry
Conakry
and staunch PAIGC
PAIGC
ally, to capture the leader of the PAIGC, Amílcar Cabral, and to cut off supply lines to PAIGC
PAIGC
insurgents. The operation involved a daring raid on Conakry, a PAIGC
PAIGC
safe haven, in which 400 Portuguese Fuzileiros (amphibious assault troops) attacked the city. The attempted coup d'état failed, though the Portuguese managed to destroy several PAIGC
PAIGC
ships and free hundreds of Portuguese prisoners of war (POWs) at several large POW camps. One immediate result of Operation Green Sea
Operation Green Sea
was an escalation in the conflict, with countries such as Algeria
Algeria
and Nigeria
Nigeria
now offering support to the PAIGC
PAIGC
as well as the Soviet Union, which sent warships to the region (known by NATO
NATO
as the West Africa Patrol) in a show of force calculated to deter future Portuguese amphibious attacks on the territory of the Guinea-Conakry. The United Nations
United Nations
passed several resolutions condemning cross-border attacks of the Portuguese military against the PAIGC
PAIGC
guerrilla bases in both neighboring Guinea- Conakry
Conakry
and Senegal, like the United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 290, United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 294 and the United Nations
United Nations
Security Council Resolution 295. Between 1968 and 1972, the Portuguese forces increased their offensive posture, in the form of raids into PAIGC-controlled territory. At this time Portuguese forces also adopted unorthodox means of countering the insurgents, including attacks on the political structure of the nationalist movement. This strategy culminated in the assassination of Amílcar Cabral
Amílcar Cabral
in January 1973. Nonetheless, the PAIGC
PAIGC
continued to increase its strength, and began to heavily press Portuguese defense forces. This became even more apparent after the PAIGC
PAIGC
received heavy radar-guided anti-aircraft cannon and other AA munitions provided by the Soviets, including SA-7
SA-7
shoulder-launched anti-aircraft missiles, all of which seriously impeded Portuguese air operations.[42][62] After the Carnation Revolution
Carnation Revolution
military coup in Lisbon
Lisbon
on 25 April 1974, the new revolutionary leaders of Portugal
Portugal
and the PAIGC
PAIGC
signed an accord in Algiers, Algeria
Algeria
in which Portugal
Portugal
agreed to remove all troops by the end of October and to officially recognize the Republic of Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
government controlled by the PAIGC, on 26 August 1974 and after a series of diplomatic meetings.[63] Demobilized by the departing Portuguese military authorities after the independence of Portuguese Guinea
Portuguese Guinea
had been agreed, a total of 7,447 black Guinea-Bissauan African soldiers who had served in Portuguese native commando forces and militia were summarily executed by the PAIGC
PAIGC
after the independence of the new African country.[63][64][65] Mozambique[edit]

Mozambique
Mozambique
within modern-day Africa.

Main article: Mozambican War of Independence The Portuguese Overseas Province of Mozambique
Mozambique
was the last territory to start the war of liberation. Its nationalist movement was led by the Marxist-Leninist
Marxist-Leninist
Liberation Front of Mozambique
Mozambique
(FRELIMO), which carried out the first attack against Portuguese targets on September 25, 1964, in Chai, Cabo Delgado Province. The fighting later spread to Niassa, Tete
Tete
in central Mozambique. A report from Battalion No. 558 of the Portuguese army makes references to violent actions, also in Cabo Delgado, on August 21, 1964. On November 16 of the same year, the Portuguese troops suffered their first losses fighting in the north of the territory, in the region of Xilama. By this time, the size of the guerrilla movement had substantially increased; this, along with the low numbers of Portuguese troops and colonists, allowed a steady increase in FRELIMO's strength. It quickly started moving south in the direction of Meponda and Mandimba, linking to Tete
Tete
with the aid of Malawi. Until 1967 the FRELIMO
FRELIMO
showed less interest in Tete
Tete
region, putting its efforts on the two northernmost districts of Mozambique
Mozambique
where the use of landmines became very common. In the region of Niassa, FRELIMO's intention was to create a free corridor to Zambezia Province. Until April 1970, the military activity of FRELIMO
FRELIMO
increased steadily, mainly due to the strategic work of Samora Machel
Samora Machel
in the region of Cabo Delgado. Rhodesia
Rhodesia
was involved in the war in Mozambique, supporting the Portuguese troops in operations and conducting operations independently. By 1973, the territory was mostly under Portuguese control.[66] The Operation "Nó Górdio" (Gordian Knot Operation) - conducted in 1970 and commanded by Portuguese Brigadier General Kaúlza de Arriaga - a conventional-style operation to destroy the guerrilla bases in the north of Mozambique, was the major military operation of the Portuguese Colonial War. A hotly disputed issue, the Gordian Knot Operation
Gordian Knot Operation
was considered by several historians and military strategists as a failure that worsened the situation for the Portuguese. Others did not share this view, including its main architect,[67] troops, and officials who had participated on both sides of the operation, including high ranked elements from the FRELIMO
FRELIMO
guerrillas. It was also described as a tremendous success of the Portuguese Armed Forces.[68] Arriaga, however, was removed from his powerful military post in Mozambique
Mozambique
by Marcelo Caetano
Marcelo Caetano
shortly before the events in Lisbon
Lisbon
that would trigger the end of the war and the independence of the Portuguese territories in Africa. The reason for Arriaga's abrupt fate was an alleged incident with indigenous civilian populations, and the Portuguese government's suspicion that Arriaga was planning a military coup against Marcelo's administration in order to avoid the rise of leftist influences in Portugal
Portugal
and the loss of the African overseas provinces. The construction of the Cahora Bassa
Cahora Bassa
Dam tied up nearly 50 percent of the Portuguese troops in Mozambique, and brought the FRELIMO
FRELIMO
to the Tete
Tete
Province, closer to some cities and more populated areas in the south. The FRELIMO
FRELIMO
failed, however, to halt the construction of the dam. In 1974, the FRELIMO
FRELIMO
launched mortar attacks against Vila Pery (now Chimoio), an important city and the first (and only) heavy populated area to be hit by the FRELIMO. In Mozambique
Mozambique
special units were also used by the Portuguese Armed Forces:

Grupos Especiais ( Special
Special
Groups): locally raised counter-insurgency troops similar to those used in Angola Grupos Especiais Pára-Quedistas ( Paratrooper
Paratrooper
Special
Special
Groups): units of volunteer black soldiers that were given airborne training Grupos Especiais de Pisteiros de Combate (Combat Tracking Special Groups): special units trained in tracking and locating guerrillas forces Flechas (Arrows), a formation of indigenous scouts and trackers, similar to the one employed in Angola

Major counter-insurgency operations[edit]

1970 Mozambique
Mozambique
- Gordian Knot Operation
Gordian Knot Operation
(Operação Nó Górdio) 1970 Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
- Operation Green Sea
Operation Green Sea
(Operação Mar Verde) 1971 Angola
Angola
- Frente Leste (Portuguese for "Eastern Front")

Role of the Organisation of African Unity[edit] The Organization of African Unity
Organization of African Unity
(OAU) was founded May 1963. Its basic principles were co-operation between African nations and solidarity between African peoples. Another important objective of the OAU was an end to all forms of colonialism in Africa. This became the major objective of the organization in its first years and soon OAU pressure led to the situation in the Portuguese colonies being brought up at the UN Security Council. The OAU established a committee based in Dar es Salaam, with representatives from Ethiopia, Algeria, Uganda, Egypt, Tanzania, Zaire, Guinea, Senegal, Nigeria, to support African liberation movements. The support provided by the committee included military training and weapon supplies. The OAU also took action in order to promote the international acknowledgment of the legitimacy of the Revolutionary Government of Angola
Angola
in Exile (GRAE), composed by the FNLA. This support was transferred to the MPLA
MPLA
and to its leader, Agostinho Neto
Agostinho Neto
in 1967. In November 1972, both movements were recognized by the OAU in order to promote their merger. After 1964, the OAU recognized PAIGC
PAIGC
as the legitimate representatives of Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
and Cape Verde
Cape Verde
and in 1965 recognised FRELIMO
FRELIMO
for Mozambique. Armament and tactics[edit] Portugal[edit] In 1961 the Portuguese had 79,000 in arms—58,000 in the Army, 8,500 in the Navy and 12,500 in the Air force (Cann, 1997). These numbers grew quickly. By the end of the conflict in 1974, due to the Carnation Revolution (a military coup in Lisbon), the total in the Portuguese Armed Forces had risen to 217,000. Prior to their own Colonial War the Portuguese military had studied French and British efforts in Indo-China, Algeria
Algeria
and Malaya (Cann, 1997). Based on their analysis of operations in those theatres and considering their own situation in Africa, the Portuguese military took the unusual decision to restructure their entire armed forces, from top to bottom, for counterinsurgency. This transformation did, however, take seven years to complete and only took its final form in 1968. By 1974, the counterinsurgency efforts were successful in the Portuguese territories of Angola
Angola
and Mozambique, but in Portuguese Guinea
Guinea
the local guerrillas were making progress. As the conflict escalated, the Portuguese authorities developed progressively tougher responses, these included the Gordian Knot Operation
Gordian Knot Operation
and the Operation Green Sea. When conflict erupted in 1961, Portuguese forces were badly equipped to cope with the demands of a counter-insurgency conflict. It was standard procedure, up to that point, to send the oldest and most obsolete material to the colonies. Thus, initial military operations were conducted using World War II
World War II
radios, the old m/937 7.92mm Mauser rifle, the Portuguese m/948 9mm FBP submachine gun, and the equally elderly German m/938 7.92mm (MG 13) Dreyse and Italian 8×59mm RB m/938 (Breda M37) machine guns.[69] Much of Portugal's older small arms came from Germany in various deliveries made mostly before World War II, including the Austrian Steyr/Erma MP 34
MP 34
submachine gun (m/942). Later, Portugal
Portugal
purchased arms and military equipment from France, West Germany, South Africa, and to a lesser extent, from Belgium, Israel
Israel
and the U.S.A.

A Portuguese version of Heckler & Koch G3A3 was used as the standard infantry weapon for most of Portugal's forces. It would be produced in large quantities in the Fábrica do Braço de Prata small arms plant.

Some 9×19mm submachine guns, including the m/942, the Portuguese m/948, and the West-German manufactured version of the Israeli Uzi (known in Portuguese service as the Pistola-Metralhadora m/61) were also used, mainly by officers, NCOs, horse-mounted cavalry, reserve and paramilitary units, and security forces.[69] Within a short time, the Portuguese Army
Portuguese Army
saw the need for a modern selective-fire combat rifle, and in 1961 adopted the 7.62×51mm NATO caliber Espingarda m/961 (Heckler & Koch G3) as the standard infantry weapon for most of its forces, that would be produced in large quantities in the Fábrica do Braço de Prata, a Portuguese small arms producer.[70] However, quantities of the 7.62×51mm FN and German G1 FAL battle rifle, known as the m/962, were also issued; the FAL was a favored weapon of members serving in elite commando units such as the Caçadores Especiais.[70] At the beginning of the war, the elite airborne units (Caçadores Pára-quedistas) rarely used the m/961, having adopted the modern 7.62 mm NATO
NATO
ArmaLite
ArmaLite
AR-10 (produced by the Netherlands-based arms manufacturer Artillerie Inrichtingen) in 1960.[71][72] In the days before attached grenade launchers became standard, Portuguese paratroopers frequently resorted to the use of ENERGA anti-tank rifle grenades fired from their AR-10 rifles. Some Portuguese-model AR-10s were fitted with A.I.-modified upper receivers in order to mount 3× or 3.6× telescopic sights.[73] These rifles were used by marksmen accompanying small patrols to eliminate individual enemy at extended ranges in open country.[74] After the Netherlands embargoed further sales of the AR-10, the paratroop battalions were issued a collapsible-stock version of the regular m/961 (G3) rifle, also in 7.62×51mm NATO
NATO
caliber.[75] The powerful recoil and heavy weight of the 7.62mm NATO
NATO
cartridge used in Portuguese rifle-caliber arms such as the m/961 limited the amount of ammunition that could be carried as well as accuracy in automatic fire, generally precluding the use of the latter except in emergencies. Instead, most infantryman used their rifles to fire individual shots. While the heavy m/961 and its relatively lengthy barrel were well-suited to patrol operations in open savannah, it tended to put Portuguese infantry at a disadvantage when clearing the low-ceilinged interiors of native buildings or huts, or when moving through thick bush, where ambush by a concealed insurgent with an automatic weapon was always a possibility. In these situations the submachine gun, hand grenade or rifle-launched grenade often became a more useful weapon than the rifle. Spanish rifle grenades were sourced from Instalaza, but in due course, the Dilagrama m/65 was more commonly used, utilising a derivative of the M26 grenade
M26 grenade
made under licence by INDEP, the M312.[76] For the general purpose machine gun role, the German MG42
MG42
in 8mm and later 7.62mm NATO
NATO
caliber was used until 1968, when the 7.62mm m/968 Metralhadora Ligeira became available.

A Portuguese Air Force
Portuguese Air Force
Alouette III helicopter deploying paratroopers armed with 7.62mm ArmaLite
ArmaLite
AR-10
AR-10
rifles during an assault operation in Angola.

To destroy enemy emplacements, other weapons were employed, including the 37 mm (1.46 in), 60 mm (2.5 in), and 89 mm (3.5 in.) Lança-granadas-foguete (Bazooka), along with several types of recoilless rifles.[75][77] Because of the mobile nature of counterinsurgency operations, heavy support weapons were less frequently used. However, the m/951 12.7mm (.50 caliber) U.S. M2 Browning heavy machine gun was used in ground and vehicle mounts, as were 60mm, 81mm, and later, 120mm mortars.[77] Artillery and mobile howitzers were used in a few operations. Mobile ground operations consisted of patrol sweeps by armored car and reconnaissance vehicles. Supply convoys used both armored and unarmored vehicles. Typically, armored vehicles would be placed at the front, center, and tail of a motorized convoy. Several armored cars were used, including the Panhard AML, Panhard EBR, Fox and (in the 1970s) the Chaimite.

A Portuguese F-84 Thunderjet being loaded with ordnance in the 1960s, at Luanda
Luanda
Air Base.

The Portuguese Airforce employed Fiat G.91
Fiat G.91
aircraft like this in the Portuguese Colonial War.

Unlike the Vietnam War, Portugal's limited national resources did not allow for widespread use of the helicopter. Only those troops involved in coups de main attacks (called golpe de mão in Portuguese)—mainly Commandos and Paratroopers—would deploy by helicopter. Most deployments were either on foot or in vehicles ( Berliet
Berliet
and Unimog trucks). The helicopters were reserved for support (in a gunship role) or medical evacuation (MEDEVAC). The Alouette III was the most widely used helicopter, although the Puma was also used with great success. Other aircraft were employed: for air support the T-6 Texan, the F-86 Sabre and the Fiat G.91
Fiat G.91
were used, along with a quantity of B-26 Invaders covertly acquired in 1965; for reconnaissance the Dornier Do 27 was employed. In the transport role, the Portuguese Air Force originally used the Junkers Ju 52, followed by the Nord Noratlas, the C-54 Skymaster, and the C-47 Skytrain (all of these aircraft were also used for Paratroop drop operations). From 1965, Portugal
Portugal
began to purchase the Fiat G.91
Fiat G.91
to deploy to its African overseas territories of Mozambique, Guinea
Guinea
and Angola
Angola
in the close-support role.[78] The first 40 G.91 were purchased second-hand from the Luftwaffe, aircraft that had been produced for Greece and which differed from the rest of the Luftwaffe G.91s enough to create maintenance problems. The aircraft replaced the Portuguese F-86 Sabre. The Portuguese Navy
Portuguese Navy
(particularly the Marines, known as Fuzileiros) made extensive use of patrol boats, landing craft, and Zodiac inflatable boats. They were employed especially in Guinea, but also in the Congo River
Congo River
(and other smaller rivers) in Angola
Angola
and in the Zambezi
Zambezi
(and other rivers) in Mozambique. Equipped with standard or collapsible-stock m/961 rifles, grenades, and other gear, they utilized small boats or patrol craft to infiltrate guerrilla positions. In an effort to intercept infiltrators, the Fuzileiros even manned small patrol craft on Lake Malawi. The Navy also used Portuguese civilian cruisers as troop transports, and drafted Portuguese Merchant Navy
Portuguese Merchant Navy
personnel to man ships carrying troops and material and into the Marines. There were also many Portuguese irregular forces in the Overseas War such as the Flechas and others, as mentioned above. Native black warriors were employed in Africa by the Portuguese colonial rulers since the 16th century. Portugal
Portugal
had employed regular native troops (companhias indigenas) in its colonial army since the early 19th century. After 1961, with the beginning of the colonial wars in its overseas territories, Portugal
Portugal
began to incorporate black Portuguese Africans into integrated units as part of the war effort in Angola, Portuguese Guinea, and Mozambique, based on concepts of multi-racialism and preservation of the empire. African participation on the Portuguese side of the conflict varied from marginal roles as laborers and informers to participation in highly trained operational combat units like the Flechas. As the war progressed, use of African counterinsurgency troops increased; on the eve of the military coup of 25 April 1974, black ethnic Africans accounted for more than 50 percent of Portuguese forces fighting the war. From 1961 to the end of the Colonial War, the paratrooper nurses nicknamed Marias, were women who served the Portuguese armed forces being deployed in Portuguese Africa's dangerous guerrilla-infiltrated combat zones to perform rescue operations.[79][80] Throughout the war period Portugal
Portugal
had to deal with increasing dissent, arms embargoes and other punitive sanctions imposed by most of the international community. The later included UN-sponsored sanctions, Non-Aligned Movement-led defamation, and myriad boycotts and protests performed by both foreign and domestic political organizations, like the clandestine Portuguese Communist
Communist
Party (PCP). Near the end of the conflict, a report by the controversial priest Adrian Hastings, alleging atrocities and war crimes of the Portuguese military, was printed a week before the Portuguese prime minister Marcelo Caetano
Marcelo Caetano
was due to visit Britain to celebrate the 600th anniversary of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance
Anglo-Portuguese alliance
in 1973. Portugal's growing isolation following Hastings's claims has often been cited as a factor that helped to bring about the "carnation revolution" coup in Lisbon
Lisbon
which deposed the Caetano regime in 1974, ending the Portuguese African counter-insurgency campaigns and triggering the rapid collapse of the Portuguese Empire.[81] Guerrilla
Guerrilla
movements[edit]

AK-47
AK-47
automatic rifles were widely used by the African guerrilla movements.

SKS
SKS
semi-automatic rifles were also utilised by guerrillas.

The armament of the nationalist groups came mainly from the Soviet Union, China, Cuba, Eastern Europe. However, they also used small arms of U.S. manufacture (such as the .45 M1 Thompson submachine gun), along with British, French, and German weapons came from neighboring countries sympathetic to the rebellion. Later in the war, most guerrillas would use roughly the same infantry rifles of Soviet origin: the Mosin–Nagant
Mosin–Nagant
bolt-action rifle, the SKS
SKS
carbine, and most importantly the AK-47
AK-47
series of 7.62×39mm
7.62×39mm
automatic rifle, or Kalashnikov. Rebel forces also made extensive use of machine guns for ambush and positional defense. Rapid-fire arms in use with the insurgents included the 7.62×54mmR DP-28, the 7.62×39mm
7.62×39mm
RPD machine gun
RPD machine gun
(the most widely used of all), the 8×57mm Mauser MG 34
MG 34
general-purpose machine gun, together with the 12.7×108mm
12.7×108mm
DShK
DShK
and the 7.62×54mm SG-43 Goryunov
SG-43 Goryunov
heavy machine guns, 7.62×25mm PPSh-41
PPSh-41
and PPS-43, 9×19mm Sa vz. 23, Sterling, MP 40, MAT-49
MAT-49
submachine gun operation. Support weapons included mortars, recoilless rifles, and in particular, Soviet-made rocket launchers, the RPG-2
RPG-2
and RPG-7. Anti-aircraft (AA) weapons were also employed, especially by the PAIGC
PAIGC
and the FRELIMO. The 14.5×114mm
14.5×114mm
ZPU
ZPU
AA cannon was the most widely used, but by far the most effective was the Strela 2 missile, first introduced to guerrilla forces in Guinea
Guinea
in 1973 and in Mozambique
Mozambique
the following year by Soviet technicians. The guerrillas' AK-47
AK-47
rifles and such variants were highly thought of by many Portuguese soldiers, as they were more mobile than the m/961 (G3), while permitting the user to deliver a heavy volume of automatic fire at the closer ranges typically encountered in bush warfare.[82] The AK-47's ammunition load was also lighter.[82] The average Angolan or Mozambican rebel could easily transport 150 7.62×39mm
7.62×39mm
cartridges (five 30-round magazines) on his person during bush operations, compared to 100 7.62×51mm rounds (five 20-round magazines) typically carried by a Portuguese infantryman on patrol.[82] Though a common misconception holds that Portuguese soldiers used captured AK-47
AK-47
type weapons, this was only true of a few elite units for special missions. Like U.S. forces in Vietnam, ammunition resupply difficulties and the obvious danger of being mistaken for a guerrilla when firing an enemy weapon generally precluded their use. Mines and other booby traps were one of the principal weapons used by the insurgents against Portuguese mechanized forces to great effect, who typically patrolled the mostly unpaved roads of their territories using motor vehicles and armored scout cars.[83] To counter the mine threat, Portuguese engineers commenced the herculean task of tarring the rural road network.[84] Mine detection was accomplished not only by electronic mine detectors, but also by employing trained soldiers (picadors) walking abreast with long probes to detect nonmetallic road mines. Guerrillas in all the various revolutionary movements used a variety of mines, often combining anti-tank with anti-personnel mines to ambush Portuguese formations with devastating results. A common tactic was to plant large anti-vehicle mines in a roadway bordered by obvious cover, such as an irrigation ditch, then seed the ditch with anti-personnel mines. Detonation of the vehicle mine would cause Portuguese troops to deploy and seek cover in the ditch, where the anti-personnel mines would cause further casualties. If the insurgents planned to confront the Portuguese openly, one or two heavy machine guns would be sited to sweep the ditch and other likely areas of cover. Other mines used included the PMN (Black Widow), TM-46, and POMZ. Even amphibious mines were used such as the PDM, along with numerous home-made antipersonnel wood box mines and other nonmetallic explosive devices. The impact of mining operations, in addition to causing casualties, undermined the mobility of Portuguese forces, while diverting troops and equipment from security and offensive operations to convoy protection and mine clearance missions. In general, the PAIGC
PAIGC
in Guinea
Guinea
was the best armed, trained and led of all the guerrilla movements. By 1970, it even had candidates training in the Soviet Union, learning to fly Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-15
Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-15
jets and to operate Soviet-supplied amphibious assault crafts and APCs. Opposition in Portugal[edit] The government presented as a general consensus that the colonies were a part of the national unity, closer to overseas provinces than to true colonies. The communists were the first party to oppose the official view, since they saw the Portuguese presence in the colonies as an act against the colonies' right to self determination. During its 5th Congress, in 1957, the illegal Portuguese Communist
Communist
Party (Partido Comunista Português - PCP) was the first political organization to demand the immediate and total independence of the colonies. However, being the only truly organized opposition movement, the PCP had to play two roles. One role was that of a communist party with an anti-colonialist position; the other role was to be a cohesive force drawing together a broad spectrum of opposing parties. Therefore, it had to accede to views that didn't reflect its true anticolonial position. Several opposition figures outside the PCP also had anticolonial opinions, such as the candidates to the fraudulent presidential elections, like Norton de Matos
Norton de Matos
(in 1949), Quintão Meireles (in 1951) and Humberto Delgado
Humberto Delgado
(in 1958). The communist candidates had, obviously, the same positions. Among them were Rui Luís Gomes and Arlindo Vicente, the first would not be allowed to participate in the election and the second would support Delgado in 1958. After the electoral fraud of 1958, Humberto Delgado
Humberto Delgado
formed the Independent National Movement (Movimento Nacional Independente - MNI) that, in October 1960, agreed that there was a need to prepare the people in the colonies, before giving them the right of self-determination. Despite this, no detailed policies for achieving this goal were set out.[citation needed] In 1961, the nº8 of the Military Tribune had as its title "Let's end the war of Angola". The authors were linked to the Patriotic Action Councils (Juntas de Acção Patriótica - JAP), supporters of Humberto Delgado, and responsible for the attack on the barracks of Beja. The Portuguese National Liberation Front (Frente Portuguesa de Libertação Nacional - FPLN), founded in December 1962, attacked the conciliatory positions. The official feeling of the Portuguese state, despite all this, was the same: Portugal
Portugal
had inalienable and legitimate rights over the colonies and this was what was transmitted through the media and through the state propaganda. In April 1964, the Directory of Democratic-Social Action (Acção Democrato-Social - ADS) presented a political solution rather than a military one. In agreement with this initiative in 1966, Mário Soares suggested there should be a referendum on the overseas policy Portugal should follow, and that the referendum should be preceded by a national discussion to take place in the six months prior to the referendum.[citation needed] The end of Salazar's rule in 1968, due to illness, did not prompt any change in the political panorama.[citation needed] The radicalization of the opposition movements started with the younger people who also felt victimized by the continuation of the war.[citation needed] Radicalization (early 1970s)[edit] The universities played a key role in the spread of this position. Several magazines and newspapers were created, such as Cadernos Circunstância, Cadernos Necessários, Tempo e Modo, and Polémica that supported this view. The students that participated in this underground opposition faced serious consequences if caught by the PIDE
PIDE
- from immediate arrest to automatic conscription into a combat branch (infantry, marines, etc.) situated in the "hot" warzone (Guinea, Tete
Tete
Province in Mozambique
Mozambique
or eastern Angola). It was in this environment that the Armed Revolutionary Action (pt) (Acção Revolucionária Armada - ARA), the armed branch of the Portuguese Communist
Communist
Party created in the late 1960s, and the Revolutionary Brigades (pt) (Brigadas Revolucionárias - BR), a left-wing organization, became an important[citation needed] force of resistance against the war, carrying out multiple acts of sabotage and bombing against military targets. The ARA began its military actions in October 1970, keeping them up until August 1972. The major actions were the attack on the Tancos air base that destroyed several helicopters on March 8, 1971, and the attack on the NATO
NATO
headquarters at Oeiras in October of the same year. The BR, on its side, began armed actions on 7 November 1971, with the sabotage of the NATO
NATO
base at Pinhal de Armeiro, the last action being carried out 9 April 1974, against the Niassa
Niassa
ship which was preparing to leave Lisboa with troops to be deployed in Portuguese Guinea. The BR acted even in the colonies, placing a bomb in the Military Command of Bissau
Bissau
on 22 February 1974. By the early 1970s, the Portuguese Colonial War
Portuguese Colonial War
raged on, consuming fully 40 percent of Portugal's annual budget.[38] The Portuguese military was overstretched and there was no political solution or end in sight. While the human losses were relatively small, the war as whole had already entered its second decade. The Portuguese ruling regime of Estado Novo faced criticism from the international community and was becoming increasingly isolated. It had a profound impact on Portugal
Portugal
- thousands of young men avoided conscription by emigrating illegally, mainly to France and the US. The war in the Portuguese overseas territories of Africa was increasingly unpopular in Portugal
Portugal
itself as the people got weary of war and balked at its ever-rising expense. Many ethnic Portuguese of the African overseas territories were also increasingly willing to accept independence if their economic status could be preserved. In addition, younger Portuguese military academy graduates resented a program introduced by Marcello Caetano
Marcello Caetano
whereby militia officers who completed a brief training program and had served in the overseas territories' defensive campaigns, could be commissioned at the same rank as military academy graduates. Caetano's government had begun the program (which included several other reforms) in order to increase the number of officials employed against the African insurgencies, and at the same time cut down military costs to alleviate an already overburdened government budget. Thus, the group of revolutionary military insurgents started as a military professional class[85] protest of Portuguese Armed Forces captains against a decree law: the Dec. Lei nº 353/73 of 1973, organizing themselves in a loosely allied group known as the Movement of the Armed Forces (MFA).[86][87] Carnation Revolution
Carnation Revolution
(1974)[edit] Further information: Carnation Revolution Faced with government inflexibility over proposed reforms, some Portuguese junior military officers, many from underprivileged backgrounds and increasingly attracted to the Marxist
Marxist
philosophy of their African insurgent opponents,[45] began to move the MFA to the political left.[88] On April 25, 1974, Portuguese military officers of the MFA staged a bloodless military coup that toppled António de Oliveira Salazar's successor Marcelo Caetano, and successfully overthrew the Estado Novo regime. The revolt later became known as the Carnation Revolution. General Spínola was invited to assume the office of President, but resigned a few weeks later after it became clear that his desire to set up a system of federalized home rule for the African territories was not shared by the rest of the MFA, who wanted an immediate end to the war (achievable only by granting independence to the provinces of Portuguese Africa).[88] The 25 April coup led to a series of temporary governments, marked by a nationalization of many important areas of the economy. Aftermath[edit]

Portuguese soldier with black Afro-Portuguese child, a monument to the Portuguese Overseas Territories' Heroes (Heróis do Ultramar), in Coimbra, Portugal.

After the coup on April 25, 1974, while the power struggle for control of Portugal's government was occurring in Lisbon, many Portuguese Army units serving in Africa simply ceased field operations, in some cases ignoring orders to continue fighting and withdrawing into barracks, in others negotiating local ceasefire agreements with insurgents.[88] On 26 August 1974, after a series of diplomatic meetings, Portugal
Portugal
and the PAIGC
PAIGC
signed an accord in Algiers, Algeria
Algeria
in which Portugal agreed to remove all troops by the end of October and to recognize the Republic of Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
government controlled by the PAIGC.[63] In June 1975, after a period of eight months under which Mozambique had been administered by a provisional government, representatives of the Portuguese government and FRELIMO
FRELIMO
signed an agreement to grant independence to Mozambique, with the president of FRELIMO
FRELIMO
to assume the presidency of the newly independent nation. This was followed the next month by the announcement of the independence of Cape Verde, and the establishment of a new nation, the Republic of Cape Verde.[88] In Angola, the Alvor Agreement
Alvor Agreement
was signed on January 15, 1975, granting Angola
Angola
independence from Portugal
Portugal
on 11 November 1975. The Alvor Agreement
Alvor Agreement
formally ended the war for independence. The agreement, while signed by the MPLA, the FNLA, UNITA, and the Portuguese government, was never signed by the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda or the Eastern Revolt as the other parties had excluded them from the peace negotiations. The coalition government established by the Alvor Agreement
Alvor Agreement
soon fell apart as the various nationalist parties each attempted to seize power. Unable to broker a new compromise, in November 1975 Portugal's last African High Commissioner Rosa Coutinho hauled down his nation's flag and departed Angola.[88] For a brief time after the 25 April Coup (May 1974 - November 1975), the country was on the brink of civil war[89] between left-wing hardliners (Vasco Gonçalves, Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho
Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho
and others) and the moderate forces (Francisco da Costa Gomes, António Ramalho Eanes and others). Moderate elements of the new military government eventually won, preventing Portugal
Portugal
from becoming a communist state.[90] By 1975, Portugal
Portugal
had converted to a democratic government.[39] The effects of having to integrate hundreds of thousands of returning Portuguese from the former African provinces (collectively known as retornados), and political and economic turmoil resulting from the military coup and successive governments would cripple the Portuguese economy for decades to come.[91]

Monument in Lisbon
Lisbon
to Portuguese soldiers who died in the Overseas War (1961–1975).

Impact in Africa[edit] Portugal
Portugal
had been the first European power to establish a colony in Africa when it captured Ceuta
Ceuta
in 1415 and now it was one of the last to leave. The departure of the Portuguese from Angola
Angola
and Mozambique increased the isolation of Rhodesia, where white minority rule ended in 1980 when the territory gained international recognition as the Republic of Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe
with Robert Mugabe
Robert Mugabe
as the head of government. The former Portuguese territories in Africa became sovereign states with Agostinho Neto
Agostinho Neto
(followed in 1979 by José Eduardo dos Santos) in Angola, Samora Machel
Samora Machel
(followed in 1986 by Joaquim Chissano) in Mozambique
Mozambique
and Luís Cabral
Luís Cabral
(followed in 1980 by Nino Vieira) in Guinea-Bissau, as heads of state. In contrast to some other European colonial possessions, many of the Portuguese living in Portuguese Africa had strong ties to their adopted land, as their ancestors had lived in Africa for generations.[92][93] For these individuals, the prospect of Portugal's imminent departure from its African territories was nearly impossible to comprehend. Nevertheless, most accepted the inevitable, and while an abortive right-wing settler revolt broke out in Mozambique, it quickly died out as Portuguese coup leaders made it clear that the decision to grant independence was irrevocable.[88] Fear of reprisals and impending changes in political and economic status by the Marxist
Marxist
governments of the new African states resulted in the peaceful exodus of over one million Portuguese citizens of European, African and mixed ethnicity from the newly independent African territories to Portugal, Brazil, South Africa, and other countries. New governments of Angola
Angola
and Mozambique[edit] The new governments of Angola
Angola
and Mozambique, faced a severe set of challenges as devastating civil wars broke out in both countries. Lasting several decades, these ongoing conflicts would eventually claim over two million lives and an even greater number of refugees, while destroying much of the infrastructure in both nations.[15][94][95] Resentments over economic difficulties caused by failed government policies, the general disenfranchisement of political opponents, and widespread corruption at the highest levels of government eroded the initial optimism present at independence. These problems were exacerbated by a tendency to consolidate power by directing public anger against ethnic Portuguese, mixed-race Africans,[19] and those who had supported the former colonial regime. Many of the local black soldiers that served in the Portuguese Army and who had fought against the insurgents were demobilized by Portuguese authorities and left behind in Africa. The most infamous reprisal occurred in Guinea-Bissau. Demobilized by the Portuguese authorities and abandoned to their fate, a total of 7,447 black African soldiers who had served in Portuguese native commando forces and militia were summarily executed by the PAIGC
PAIGC
after Portuguese forces ceased hostilities.[63] In a statement in the party newspaper Nô Pintcha (In the Vanguard), a spokesman for the PAIGC
PAIGC
revealed that many of the ex-Portuguese indigenous African soldiers that were executed after cessation of hostilities were buried in unmarked collective graves in the woods of Cumerá, Portogole, and Mansabá.[65][96] Because the political regimes involved in wars or counterinsurgency tend to minimize unfavorable news stories about their military actions, many Portuguese remained unaware of the atrocities committed by the colonial regimes and the army. In 2007, a Radiotelevisao Portuguesa (RTP) documentary by Joaquim Furtado, made public both these government-supported atrocities and the organized massacres and terror campaign policies of some pro-independence guerrilla movements or their supporters; it was watched by over a million people, a tenth of the population at the time.[97] With the fall of the Estado Novo regime, most Portuguese citizens, tired of the long war and their isolation from the world community under the Caetano regime, supported the decision to recognize the independence of Portuguese Africa immediately, while accepting the inevitable loss of their former overseas territories. However, controversies over the MFA coup of 25 April 1974 and the decisions made by coup leaders remain to this day. In 2011, one of the chief organizers of the 1974 Carnation Revolution, Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, stated that he would never have participated in the coup if he had known what the country would become after it.[98] Economic consequences of the war[edit]

Evolution of the expenditure of the Portuguese state with the military during the war.

See also: Economic history of Portugal In Portugal, government budgets increased significantly during the war years. The country's expenditure on the armed forces ballooned since the beginning of the war in 1961. The expenses were divided into ordinary and extraordinary ones; the latter were the main factor in the huge increase in the military budget. The succession of Marcelo Caetano, after Salazar's incapacitation, resulted in steady increases in military spending on the African wars through 1972.[99] On November 13, 1972, a sovereign wealth fund was enacted through the Decree Law Decreto-Lei n.º 448/ /72 and the Ministry of Defense ordinance Portaria 696/72, in order to finance the counterinsurgency effort in the Portuguese overseas territories.[100] While the counterinsurgency war was won in Angola, it was less than satisfactorily contained in Mozambique
Mozambique
and dangerously stalemated in Portuguese Guinea
Portuguese Guinea
from the Portuguese point of view, so the Portuguese Government decided to create sustainability policies in order to allow continuous sources of financing for the war effort in the long run. In addition, new Decree Laws (Decree Law: Decretos-Leis n.os 353, de 13 de Julho de 1973, e 409, de 20 de Agosto) were enforced in order to cut down military expenses and increase the number of officers by incorporating militia and military academy officers in the Army branches as equals.[101][86][101][102][103] In mainland Portugal, the growth rate of the economy during the war years ranged from 6%-11%, and in post war years 2-3%.[104] This is substantially higher than the vast majority of other European nations. Other indicators like GDP as percentage of Western Europe would indicate that Portugal
Portugal
was rapidly catching up to its European neighbors. In 1960, at the initiation of Salazar's more outward-looking economic policy influenced by a new generation of technocrats, Portugal's per capita GDP was only 38 percent of the EC-12 average; by the end of the Salazar period, in 1968, it had risen to 48 percent.[105] In 1973, on the eve of the revolution, Portugal's per capita GDP had reached 56.4 percent of the EC-12 average. In 1975, the year of maximum revolutionary turmoil, Portugal's per capita GDP declined to 52.3 percent of the EC-12 average. Convergence of real GDP growth toward the EC average occurred as a result of Portugal's economic resurgence since 1985. In 1991 Portugal's GDP per capita
GDP per capita
climbed to 54.9 percent of the EC average, exceeding by a fraction the level attained just during the worst revolutionary period.[105] For many decades to come after independence, the economies of the three former Portuguese African territories involved in the war continued to remain problematic due to continuing internecine political conflicts and power struggles as well as inadequate agricultural production caused by disruptive government policies resulting in high birth mortality rates, widespread malnutrition, and disease. By the 21st century, the Human Development Index
Human Development Index
of Angola, Mozambique
Mozambique
and Guinea-Bissau, were among the lowest in the World, while corruption and social inequality soared. After 1974, the deterioration in central planning effectiveness, economic development and growth, security, education and health system efficiency, was rampant. None of the newly independent ex-Portuguese African states made any significant economic progress in the following decades, and political progress in terms of democratic processes and protection of individual human rights was either minimal or nonexistent. With few exceptions, the new regimes ranked at the bottom of human development and GDP per capita
GDP per capita
world tables. By 2002, however, the end of the Angolan Civil War, combined with exploitation of the country's highly valuable natural resources, resulted in that country becoming economically successful for the first time in decades. Films about the war[edit]

Os Demonios de Alcacer-Quibir ( Portugal
Portugal
1975, director: Jose Fonseca da Costa). La Vita è Bella (Portugal/Italy/USSR 1979), director: Grigory Naumovich Chukhray). Sorte que tal Morte ( Portugal
Portugal
1981, director: Joao Matos Silva). Acto dos Feitos da Guine ( Portugal
Portugal
1980, director: Fernando Matos Silva). Gestos & Fragmentos - Ensaio sobre os Militares e o Poder ( Portugal
Portugal
1982, director: Alberto Seixas Santos). Um Adeus Português ( Portugal
Portugal
1985, director: Joao Botelho). Era Uma Vez Um Alferes ( Portugal
Portugal
1987, director: Luis Filipe Rocha). Matar Saudades ( Portugal
Portugal
1987, director: Fernando Lopes Vasconcelos) A Idade Maior ( Portugal
Portugal
1990, director: Teresa Villaverde Cabral). "Non", ou A Vã Glória de Mandar (Portugal/France/Spain 1990, director: Manoel de Oliveira). Ao Sul ( Portugal
Portugal
1993, director: Fernando Matos Silva). Capitães de Abril (Captains of April, Portugal
Portugal
2000, director: Maria de Medeiros). Assalto ao Santa Maria (Assault on the Santa Maria, Portugal
Portugal
2009, director: Francisco Manso).

Documentaries[edit]

A Guerra - Colonial - do Ultramar - da Libertação, 1st Season ( Portugal
Portugal
2007, director: Joaquim Furtado, RTP) A Guerra - Colonial - do Ultramar - da Libertação, 2nd Season ( Portugal
Portugal
2009, director: Joaquim Furtado, RTP)

See also[edit]

Angolan War of Independence Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
War of Independence Mozambican War of Independence Operation Gordian Knot Carnation Revolution Portuguese invasion of Guinea
Guinea
(1970) Operation Vijay (1961)
Operation Vijay (1961)
(Portuguese India) Lusophobia

Portuguese military:

Portuguese Army
Portuguese Army
Commandos Special
Special
Operations Troops Centre Parachute Troops School Portuguese Marine Corps Portuguese irregular forces in the Overseas War Portuguese Armed Forces

Contemporaneous wars:

Rhodesian Bush War South African Border War

Post-independence wars:

Angolan Civil War Mozambican Civil War

References[edit]

^ Cann, John P. (February 28, 1997). Counterinsurgency
Counterinsurgency
in Africa: The Portuguese Way of War, 1961-1974. Praeger; First Edition. pp. 11 to 14 [1].  ^ A Guerra - Colonial - do Ultramar - da Libertação, 2nd Season ( Portugal
Portugal
2007, director Joaquim Furtado, RTP) ^ Portugal
Portugal
since 1974, Britannica ^ A Guerra - Colonial - do Ultramar - da Libertação, 1st Season ( Portugal
Portugal
2007, director Joaquim Furtado, RTP ^ Mia Couto, Carnation revolution, Monde Diplomatique ^ a b c d e pt:Guerra Colonial Portuguesa ^ Angolan War of Independence#cite note-16 ^ Mid-Range Wars and Atrocities of the Twentieth Century retrieved December 4, 2007 ^ (in German) Der Spiegel,1973 ^ Portugal
Portugal
Migration, The Encyclopedia of the Nations ^ Flight from Angola, The Economist
The Economist
(August 16, 1975). ^ Dismantling the Portuguese Empire, Time magazine (Monday, July 7, 1975). ^ Portugal
Portugal
- Emigration, Eric Solsten, ed. Portugal: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1993. ^ António Barreto, Portugal: Um Retrato Social, 2006 ^ a b The Decolonization of Portuguese Africa: Metropolitan Revolution and the Dissolution of Empire by Norrie MacQueen - Mozambique
Mozambique
since Independence: Confronting Leviathan by Margaret Hall, Tom Young - Author of Review: Stuart A. Notholt African Affairs, Vol. 97, No. 387 (Apr., 1998), pp. 276-278, JSTOR 723274 ^ Mark D. Tooley, Praying for Marxism
Marxism
in Africa, FrontPageMagazine.com (Friday, March 13, 2009) ^ Mario de Queiroz, AFRICA-PORTUGAL: Three Decades After Last Colonial Empire Came to an End Archived 2009-06-10 at the Wayback Machine. ^ Tim Butcher, As guerrilla war ends, corruption now bleeds Angola
Angola
to death, The Daily Telegraph
The Daily Telegraph
(30 July 2002) ^ a b "Things are going well in Angola. They achieved good progress in their first year of independence. There's been a lot of building and they are developing health facilities. In 1976 they produced 80,000 tons of coffee. Transportation means are also being developed. Currently between 200,000 and 400,000 tons of coffee are still in warehouses. In our talks with [Angolan President Agostinho] Neto we stressed the absolute necessity of achieving a level of economic development comparable to what had existed under [Portuguese] colonialism."; "There is also evidence of black racism in Angola. Some are using the hatred against the colonial masters for negative purposes. There are many mulattos and whites in Angola. Unfortunately, racist feelings are spreading very quickly." [2] Castro's 1977 southern Africa tour: A report to Honecker, CNN ^ Oliver, page 207 ^ Oliver, page 203 ^ a b (in Portuguese) Luís Nuno Rodrigues "Orgulhosamente Sós"? Portugal
Portugal
e os Estados Unidos no início da década de 1960 - At the 22nd Meeting of History teachers of the Centro (region), Caldas da Rainha, April 2004 Archived 2007-12-20 at the Wayback Machine., Instituto de Relações Internacionais (International Relations Institute) ^ (in Portuguese) A«GUERRA» 1º Episódio - "Massacres da UPA" - (Parte 1) on YouTube, A Guerra by Joaquim Furtado ^ Angola
Angola
discutida na Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas, a film of a Portuguese formal protest in the United Nations
United Nations
(March 1961), and an anti-American riot at Lisbon, guerracolonial.org ^ a b A Guerra De Africa (1961–1974) by José Freire Antunes, Temas e Debates, ISBN 972-759-039-X (972-759-039-X) ^ The Destruction of a Nation: United States' Policy Towards Angola Since 1945, George Wright, Pluto Press, 1997 - ISBN 0-7453-1029-X, 9780745310299 ^ Colorblind Colonialism? Lusotropicalismo and Portugal’s 20th. Century Empire. in Africa. Leah Fine. Barnard College Department of History, Spring 2007 ^ Humbaraci, Arslan and Muchnik, Nicole, Portugal's African Wars, New York: Joseph Okpaku Publishing Co., ISBN 0-89388-072-8 (1974), pp. 99-100 ^ Rupiya, Martin, Historical context: war and peace in Mozambique, Conciliation Resources (1998), retrieved 29 May 2011 ^ Humbaraci, Arslan and Muchnik, Nicole, Portugal's African Wars, New York: Joseph Okpaku Publishing Co., ISBN 0-89388-072-8 (1974), p. 161 ^ (in Portuguese) 52. UNIVERSIDADE DE LUANDA ^ "African Troops in the Portuguese Colonial Army, 1961-1974: Angola, Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
and Mozambique ^ a b Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), ISBN 972-46-1192-2, p. 340 ^ a b c Coelho, João Paulo Borges, African Troops in the Portuguese Colonial Army, 1961-1974: Angola, Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
and Mozambique, Portuguese Studies Review 10 (1) (2002), pp. 129-50 ^ Kaúlza de Arriaga (General), Lições de estratégia de curso de altos comandos - 1966/67 (Lessons Of Strategy in the Course of High Command - 1966/67), Vol. 12 (1971): As late as 1971, Kaúlza argued that the Portuguese government should tailor the social and political status progress of black Africans in Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
to the growth of the white settler population, while concluding that "blacks are not highly intelligent, on the contrary, of all peoples of the world they are the least intelligent." ^ a b Humbaraci, Arslan and Muchnik, Nicole, Portugal's African Wars, New York: Joseph Okpaku Publishing Co., ISBN 0-89388-072-8 (1974), pp. 100-102 ^ Independence redux in postsocialist Mozambique
Mozambique
Archived 2009-06-24 at the Wayback Machine., Alice Dinerman ^ a b c d e Abbott, Peter and Rodrigues, Manuel, Modern African Wars 2: Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
1961-74, Osprey Publishing (1998), p. 34 ^ a b c d Reviewed Work(s): Counterinsurgency
Counterinsurgency
in Africa. The Portuguese Way of War 1961–1974 by John P. Cann - A Guerra de África 1961–1974 by José Freire Antunes - Author of Review: Douglas L. Wheeler, Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1, Special
Special
Issue on Mozambique
Mozambique
(Mar., 1998), pp. 240-243, JSTOR 2637458 ^ (in Portuguese) António Pires Nunes, Angola
Angola
Vitória Militar no Leste On the map, the extension of the "liberated zone" is totally exaggerated; in fact, it consisted only of a few MPLA, UNITA, and FNLA hiding places for small guerrilla groups. ^ Chilcote, Ronald H., The Struggle for Guinea-Bissau, Indiana University Press: Africa Today (July 1974), pp. 57-61 ^ a b Dos Santos, Manuel, Disparar os Strela, Depoimentos, Quinta-feira, 28 de Maio de 2009, retrieved 26 May 2011 ^ Cambridge Journals N. McQueen, "...strategic boost to the Soviet Union, which could seek naval facilities there after independence", Contemporary European History (1999), 8: 209-230 Cambridge University Press ^ Cold War
Cold War
CNN
CNN
Episode 17: Good guys, bad guys, Cuba- Angola
Angola
letters, 1975 Letter from Raúl Diaz Arguelles to Raúl Castro, August 11, 1975 - "In the course of this conversation, the Angolans complained about the paucity of aid from the socialist camp, and they pointed out that if the socialist camp does not help them, no one will, since they are the most progressive forces [in the country], whereas the imperialists, Mobutu and ... [one word sanitized] are helping the FNLA in every way possible. They also complained that the Soviet Union stopped aiding them in 1972 and that although it is now sending them weapons, the amount of assistance is paltry, given the enormity of the need. In general, he [Neto] wants to portray the situation in Angola as a crucial struggle between the two systems -- Imperialism and Socialism -- in order to receive the assistance of the entire socialist camp. We believe that he is right in this, because at this time the two camps in Angola
Angola
are well defined, the FNLA and UNITA represent reaction and world imperialism and the Portuguese reactionaries, and the MPLA
MPLA
represents the progressive and nationalist forces...", CNN ^ a b c Stewart Lloyd-Jones, ISCTE
ISCTE
(Lisbon), Portugal's history since 1974, "The Portuguese Communist
Communist
Party (PCP–Partido Comunista Português), which had courted and infiltrated the MFA from the very first days of the revolution, decided that the time was now right for it to seize the initiative. Much of the radical fervour that was unleashed following Spínola's coup attempt was encouraged by the PCP as part of their own agenda to infiltrate the MFA and steer the revolution in their direction.", Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra ^ NORRIE MACQUEEN, Portugal's First Domino: ‘Pluricontinentalism’ and Colonial War in Guiné-Bissau, 1963–1974, "Portugal's presence in Guiné- Bissau
Bissau
through eleven years of intense guerrilla war was justified by the doctrine of ‘pluricontinentalim’. In this view concession to nationalist pressure in one part of the ‘indivisible state’ would lead inevitably to the collapse of the whole. The defence of Portuguese Guiné, therefore, was the price to be paid for the maintenance of the infinitely more valuable territories of Angola and Mozambique. While the Salazar regime was rigid in its adherence to this doctrine, some movement was detectable under his successor from 1968, Marcelo Caetano. The governor-general in Guiné, General Spínola, was permitted to explore possibilities of negotiation. Politically insecure in the face of residual Salazarist power in the regime, however, Caetano abandoned this approach in 1972. This apparent loss of nerve would contribute to the overthrow of the Caetano government by its own military in 1974.", Contemporary European History (1999), 8: 209-230 Cambridge University Press ^ Pedro Lains, Instituto de Ciências Sociais ( Lisbon
Lisbon
University) Catching up to the European core: Portuguese economic growth, 1910-1990 ^ (in Portuguese) Testemunhos Archived 2011-01-24 at the Wayback Machine., Observatório da Emigração ^ Tetteh Hormeku - Programme Officer with Third World Network's Africa Secretariat in Accra, Third World Resurgence No.89, January 1998, US intervention in Africa: Through Angolan eyes, "Nixon's assumption that Portugal
Portugal
would be able to militarily contain Angolan nationalism and provide the conditions for US investment was unravelled with the 1974 coup in Portugal." Third World Network ^ George, Edward, The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965-1991, New York: Frank Cass Publishing Co., ISBN 0-415-35015-8 (2005), p. 9 ^ Wright, George, The Destruction of a Nation: United States' Policy Towards Angola
Angola
Since 1945, Pluto Press, ISBN 0-7453-1029-X, 9780745310299 (1997), pp. 5–6 ^ George, Edward, The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965-1991, New York: Frank Cass Publishing Co., ISBN 0-415-35015-8 (2005) p. 9: Some sources state as many as 7,000 Angolans were killed in the air raids. ^ a b Humbaraci, Arslan and Muchnik, Nicole, Portugal's African Wars, New York: Joseph Okpaku Publishing Co., ISBN 0-89388-072-8 (1974), p. 114 ^ George, Edward, The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965-1991, New York: Frank Cass Publishing Co., ISBN 0-415-35015-8 (2005) p. 9 ^ a b (in Portuguese) Massacres em Africa, Felícia Cabrita (978-989-626-089-7) ^ Walker, Frederick, A Certain Curve of Horn: The Hundred-Year Quest for the Giant Sable Antelope of Angola, New York: Grove Press, ISBN 0-8021-4068-8 (2004), p. 143: Commenting on the incursion, Roberto said, "This time the slaves did not cower. They massacred everything." ^ a b George, Edward, The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965-1991, New York: Frank Cass Publishing Co., ISBN 0-415-35015-8 (2005) pp. 9-10 ^ Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), ISBN 972-46-1192-2, pp. 94-97 ^ (in Portuguese) A «GUERRA» 3º Episódio - «Violência do lado Português» on YouTube, A Guerra by Joaquim Furtado ^ " Portuguese Army
Portuguese Army
Commandos".. 2018-01-19.  ^ a b c Humbaraci, Arslan and Muchnik, Nicole, Portugal's African Wars, New York: Joseph Okpaku Publishing Co., ISBN 0-89388-072-8 (1974), pp. 140-144 ^ Chilcote, Ronald H., The Struggle for Guinea-Bissau, Africa Today, July 197), pp. 57-61 ^ a b c d Lloyd-Jones, Stewart, and Costa Pinto, António, The last empire: thirty years of Portuguese decolonization, Portland, Oregon: Intellect Books, ISBN 1-84150-109-3, p. 22 ^ PAIGC, Jornal Nô Pintcha, 29 November 1980: In a statement in the party newspaper Nô Pintcha (In the Vanguard), a spokesman for the PAIGC
PAIGC
revealed that many of the ex-Portuguese indigenous African soldiers that were executed after cessation of hostilities were buried in unmarked collective graves in the woods of Cumerá, Portogole, and Mansabá. ^ a b Munslow, Barry, The 1980 Coup in Guinea-Bissau, Review of African Political Economy, No. 21 (May - Sep., 1981), pp. 109-113 ^ Kaúlza de Arriaga (General), O DESENVOLVIMENTO DE MOÇAMBIQUE E A PROMOÇÃO DAS SUAS POPULAÇÕES - SITUAÇÃO EM 1974 ^ Sucesso, selected texts of Brigadier General Kaúlza de Arriaga on the military success of the Portuguese military ^ (in Portuguese) "De acordo com as afirmações posteriormente produzidas por representantes qualificados da FRELIMO, este juízo da situação militar de Moçambique carecia de fundamento. Segundo esses representantes, a FRELIMO
FRELIMO
atravessara duas fases críticas: em 1970, estivera à beira do colapso no final da operação "Nó Górdio", devido ao volumoso número de baixas sofridas, e, em 1974, quando do desencadeamento da "Revolução de Abril", atravessava uma fase grave de desmoralização, motivada por dificuldades insuperáveis de recompletamento de efectivos, cansaço e hostilidade das populações, o que os levou a afirmar que a "Revolução de Abril" tinha apanhado a FRELIMO
FRELIMO
em fase crítica de desequilíbrio e que esta devia exclusivamente ao MFA a sua recuperação.", Arriaga on the book "PAÍS SEM RUMO", by António de Spínola, [3], selected texts by Kaúlza de Arriaga ^ a b Abbott, Peter and Rodrigues, Manuel, Modern African Wars 2: Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
1961-74, Osprey Publishing (1998), p. 17 ^ a b Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), ISBN 972-46-1192-2, pp. 358-359 ^ Pikula, Sam (Major), The ArmaLite
ArmaLite
AR-10, Regnum Fund Press (1998), ISBN 9986-494-38-9, p. 75 ^ Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), ISBN 972-46-1192-2, pp. 183-184 ^ Pikula, Sam (Major), The ArmaLite
ArmaLite
AR-10, p. 79 ^ Pikula, Sam (Major), The ArmaLite
ArmaLite
AR-10, p. 80 ^ a b Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), ISBN 972-46-1192-2, pp. 183-184 ^ "Algunas armas utilizadas en la guerra Colonial Portuguesa 1961-1974" [Some weapons used in the Portuguese Colonial War 1961-1974] (in Spanish). 4 June 2012. Retrieved 4 May 2016.  ^ a b Abbott, Peter and Rodrigues, Manuel, Modern African Wars 2: Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
1961-74, Osprey Publishing (1998), p. 18 ^ Nicolli 2003, p.174 ^ (in Portuguese) Enfermeiras Pára-Quesdistas on YouTube, History Channel ^ (in Portuguese) enfermeiras Archived 2010-10-31 at the Wayback Machine., Green beret, sapo.pt ^ Adrian Hastings, The Telegraph (June 26, 2001) ^ a b c Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000), ISBN 972-46-1192-2, pp. 266-267 ^ Abbott, Peter and Rodrigues, Manuel, Modern African Wars 2: Angola and Mozambique
Mozambique
1961-74, Osprey Publishing (1998), p. 23: It is estimated that mines planted by insurgents caused about 70 per cent of all Portuguese casualties. ^ Abbott, Peter and Rodrigues, Manuel, Modern African Wars 2: Angola and Mozambique
Mozambique
1961-74, Osprey Publishing (1998), p. 23 ^ (in Portuguese) Cronologia: Movimento dos capitães, Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra ^ a b (in Portuguese) A Guerra Colonial na Guine/ Bissau
Bissau
(07 de 07) on YouTube, Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho
Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho
on the Decree Law, RTP 2 television, youtube.com. ^ (in Portuguese) Arquivo Electrónico: Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra ^ a b c d e f Abbott, Peter and Rodrigues, Manuel, Modern African Wars 2: Angola
Angola
and Mozambique
Mozambique
1961-74, Osprey Publishing (1998), p. 35 ^ (in Portuguese) ENTREVISTA COM ALPOIM CALVÃO, Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra ^ " Western Europe's First Communist
Communist
Country?", Time (Monday, Aug. 11, 1975) ^ [4] Tiago Neves Sequeira (University of Beira Interior), CRESCIMENTO ECONÓMICO NO PÓS-GUERRA: OS CASOS DE ESPANHA, PORTUGAL E IRLANDA ^ Robin Wright, White Faces In A Black Crowd: Will They Stay? Archived 2009-07-15 at the Wayback Machine., The Christian Science Monitor
The Christian Science Monitor
(May 27, 1975) ^ (in Portuguese) Carlos Fontes, Emigração Portuguesa Archived 2013-05-25 at WebCite, Memórias da Emigração Portuguesa ^ Government of Ireland, Irish Aid - Mozambique: About Mozambique, Department of Foreign Affairs, retrieved 30 May 2011 ^ Government of Ireland, Irish Aid - Angola: Overview, Department of Foreign Affairs, retrieved 30 May 2011 ^ PAIGC, Jornal Nô Pintcha, 29 November 1980 ^ Concord Monitor, November 10 2007: "Portugal's hidden atrocities; Documentary brings long-hidden brutality into public view" ^ (in Portuguese) «Se soubesse como o País ia ficar, não fazia a revolução», Destak.pt
Destak.pt
(April 13, 2011) ^ Dunne, Paul, and Nikolaidou, Eftychia Nikolaidou, Military Spending and Economic Growth in Greece, Portugal, and Spain, Discussion Papers 0510, Department of Economics, University of the West of England (2005) ^ (in Portuguese) A verdade sobre o Fundo do Ultramar Archived 2013-05-11 at the Wayback Machine., Diário de Notícias
Diário de Notícias
(November 29, 2012) ^ a b (in Portuguese) Movimento das Forças Armadas
Movimento das Forças Armadas
(MFA). In Infopédia [Em linha]. Porto: Porto Editora, 2003–2009. [Consult. 2009-01-07]. Disponível na www: <URL: http://www.infopedia.pt/$movimento-das-forcas-armadas-(mfa)>. ^ João Bravo da Matta, A Guerra do Ultramar, O Diabo, 14 October 2008, pp.22 ^ Movimento das Forças Armadas
Movimento das Forças Armadas
(1974–1975), Projecto CRiPE- Centro de Estudos em Relações Internacionais, Ciência Política e Estratégia. © José Adelino Maltez. Cópias autorizadas, desde que indicada a origem. Última revisão em: 2 October 2008 ^ World Development Indicators 2007, Portugal
Portugal
economic growth rate data set, retrieved 26 June 2010 ^ a b Economic Growth and Change, U.S. Library of Congress, countrystudies.us

Bibliography[edit]

Afonso, Aniceto and Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Guerra Colonial (2000) ISBN 972-46-1192-2 Kaúlza de Arriaga - Published works of the General Kaúlza de Arriaga Becket, Ian et all., A Guerra no Mundo, Guerras e Guerrilhas desde 1945, Lisboa, Verbo, 1983 Dávila, Jerry. "Hotel Tropico: Brazil and the challenge of African Decolonization, 1950–1980." Duke University Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0822348559 Marques, A. H. de Oliveira, História de Portugal, 6ª ed., Lisboa, Palas Editora, Vol. III, 1981 Mattoso, José, História Contemporânea de Portugal, Lisboa, Amigos do Livro, 1985, «Estado Novo», Vol. II e «25 de Abril», vol. único Mattoso, José, História de Portugal, Lisboa, Ediclube, 1993, vols. XIII e XIV Pakenham, Thomas, The Scramble for Africa, Abacus, 1991 ISBN 0-349-10449-2 Reis, António, Portugal
Portugal
Contemporâneo, Lisboa, Alfa, Vol. V, 1989; Rosas, Fernando e Brito, J. M. Brandão, Dicionário de História do Estado Novo, Venda Nova, Bertrand Editora, 2 vols. 1996 Vários autores, Guerra Colonial, edição do Diário de Notícias Jornal do Exército, Lisboa, Estado-Maior do Exército Cann, John P, Counterinsurgency
Counterinsurgency
in Africa: The Portuguese Way of War, 1961-1974, Hailer Publishing, 2005

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Guerra do Ultramar.

(in Portuguese) Guerra Colonial: 1961–1974 (guerracolonial.org) Repression of Buddhism in Sri Lanka by the Portuguese (1505 - 1658)

v t e

Portuguese overseas empire

North Africa

15th century

1415–1640 Ceuta

1458–1550 Alcácer Ceguer (El Qsar es Seghir)

1471–1550 Arzila (Asilah)

1471–1662 Tangier

1485–1550 Mazagan (El Jadida)

1487–16th century Ouadane

1488–1541 Safim (Safi)

1489 Graciosa

16th century

1505–1541 Santa Cruz do Cabo de Gué (Agadir)

1506–1525 Mogador (Essaouira)

1506–1525 Aguz (Souira Guedima)

1506–1769 Mazagan (El Jadida)

1513–1541 Azamor (Azemmour)

1515–1541 São João da Mamora (Mehdya)

1577–1589 Arzila (Asilah)

Sub-Saharan Africa

15th century

1455–1633 Anguim

1462–1975 Cape Verde

1470–1975 São Tomé1

1471–1975 Príncipe1

1474–1778 Annobón

1478–1778 Fernando Poo (Bioko)

1482–1637 Elmina
Elmina
(São Jorge da Mina)

1482–1642 Portuguese Gold
Gold
Coast

1508–15472 Madagascar3

1498–1540 Mascarene Islands

16th century

1500–1630 Malindi

1501–1975 Portuguese Mozambique

1502–1659 Saint Helena

1503–1698 Zanzibar

1505–1512 Quíloa (Kilwa)

1506–1511 Socotra

1557–1578 Accra

1575–1975 Portuguese Angola

1588–1974 Cacheu4

1593–1698 Mombassa (Mombasa)

17th century

1645–1888 Ziguinchor

1680–1961 São João Baptista de Ajudá

1687–1974 Bissau4

18th century

1728–1729 Mombassa (Mombasa)

1753–1975 Portuguese São Tomé and Príncipe

19th century

1879–1974 Portuguese Guinea

1885–1974 Portuguese Congo5

1 Part of São Tomé and Príncipe
São Tomé and Príncipe
from 1753. 2 Or 1600. 3 A factory (Anosy Region) and small temporary coastal bases. 4 Part of Portuguese Guinea
Portuguese Guinea
from 1879. 5 Part of Portuguese Angola
Portuguese Angola
from the 1920s.

Middle East [Persian Gulf]

16th century

1506–1615 Gamru (Bandar Abbas)

1507–1643 Sohar

1515–1622 Hormuz (Ormus)

1515–1648 Quriyat

1515–? Qalhat

1515–1650 Muscat

1515?–? Barka

1515–1633? Julfar (Ras al-Khaimah)

1521–1602 Bahrain
Bahrain
(Muharraq • Manama)

1521–1529? Qatif

1521?–1551? Tarut Island

1550–1551 Qatif

1588–1648 Matrah

17th century

1620–? Khor Fakkan

1621?–? As Sib

1621–1622 Qeshm

1623–? Khasab

1623–? Libedia

1624–? Kalba

1624–? Madha

1624–1648 Dibba Al-Hisn

1624?–? Bandar-e Kong

Indian subcontinent

15th century

1498–1545

Laccadive Islands (Lakshadweep)

16th century Portuguese India

 • 1500–1663 Cochim (Kochi)

 • 1501–1663 Cannanore (Kannur)

 • 1502–1658  1659–1661

Quilon (Coulão / Kollam)

 • 1502–1661 Pallipuram (Cochin de Cima)

 • 1507–1657 Negapatam (Nagapatnam)

 • 1510–1961 Goa

 • 1512–1525  1750

Calicut (Kozhikode)

 • 1518–1619 Portuguese Paliacate outpost (Pulicat)

 • 1521–1740 Chaul

  (Portuguese India)

 • 1523–1662 Mylapore

 • 1528–1666

Chittagong (Porto Grande De Bengala)

 • 1531–1571 Chaul

 • 1531–1571 Chalé

 • 1534–1601 Salsette Island

 • 1534–1661 Bombay (Mumbai)

 • 1535 Ponnani

 • 1535–1739 Baçaím (Vasai-Virar)

 • 1536–1662 Cranganore (Kodungallur)

 • 1540–1612 Surat

 • 1548–1658 Tuticorin (Thoothukudi)

 • 1559–1961 Daman and Diu

 • 1568–1659 Mangalore

  (Portuguese India)

 • 1579–1632 Hugli

 • 1598–1610 Masulipatnam (Machilipatnam)

1518–1521 Maldives

1518–1658 Portuguese Ceylon
Portuguese Ceylon
(Sri Lanka)

1558–1573 Maldives

17th century Portuguese India

 • 1687–1749 Mylapore

18th century Portuguese India

 • 1779–1954 Dadra and Nagar Haveli

East Asia and Oceania

16th century

1511–1641 Portuguese Malacca
Portuguese Malacca
[Malaysia]

1512–1621 Maluku [Indonesia]

 • 1522–1575  Ternate

 • 1576–1605  Ambon

 • 1578–1650  Tidore

1512–1665 Makassar

1557–1999 Macau
Macau
[China]

1580–1586 Nagasaki [Japan]

17th century

1642–1975 Portuguese Timor
Portuguese Timor
(East Timor)1

19th century Portuguese Macau

 • 1864–1999 Coloane

 • 1851–1999 Taipa

 • 1890–1999 Ilha Verde

20th century Portuguese Macau

 • 1938–1941 Lapa and Montanha (Hengqin)

1 1975 is the year of East Timor's Declaration of Independence and subsequent invasion by Indonesia. In 2002, East Timor's independence was fully recognized.

North America & North Atlantic

15th century [Atlantic islands]

1420 Madeira

1432 Azores

16th century [Canada]

1500–1579? Terra Nova (Newfoundland)

1500–1579? Labrador

1516–1579? Nova Scotia

South America & Antilles

16th century

1500–1822 Brazil

 • 1534–1549  Captaincy Colonies of Brazil

 • 1549–1572  Brazil

 • 1572–1578  Bahia

 • 1572–1578  Rio de Janeiro

 • 1578–1607  Brazil

 • 1621–1815  Brazil

1536–1620 Barbados

17th century

1621–1751 Maranhão

1680–1777 Nova Colónia do Sacramento

18th century

1751–1772 Grão-Pará and Maranhão

1772–1775 Grão-Pará and Rio Negro

1772–1775 Maranhão and Piauí

19th century

1808–1822 Cisplatina
Cisplatina
(Uruguay)

1809–1817 Portuguese Guiana (Amapá)

1822 Upper Peru
Upper Peru
(Bolivia)

Coats of arms of Portuguese colonies Evolution of the Portuguese Empire Portuguese colonial architecture Portuguese colonialism in Indonesia Portuguese colonization of the Americas Theory of the Portuguese discovery of Australia

v t e

Cold War

USA USSR ANZUS NATO Non-Aligned Movement SEATO Warsaw Pact Cold War
Cold War
II

1940s

Morgenthau Plan Hukbalahap Rebellion Dekemvriana Percentages Agreement Yalta Conference Guerrilla
Guerrilla
war in the Baltic states

Forest Brothers Operation Priboi Operation Jungle Occupation of the Baltic states

Cursed soldiers Operation Unthinkable Operation Downfall Potsdam Conference Gouzenko Affair Division of Korea Operation Masterdom Operation Beleaguer Operation Blacklist Forty Iran crisis of 1946 Greek Civil War Baruch Plan Corfu Channel incident Turkish Straits crisis Restatement of Policy on Germany First Indochina War Truman Doctrine Asian Relations Conference May 1947 Crises Marshall Plan Comecon 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état Tito–Stalin Split Berlin Blockade Western betrayal Iron Curtain Eastern Bloc Western Bloc Chinese Civil War
Chinese Civil War
(Second round) Malayan Emergency Albanian Subversion

1950s

Papua conflict Bamboo Curtain Korean War McCarthyism Egyptian Revolution of 1952 1953 Iranian coup d'état Uprising of 1953 in East Germany Dirty War
Dirty War
(Mexico) Bricker Amendment 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état Partition of Vietnam Vietnam War First Taiwan Strait Crisis Geneva Summit (1955) Bandung Conference Poznań 1956 protests Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Suez Crisis "We will bury you" Operation Gladio Arab Cold War

Syrian Crisis of 1957 1958 Lebanon crisis Iraqi 14 July Revolution

Sputnik crisis Second Taiwan Strait Crisis 1959 Tibetan uprising Cuban Revolution Kitchen Debate Sino-Soviet split

1960s

Congo Crisis 1960 U-2 incident Bay of Pigs Invasion 1960 Turkish coup d'état Soviet–Albanian split Berlin Crisis of 1961 Berlin Wall Portuguese Colonial War

Angolan War of Independence Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau
War of Independence Mozambican War of Independence

Cuban Missile Crisis Sino-Indian War Communist
Communist
insurgency in Sarawak Iraqi Ramadan Revolution Eritrean War of Independence Sand War North Yemen Civil War Aden Emergency 1963 Syrian coup d'état Vietnam War Shifta War Guatemalan Civil War Colombian conflict Nicaraguan Revolution 1964 Brazilian coup d'état Dominican Civil War South African Border War Transition to the New Order Domino theory ASEAN Declaration Laotian Civil War 1966 Syrian coup d'état Argentine Revolution Korean DMZ conflict Greek military junta of 1967–74 Years of Lead (Italy) USS Pueblo incident Six-Day War War of Attrition Dhofar Rebellion Al-Wadiah War Protests of 1968 French May Tlatelolco massacre Cultural Revolution Prague Spring 1968 Polish political crisis Communist
Communist
insurgency in Malaysia Invasion of Czechoslovakia Iraqi Ba'athist Revolution Goulash Communism Sino-Soviet border conflict CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion Corrective Move

1970s

Détente Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Black September
Black September
in Jordan Corrective Movement (Syria) Cambodian Civil War Koza riot Realpolitik Ping-pong diplomacy Ugandan-Tanzanian War 1971 Turkish military memorandum Corrective Revolution (Egypt) Four Power Agreement on Berlin Bangladesh Liberation War 1972 Nixon visit to China North Yemen-South Yemen Border conflict of 1972 Yemenite War of 1972 NDF Rebellion Eritrean Civil Wars 1973 Chilean coup d'état Yom Kippur War 1973 oil crisis Carnation Revolution Spanish transition Metapolitefsi Strategic Arms Limitation Talks Rhodesian Bush War Angolan Civil War Mozambican Civil War Oromo conflict Ogaden War Ethiopian Civil War Lebanese Civil War Sino-Albanian split Cambodian–Vietnamese War Sino-Vietnamese War Operation Condor Dirty War
Dirty War
(Argentina) 1976 Argentine coup d'état Korean Air Lines Flight 902 Yemenite War of 1979 Grand Mosque seizure Iranian Revolution Saur Revolution New Jewel Movement 1979 Herat uprising Seven Days to the River Rhine Struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union

1980s

Soviet–Afghan War 1980 and 1984 Summer Olympics boycotts 1980 Turkish coup d'état Peruvian conflict Casamance conflict Ugandan Bush War Lord's Resistance Army insurgency Eritrean Civil Wars 1982 Ethiopian–Somali Border War Ndogboyosoi War United States
United States
invasion of Grenada Able Archer 83 Star Wars Iran–Iraq War Somali Rebellion 1986 Black Sea incident 1988 Black Sea bumping incident South Yemen Civil War Bougainville Civil War 8888 Uprising Solidarity

Soviet reaction

Contras Central American crisis RYAN Korean Air Lines Flight 007 People Power Revolution Glasnost Perestroika Nagorno-Karabakh War Afghan Civil War United States
United States
invasion of Panama 1988 Polish strikes Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 Revolutions of 1989 Fall of the Berlin Wall Velvet Revolution Romanian Revolution Peaceful Revolution Die Wende

1990s

Mongolian Revolution of 1990 German reunification Yemeni unification Fall of communism in Albania Breakup of Yugoslavia Dissolution of the Soviet Union Dissolution of Czechoslovakia

Frozen conflicts

Abkhazia China-Taiwan Korea Nagorno-Karabakh South Ossetia Transnistria Sino-Indian border dispute North Borneo dispute

Foreign policy

Truman Doctrine Containment Eisenhower Doctrine Domino theory Hallstein Doctrine Kennedy Doctrine Peaceful coexistence Ostpolitik Johnson Doctrine Brezhnev Doctrine Nixon Doctrine Ulbricht Doctrine Carter Doctrine Reagan Doctrine Rollback Sovereignty of Puerto Rico during the Cold War

Ideologies

Capitalism

Chicago school Keynesianism Monetarism Neoclassical economics Reaganomics Supply-side economics Thatcherism

Communism

Marxism–Leninism Castroism Eurocommunism Guevarism Hoxhaism Juche Maoism Trotskyism Naxalism Stalinism Titoism

Other

Fascism Islamism Liberal democracy Social democracy Third-Worldism White supremacy Apartheid

Organizations

ASEAN CIA Comecon EEC KGB MI6 Non-Aligned Movement SAARC Safari Club Stasi

Propaganda

Active measures Crusade
Crusade
for Freedom Izvestia Pravda Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Red Scare TASS Voice of America Voice of Russia

Races

Arms race Nuclear arms race Space Race

See also

Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War Soviet espionage in the United States Soviet Union– United States
United States
relations USSR–USA summits Russian espionage in the United States American espionage in the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and Russian Federation Russia– NATO
NATO
relations Brinkmanship CIA and the Cultural Cold War Cold War
Cold War
II

Category Commons Portal Timeline

.