HOME
The Info List - Peacekeeping


--- Advertisement ---



Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
refers to activities intended to create conditions that favour lasting peace.[1][2] Research generally finds that peacekeeping reduces civilian and battlefield deaths and reduces the risk of renewed warfare. Within the United Nations
United Nations
(UN) group of nation-state governments and organisations, there is a general understanding that at the international level, peacekeepers monitor and observe peace processes in post-conflict areas, and may assist ex-combatants in implementing peace agreement commitments that they have undertaken. Such assistance may come in many forms, including confidence-building measures, power-sharing arrangements, electoral support, strengthening the rule of law, and economic and social development. Accordingly, the UN peacekeepers (often referred to as Blue Berets or Blue Helmets because of their light blue berets or helmets) can include soldiers, police officers, and civilian personnel.[1][3] The United Nations
United Nations
is not the only organisation to implement peacekeeping missions. Non-UN peacekeeping forces include the NATO mission in Kosovo
Kosovo
(with United Nations
United Nations
authorisation) and the Multinational Force and Observers
Multinational Force and Observers
on the Sinai Peninsula
Sinai Peninsula
or the ones organised by the European Union
European Union
(like EUFOR RCA, with UN authorisation) and the African Union
African Union
(like the African Union
African Union
Mission in Sudan). The Nonviolent Peaceforce
Nonviolent Peaceforce
is one NGO widely considered to have expertise in general peacemaking by non-governmental volunteers or activists.[4]

Contents

1 Definitions and types of peacekeeping operations

1.1 United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping missions

1.1.1 Chapter VI and Chapter VII mission types 1.1.2 UN missions before and after the Cold War 1.1.3 Broader aims of UN missions

1.2 Non- United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping

2 Brief history

2.1 Creation and early years 2.2 Cold War
War
peacekeeping 2.3 Since 1991

3 Composition of peacekeeping forces

3.1 Nations that participate in peacekeeping missions 3.2 Women's participation in peacekeeping

4 Theoretical basis for why peacekeeping missions should keep and preserve peace 5 Effectiveness of peacekeeping missions

5.1 Factors that Impact Lasting Peace

6 Impacts of peacekeeping on participating forces

6.1 Military normalisation 6.2 Political impact on sending countries 6.3 Impacts on individual peacekeepers

7 Criticism

7.1 Peacekeeping, human trafficking, and forced prostitution 7.2 Peacekeepers and the Haiti
Haiti
cholera crisis 7.3 Cultural Concerns Related to Contemporary Peacekeeping 7.4 Limitations on Contemporary Intervention and Conflict Resolution 7.5 Mission Creep 7.6 Lack of Engagement with the Populace

8 Proposed reform

8.1 Brahimi analysis

9 See also 10 References 11 Further reading

Definitions and types of peacekeeping operations[edit] United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping missions[edit] Chapter VI and Chapter VII mission types[edit] There are a range of various types of operations encompassed in peacekeeping. In Page Fortna’s book Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work?, for instance, she distinguishes four different types of peacekeeping operations.[5] Importantly, these types of missions and how they are conducted are heavily influenced by the mandate in which they are authorized. Three of Fortna’s four types are consent-based missions, i.e. so-called "Chapter VI" missions, with the fourth being a "Chapter VII" Mission. Chapter VI missions are consent based, therefore they require the consent of the belligerent factions involved in order to operate. Should they lose that consent, Peacekeepers would be compelled to withdraw. Chapter VII missions, by contrast, do not require consent, though they may have it. If consent is lost at any point, Chapter VII missions would not be required to withdraw.

Observation Missions which consist of small contingents of military or civilian observers tasked with monitoring cease-fires, troop withdrawals, or other conditions outlined in a ceasefire agreement. They are typically unarmed and are primarily tasked with observing and reporting on what is taking place. Thus, they do not possess the capability or mandate to intervene should either side renege on the agreement. Examples of observation missions include UNAVEM II in Angola
Angola
in 1991 and MINURSO in the Western Sahara. Interpositional Missions, also known as traditional peacekeeping, are larger contingents of lightly armed troops meant to serve as a buffer between belligerent factions in the aftermath of a conflict. Thus, they serve as a buffer zone between the two sides and can monitor and report on the compliance of either side with regard to parameters established in a given ceasefire agreement. Examples include UNAVEM III in Angola
Angola
in 1994, and MINUGUA
MINUGUA
in Guatemala
Guatemala
in 1996. Multidimensional missions are carried out by military and police personnel in which they attempt to implement robust and comprehensive settlements. Not only do they act as observers, or in an interpositional role, but they also participate in more multidimensional tasks—such as electoral supervision, police and security forces reform, institution building, economic development and more. Examples include UNTAG in Namibia, ONUSAL in El Salvador, and ONUMOZ in Mozambique. Peace enforcement Missions are Chapter VII missions and unlike the previous Chapter VI missions, they do not require the consent of the belligerent parties. These are multidimensional operations comprising both civilian and military personnel. The military force is substantial in size and fairly well-equipped by UN Peacekeeping standards. They are mandated to use force for purposes beyond just self-defence. Examples include ECOMOG and UNAMSIL in West Africa
West Africa
and Sierra Leone
Sierra Leone
in 1999, as well as the NATO
NATO
operations in Bosnia—IFOR and SFOR.[5]

UN missions before and after the Cold War[edit] During the Cold War, peacekeeping was primarily interpositional in nature—thus being referred to as traditional peacekeeping. UN Peacekeepers were deployed in the aftermath of interstate conflict in order to serve as a buffer between belligerent factions and ensure compliance with the terms of an established peace agreement. Missions were consent-based, and more often than not observers were unarmed—such was the case with UNTSO in the Middle East
Middle East
and UNCIP in India
India
and Pakistan. Others were armed—such as UNEF-I, established during the Suez Crisis. They were largely successful in this role. In the post-Cold War
War
era, the United Nations
United Nations
has taken on a more nuanced, multidimensional approach to Peacekeeping. In 1992, in the aftermath of the Cold War, then Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali put together a report detailing his ambitious concepts for the United Nations
United Nations
and Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
at large. The report, titled An Agenda for Peace, described a multi-faceted and interconnected set of measures he hoped would lead to effective use of the UN in its role in post-Cold War
War
international politics. This included the use of preventative diplomacy, peace-enforcement, peace-making, peace-keeping and post-conflict reconstruction. Broader aims of UN missions[edit] In The UN Record on Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations, Michael Doyle and Nicolas Sambanis summarise Boutros Boutros’ report as preventative diplomacy, confidence-building measures such as fact-finding missions, observer mandates, and the potential deployment of UN mandated forces as a preventative measure in order to diminish the potential for violence or the danger of violence occurring and thus increasing the prospect for lasting peace. Their definitions are as follows:

Peace-enforcement, meant to act with or without the consent of the belligerents in order to ensure any treaty or cease-fire mandated by the United Nations
United Nations
Security Council is maintained. This is done primarily under the auspices of Chapter VII of the UN Charter and the forces are generally heavily armed as opposed to the unarmed, or lightly-armed personnel frequently deployed as observers. Peace-making, meant to compel belligerents to seek a peaceful settlement for their differences via mediation and other forms of negotiation provided by the UN under the auspices of Chapter VI of the UN Charter. Peace-keeping, deployment of a lightly-armed United Nations
United Nations
presence in the field with the consent of the belligerents involved in order to build confidence and monitor any agreements between concerned parties. Additionally, diplomats would continue to work toward comprehensive and lasting peace, or for the implementation of an agreed upon peace. Post-Conflict Reconstruction, intended to develop economic and social cooperation meant to mend relations between the belligerents. Social, political, and economic infrastructure would ideally prevent potential violence and conflict in the future and help to contribute to a lasting and robust peace.[6]

Non- United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping[edit] See also: NATO
NATO
peacekeeping

Canadian CH135 Twin Hueys assigned to the Multinational Force and Observers non-UN peacekeeping force, at El Gorah, Sinai, Egypt, 1989.

Not all international peacekeeping forces have been directly controlled by the United Nations. In 1981, an agreement between Israel and Egypt
Egypt
formed the Multinational Force and Observers
Multinational Force and Observers
which continues to monitor the Sinai
Sinai
Peninsula.[7] The African Union
African Union
(AU) is working on building an African Peace and Security Architecture that fulfils the mandate to enforce peace and security on the continent. In cases of genocide or other serious human-rights violations, an AU-mission could be launched even against the wishes of the government of the country concerned, as long as it is approved by the AU General Assembly. The establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) which includes the African Standby Force (ASF) is planned earliest for 2015.[8] Unarmed Civilian Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
(UCP) are civilian personnel that carry out non-violent, non-interventionist and impartial set of tactics in order to protect civilians in conflict zones from violence in addition to supporting additional efforts to build a lasting peace. While the term UCP is not entirely ubiquitous among non-governmental agencies (NGOs) in the field: many utilize similar techniques and desire shared outcomes for peace; such as accompaniment, presence, rumour control, community security meetings, the securing of safe passage, and monitoring.[9] Brief history[edit] Main article: History of United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping Creation and early years[edit] United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
started in 1948 when the United Nations Security Council authorised the deployment of UN unarmed military observers to the Middle East
Middle East
in order to monitor the armistice agreement that was signed between Israel
Israel
and its Arab neighbours in the wake of the Arab-Israeli War. This operation was called the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) and is still in operation today.[10] With the passage of resolution 73 (1949) by the Security Council in August 1949, UNTSO was given the task of fulfilling four Armistice Agreements between the state of Israel
Israel
and the Arab states which had participated in the war. Thus, UNTSO’s operations were spread through five states in the region—Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon
Lebanon
and the Syrian Arab Republic.[11] Cold War
War
peacekeeping[edit] In the wake of independence in India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
in August 1947 and the subsequent bloodshed that followed the Security Council adopted resolution 39 (1948) in January 1948 in order to create the United Nations Commission for India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
(UNCIP), with the purpose of mediating the dispute between India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
over Kashmir and the fighting related to it. This operation was non-interventionist in nature and was additionally tasked with supervision of a ceasefire signed by Pakistan
Pakistan
and India
India
in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. With the passage of the Karachi agreement in July 1949, UNCIP would supervise a ceasefire line that would be mutually overseen by UN unarmed military observers and local commanders from each side in the dispute. UNCIP’s mission in the region continues to this day, now under the operational title of the United Nations
United Nations
Military Observer Group in India
India
and Pakistan
Pakistan
(UNMOGIP).[12] Since then, sixty-nine peacekeeping operations have been authorised and have deployed to various countries all over the world.[10] The great majority of these operations have begun in the post-Cold War world. Between 1988 and 1998 thirty-five UN operations had been established and deployed. This signified a substantial increase when compared with the periods between 1948 and 1978; which saw the creation and deployment of only thirteen UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
operations and zero between 1978 and 1988.[13] Armed intervention first came in the form of UN involvement in the wake of the Suez Crisis
Suez Crisis
in 1956. United Nations
United Nations
Emergency Force (UNEF-1), which existed from November 1956 to June 1967 was essentially the first ever United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping force. It was given the mandate of ensuring the cessation of hostilities between Egypt, the United Kingdom, France, and Israel
Israel
in addition to overseeing the withdrawal of French, Israeli and British troops from Egyptian territory. Upon completion of said withdrawal, UNEF would serve as a buffer force between Egyptian and Israeli forces in order to supervise conditions of the ceasefire and contribute to a lasting peace.[14] Shortly thereafter, the United Nations
United Nations
Operation in the Congo (ONUC), was deployed in 1960. This operation involved upwards of 20,000 military personnel at its peak, and resulted in the death of 250 UN personnel, including then Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold.[15] ONUC was meant to ensure the withdrawal of Belgian forces in the Congo, who had reinserted themselves after Congolese independence in the wake of a revolt carried out by the Force Publique
Force Publique
(FP), in order to protect Belgian citizens and economic interests. ONUC was also tasked with establishing and maintaining law and order (helping to end the FP revolt and ethnic violence) as well as provide technical assistance and training to Congolese security forces. An additional function was added to ONUC’s mission, in which the force was tasked with maintaining the territorial integrity and political independence of the Congo[16]—resulting from the secession of the mineral-rich provinces of Katanga and South Kasai. The UN forces there, somewhat controversially, more or less became an arm of the Congolese government at the time and helped to forcefully end the secession of both provinces. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s the UN created multiple short-term missions all over the world including the Mission of the Representative of the Secretary-General in the Dominican Republic (DOMREP), the UN Security Force in West New Guinea (UNSF), the UN Yemen Observation Mission (UNYOM), in conjunction with more long-term operations such as the UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), the UN Emergency Force II (UNEF II), the UN Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) and the UN Interim Force in Lebanon
Lebanon
(UNIFIL).[15]

United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping missions as of 2012

Since 1991[edit]

Norwegian Peacekeeper during the Siege
Siege
of Sarajevo, 1992 - 1993, photo by Mikhail Evstafiev.

Experiences of peacekeeping during the Yugoslav Wars, especially failures such as the Srebrenica Massacre, led, in part, to the United Nations Peacebuilding
Peacebuilding
Commission, which works to implement stable peace through some of the same civic functions that peacekeepers also work on, such as elections. The Commission currently works with six countries, all in Africa.[17] In 2013 the U.N. Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2122, which among other things calls for stronger measures regarding women’s participation in conflict and post-conflict processes such as peace talks, gender expertise in peacekeeping missions, improved information about the impact of armed conflict on women, and more direct briefing to the Council on progress in these areas.[18] Also in 2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), a UN women’s rights committee, said in a general recommendation that states that have ratified the UN Women’s Rights Convention are obliged to uphold women’s rights before, during, and after conflict when they are directly involved in fighting, and/or are providing peacekeeping troops or donor assistance for conflict prevention, humanitarian aid or post-conflict reconstruction.[19] The Committee also stated that ratifying states should exercise due diligence in ensuring that non-state actors, such as armed groups and private security contractors, be held accountable for crimes against women.[19] One of the findings of Fortna about where do peacekeepers go is that “peacekeeping is a matter of supply and demand” From the supply side, she observes that there is unlikely a Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
mission in civil wars on countries close to one of the members of the Security Council. From the demand side, there is diverse evidence that peacekeeping missions are deployed in the countries who need it the most, this is where the risk of a recurring war is high.[5] Composition of peacekeeping forces[edit] Nations that participate in peacekeeping missions[edit]

Irish UNMIL
UNMIL
troops on patrol in Liberia, July 2006.

The United Nations
United Nations
Charter stipulates that to assist in maintaining peace and security around the world, all member states of the UN should make available to the Security Council necessary armed forces and facilities. Since 1948, about 130 nations have contributed military and civilian police personnel to peace operations. While detailed records of all personnel who have served in peacekeeping missions since 1948 are not available, it is estimated that up to one million soldiers, police officers and civilians have served under the UN flag in the last 56 years. As of March 2008, 113 countries were contributing a total 88,862 military observers, police, and troops.[20] Despite the large number of contributors, the greatest burden continues to be borne by a core group of developing countries. The ten largest troop (including police and military experts) contributing countries to UN peacekeeping operations as of August, 2016 were Ethiopia
Ethiopia
(8326), India
India
(7471), Pakistan
Pakistan
(7161), Bangladesh
Bangladesh
(6772), Rwanda
Rwanda
(6146), Nepal
Nepal
(5131), Senegal
Senegal
(3617), Burkina Faso
Burkina Faso
(3036), Ghana
Ghana
(2972), Egypt
Egypt
(2889).[21] As of March 2008, in addition to military and police personnel, 5,187 international civilian personnel, 2,031 UN Volunteers, and 12,036 local civilian personnel worked in UN peacekeeping missions.[22] As of 30 June 2014, 3,243 people from over 100 countries have been killed while serving on peacekeeping missions.[23] Many of those came from India
India
(157), Nigeria
Nigeria
(142), Pakistan
Pakistan
(136), Ghana
Ghana
(132), Canada (121), France
France
(110) and the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
(103). Thirty percent of the fatalities in the first 55 years of UN peacekeeping occurred between 1993 and 1995. Developing nations
Developing nations
tend to participate in peacekeeping more than developed countries. This may be due in part because forces from smaller countries avoid evoking thoughts of imperialism. For example, in December 2005, Eritrea
Eritrea
expelled all American, Russian, European, and Canadian personnel from the peacekeeping mission on their border with Ethiopia. Additionally, an economic motive appeals to the developing countries. The rate of reimbursement by the UN for troop contributing countries per peacekeeper per month include: $1,028 for pay and allowances; $303 supplementary pay for specialists; $68 for personal clothing, gear and equipment; and $5 for personal weaponry.[24] This can be a significant source of revenue for a developing country. By providing important training and equipment for the soldiers as well as salaries, UN peacekeeping missions allow them to maintain larger armies than they otherwise could. About 4.5% of the troops and civilian police deployed in UN peacekeeping missions come from the European Union
European Union
and less than one percent from the United States.[25] Women's participation in peacekeeping[edit] Security Council Resolution 1325 was the first major step taken by the UN to include women as active and equal actors in “the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peacekeeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction and stresses the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security”.[26][27] A critique of this resolution is that UNSCR 1325 proposes the implementing gender mainstreaming, however the progress that has been accomplished in this area has focused on women, rather than on assessing the impacts of planned action on both men and women. In 2010, a comprehensive 10-year impact study was conducted to assess the success of this resolution and found that there was limited success with the implementation, particularly in the increasing women’s participation in peace negotiations and peace agreements, and sexual and gender-based violence has continued to be prevalent, despite efforts to reduce it.[28]

Ghanaian women serve in UN Peacekeeping

In 2013 the U.N. Security Council
U.N. Security Council
unanimously passed Resolution 2122, which among other things calls for stronger measures regarding women’s participation in conflict and post-conflict processes such as peace talks, gender expertise in peacekeeping missions, improved information about the impact of armed conflict on women, and more direct briefing to the Council on progress in these areas.[18] Also in 2013, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), a UN women’s rights committee, said in a general recommendation that states that have ratified the UN Women’s Rights Convention are obliged to uphold women’s rights before, during, and after conflict when they are directly involved in fighting, and/or are providing peacekeeping troops or donor assistance for conflict prevention, humanitarian aid or post-conflict reconstruction [19] The Committee also stated that ratifying states should exercise due diligence in ensuring that non-state actors, such as armed groups and private security contractors, be held accountable for crimes against women.[19] As of July 2016, women serve in every UN peacekeeping mission either as troops, police, or civilian staff.[29] In 1993, women made up 1% of deployed uniformed personnel. In 2014, out of approximately 125,000 peacekeepers, women constitute 3% of military personnel and 10% of police personnel in UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
missions, as well as 29% of international and 17% of national staff in peacekeeping and special political missions.[30] In 2016, five women were leading peacekeeping missions as Special
Special
Representatives of the Secretary-General.[31] Theoretical basis for why peacekeeping missions should keep and preserve peace[edit] While much has been written about Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
and what Peacekeepers do, very little empirical research has taken place in order to identify the manner in which Peacekeepers can have an impact in a post-conflict environment. Columbia University
Columbia University
Professor, Virginia Page Fortna attempts to lay out four causal mechanisms through which peacekeepers have the opportunity to lay the groundwork for a lasting peace.[32] Fortna's four mechanisms are as follows:

Change the incentives of recent belligerents, making peace more desirable or war more costly. Reduce the uncertainty and fear that drives security dilemma spirals. Prevent or control accidents or the actions of rogue groups that might otherwise escalate back to war. Prevent political abuse by one side (generally the government) that might cause actors losing the peace to take up arms anew.

Fortna argues that peacekeepers have a positive impact on the peace process, despite often being sent to places where peace is most difficult to achieve. Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
is often looked at by detractors as ineffective, or unnecessary. Peace prevails when belligerents already have a vested interest in sustaining peace and therefore it could be argued that Peacekeepers play only a minor role in creating a strong foundation for enduring peace. Yet these causal reasons illustrate the important roles that Peacekeepers play in ensuring that peace lasts, especially when contrasted against situations in which belligerents are left to their own devices. These causal reasons thus illustrate the need for Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
and lay a foundation for the manner in which Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
operations can have a substantive impact on the post-conflict environment. In order to change the incentives for war and make peace more appealing the UN can provide a military force by way of an enforcement mandate which provides deterrence to would-be spoilers. They can monitor the situation making the potential for surprise attack by one of the belligerents less likely to occur or by making it more difficult to carry out such an attack. A lightly-armed observer mission can also serve as an early-warning force or “tripwire” for the aforementioned enforcement mission. Aid and recognition provided to the belligerents by the international community should be made conditional and based on compliance with objectives laid out in the negotiating process. And lastly, peace dividends should be provided in the forms of jobs, public works and other benefits. To reduce uncertainty and fear the UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
force can monitor the aforementioned compliance, facilitate communication between belligerents in order to ease security dilemma concerns thus reassuring belligerents that the other side will not renege, and allow for belligerents to signal their legitimate intentions for peace to the other side. That is to say, provide a meaningful pathway for communication between both sides to make their intentions known and credible. Prevention and control of potential accidents that may derail the peace process can be achieved by the peacekeeping force by deterring rogue groups. Belligerent forces are often undisciplined without a strong central source of command and control, therefore while a peace is being negotiated there is potential for a rogue group on one side to renege and spoil the peace process. UN forces can serve to prevent this. Additionally, the UN force can serve as a moderator and make communication easy between both parties and bring in political moderates from either side. By providing law and order UN peacekeeping forces can temporarily replace a state’s security forces and prevent a bias overreaction to an alleged violation by one side which could in turn result in escalation and a renewal in the violence. Prevention of political abuse can be achieved through the reformation of institutions associated with the government. Training and monitoring the security forces (e.g. army or police) help to make them an unbiased protector of the people rather than a weapon of suppression for the ruling government. Hopefully this training can bring trust by the people for the security establishment. UN forces can also run and monitor elections in order to ensure a fair process. In other cases, the UN may provide a neutral interim government to administer the country during a transitional period wherein the associated government institutions are being retrained, reformed or better developed. Lastly, military groups such as armed rebels can be encouraged to put down their weapons and transformed into political organisations using appropriate non-violent means to mete out their grievances and compete in the election cycle. This is especially important as many of these groups serve as the chief opposition to a given government, but lack the means or know-how to operate effectively as political organisations. Different peacekeeping missions take place as a result of different causal mechanisms. More military deterrence and enforcement are meant for those missions operating under the auspices of Chapter VII, while Chapter VI missions are meant to serve more as monitoring forces and interpositional operations are meant to target and prevent potential political abuse—these are primarily multidimensional missions and are heavily involved in the post-conflict political situation.[33] Effectiveness of peacekeeping missions[edit] According to a 2014 survey of the academic literature, "there is considerable evidence that [ United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping operations] are effective in maintaining peace."[34] According to Fortna, there is strong evidence that the presence of peacekeepers significantly reduces the risk of renewed warfare; more peacekeeping troops contribute to fewer battlefield deaths; and more peacekeeping troops contribute to fewer civilian deaths.[35] A study by political scientists at Uppsala University
Uppsala University
and Peace Research Institute Oslo estimates that an ambitious UN peacekeeping policy with a doubled peacekeeping operation and strong mandates would "reduce the global incidence of armed conflict by two thirds relative to a no-PKO scenario."[36] According to Fordham University political scientist Anjali Dayal, "Scholars have found that peacekeeping keeps wars from bleeding across borders. Having more peacekeepers on the ground also seems to correspond with fewer civilians targeted with violence. And peace operations at times have successfully served as transitional authorities, handing power back to local authorities, although this is decreasingly true."[37] There is also evidence that the promise to deploy peacekeepers can help international organizations bring combatants to the negotiation table and increase the likelihood that they will agree to a cease-fire.[38] By controlling for specific factors that affect where peacekeepers are deployed and what the potential chances for peace are, Page Fortna's statistical research shows that there is a statistically significant impact on lasting peace when peacekeepers are deployed. Despite the fact that peacekeepers are sent to locations where peace is least likely to succeed, Fortna finds that conservative estimates suggest that the presence of UN peacekeepers diminishes the risk for renewed violence by at least 55%-60%; with less conservatives estimates upwards of 75%-85%.[39] Additionally, her analysis concludes that there is little difference in the effectiveness between Chapter VI consent-based missions and Chapter VII enforcement missions. Indeed, enforcement missions only remain effective if the UN peacekeeping force can prove and sustain their credibility in the use of force.[40] This stresses the importance of a UN mission maintaining the consent of the peacekept. Ultimately, Fortna finds that peacekeeping is an effective tool for ensuring a lasting peace; especially compared to situations in which belligerents' are left to their own devices. Utilising the previously mentioned causal mechanisms for peacekeeping, a UN peacekeeping force can have a substantial and substantive impact on sustaining a lasting peace. Having a relative consensus of the positive impact of peacekeeping for ensuring a lasting peace, Fortna and Howard suggest that the literature is moving towards the study of i) the effectiveness of the types of peace-keepers, ii) the transitional administrations, iii) the links between peacekeeping and democratisation, and iv) the perspectives of the “peacekept".[41] Doyle and Sambanis' analysis finds that lasting peace is more likely after non-ethnic wars in countries with a relatively high level of development in addition to whether or not UN peacekeeping forces and financial assistance are available. They conclude that in the short run lasting peace is more dependent on a robust UN deployment coupled with low levels of hostility between belligerents. They note that increased economic capacity can provide an incentive not to renew hostilities. In the long run, however, economic capacity matters far more whereas the degree of hostility between belligerents is less important. As successful as UN deployments can be, they have inadequately spurred independent economic development within the countries where they have intervened. Thus, the UN plays a strong, but indirect role and success in lasting peace is predicated on the development of institutions that support peace, rather than serving as a deterrent for renewed war.[42] Other scholarly analyses show varying success rates for peacekeeping missions, with estimate ranging from 31 percent to 85 percent.[43] Factors that Impact Lasting Peace[edit] There are many factors that can have a negative impact on lasting peace such as hidden information about the relative strength possessed by the belligerents; a rebel group's involvement in illicit financing through means such as through the export of diamonds and other minerals; participation in the trafficking of drugs, weapons and human beings; whether or not military victory was achieved by one side; the length of the war as well as how costly it was; commitment problems and security dilemma spirals experienced by both sides; whether a cease-fire or treaty signed by the belligerents; lack of transparency in the motives and actions carried out by belligerents in the immediate aftermath of the conflict; extremist spoilers; participants in the conflict that may benefit from its continuation; indivisibility and more. Perhaps one of the most statistically significant contributors to a lasting peace is whether or not military victory was achieved by one side. According to Fortna's research, civil wars in which one side wins, resulting in a cease-fire or truce, have an approximately 85%-90% lower chance of renewed war. Moreover, peace treaties further reduce the risk by 60%-70%.[39] If a group is funded by drugs, diamonds or other illicit trade then there is a substantial increase in the chance of renewed violence—100%-250%-- which is to say that in such circumstances war is two to three-and-a-half times more likely to begin again.[44] While Fortna finds that wars which involve many factions are less likely to resume,[44] Doyle and Sambanis find the opposite.[45] Costly wars and wars fought along identity lines both provide varied chances of the renewal of violence. While longer wars and peace established by treaty (especially those attained by military victory) can reduce the chances of another war.[46] Impacts of peacekeeping on participating forces[edit] Military normalisation[edit] Some commentators have highlighted the potential to leverage peacekeeping operations as a mechanism for advancing military normalisation. Michael Edward Walsh and Jeremy Taylor have argued that Japan's peacekeeping operations in South Sudan
South Sudan
provide those promoting Japan's military normalisation with "a unique opportunity to further erode the country’s pacifist constitution."[47] "Unable to accept the full weight of modern peacekeeping operations without fundamental political, legal, and social changes," they conclude that "Japan’s peacekeepers remain ill-prepared to tackle many serious contingencies requiring use of deadly force."[48] For this reason, they suggest that Japan's continued participation in UN peacekeeping operations might force policy changes that ultimately push the country toward "a tipping point from which the normalisation of Japan’s military (will be) the only outcome."[47] Political impact on sending countries[edit] Diana Muir Appelbaum, has expressed concern that the creation of a military in Fiji
Fiji
for the purpose of serving in international peacekeeping missions, has produced a military powerful enough to stage four coups d’état (1987, 1999–2000, 2006, and 2009) and to rule Fiji
Fiji
as a military dictatorship for over two decades.[49] However, a 2018 study published in the Journal of Peace Research, found that countries where militaries are highly dependent on the funds they receive from UN peacekeeping were less likely to experience coups d’états than comparable countries less dependent on such funds.[50] Impacts on individual peacekeepers[edit]

Memorial in Kigali, Rwanda
Rwanda
to ten Belgian peacekeepers of UNAMIR
UNAMIR
who were massacred by Hutu
Hutu
paramilitaries in 1994

Studies of peacekeeping soldiers show both positive and negative effects. A study of 951 US Army soldiers assigned to Bosnia revealed that 77% reported some positive consequences, 63% reported a negative consequence, and 47% reported both.[51] The peacekeepers are exposed to danger caused by the warring parties and often in an unfamiliar climate. This gives rise to different mental health problems, suicide, and substance abuse as shown by the percentage of former peacekeepers with those problems. Having a parent in a mission abroad for an extended period is also stressful to the peacekeepers' families.[52] Another viewpoint raises the problem that the peacekeeping may soften the troops and erode their combat ability, as the mission profile of a peacekeeping contingent is totally different from the profile of a unit fighting an all-out war.[53][54] Criticism[edit] Peacekeeping, human trafficking, and forced prostitution[edit] Main article: Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
child sexual abuse scandal Since the 1990s, UN Peacekeepers have been the subject of numerous accusations of abuse ranging from rape and sexual assault, to pedophilia and human trafficking. Complaints have arisen from Cambodia, East Timor
East Timor
and West Africa. In Bosnia-Herzegovina prostitution associated with trafficked women skyrocketed and often operated just beyond the gates of U.N. compounds. David Lamb, a regional human rights officer in Bosnia from 2000 to 2001 claimed “The sex slave trade in Bosnia largely exists because of the U.N. peacekeeping operation. Without the peacekeeping presence, there would have been little or no forced prostitution in Bosnia.” In addition, hearing held by the U.S. House of Representatives in 2002 found that members of SFOR
SFOR
were frequenting Bosnian brothels and engaging in sex with trafficked women and underage girls.[55] Reporters witnessed a rapid increase in prostitution in Cambodia, Mozambique, Bosnia, and Kosovo
Kosovo
after UN and, in the case of the latter two, NATO
NATO
peacekeeping forces moved in. In the 1996 UN study called "The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children", former first lady of Mozambique
Mozambique
Graça Machel
Graça Machel
documented: "In 6 out of 12 country studies on sexual exploitation of children in situations of armed conflict prepared for the present report, the arrival of peacekeeping troops has been associated with a rapid rise in child prostitution".[56] Gita Sahgal
Gita Sahgal
spoke out in 2004 with regard to the fact that prostitution and sex abuse crops up wherever humanitarian intervention efforts are set up. She observed that the "issue with the UN is that peacekeeping operations unfortunately seem to be doing the same thing that other militaries do. Even the guardians have to be guarded".[57] An investigation by Prince Zeid Ra’ad Zeid Al-Hussein, then Permanent Representative of Jordan
Jordan
to the United Nations, in 2006 resulted in a comprehensive report which detailed some of this abuse in detail— particularly that which occurred in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Sexual exploitation frequently came in the form of prostitution, wherein some money (an average of $1-$3 per encounter) was exchanged for sex. In other instances food, or jobs were utilized to ply women for sex. Other young women reported of “rape disguised as prostitution”, whereabouts Peacekeepers would rape them and were then given some money or food in order to make the act seem consensual.[58] Between May and September 2004, there were seventy-two allegations of sexual exploitation—68 against military and 4 against civilian personnel. By the end of 2004 there would be a total of 105 allegations. The majority of these allegations were in regards to sex with person under the age of 18 years (45 percent) and sex with adult prostitutes (31 percent). Rape
Rape
and sexual assault made up approximately 13 and 5 percent respectively, with the remaining 6 percent of allegations relating to other forms of sexual exploitation.[59] Most of the allegations were against peacekeepers from Pakistan, Uruguay, Morocco, Tunisia, South Africa, and Nepal.[55] Uruguayan President Jose Mujica
Jose Mujica
apologized to Haitian President Michel Martelly over the alleged rape of an 18-year-old Haitian man by Uruguayan UN peacekeeping troops. Martelly said "a collective rape carried out against a young Haitian" would not go unpunished. Four soldiers suspected of being involved in the rape have been detained.[60][61] In July 2007 the United Nations
United Nations
Department of Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations (DPKO) confined an entire contingent of 734 Moroccans in the Ivory Coast in the wake of allegations that some had sexually abused underage girls. In the following years, there were 80 investigations carried out by the UN Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS).[62] In 2013, allegations were levelled on personnel from France, Gabon, and Burundi
Burundi
operating in the Central African Republic. These include accusations of sexual abuse and exploitation of at least 108 from Kemo Prefecture and that the vast majority of the cases involved minors.[63] In 2016, more allegations of abuse were levelled on Peacekeepers operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s eastern province of North Kivu. Tanzania
Tanzania
and the UN opened a joint inquiry into the alleged abuse, which involved Tanzanian troops. There have been 18 reports of sexual abuse, eight of which involved minors. Sixteen Tanzanian soldiers, a Malawian and a South African are implicated in the accusations. The UN reported in March 2016 that there was a large increase in allegations; which involved troops from twenty one countries. Most of the allegations involved troops from African countries including: Cameroon, Congo, Tanzania, Benin, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Ghana, Madagascar, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal
Senegal
and Togo.[64] Peacekeepers and the Haiti
Haiti
cholera crisis[edit] Significant scientific evidence, first reported by the Associated Press,[65] and later the New York Times,[66] Al Jazeera,[67] and ABC News[68] has shown that Nepalese Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
troops stationed at a remote base in Mirebalais, Haiti, triggered a deadly cholera epidemic that has ravaged the country since October 2010. Cholera
Cholera
is a waterborne disease that causes diarrhoea and vomiting, and it can kill in a matter of hours if patients do not receive rehydration intervention. As of July 2012, Haiti's cholera epidemic was the worst in the world:[69] about 7,500 had died and about 585,000 Haitians (about 1 in every 20 Haitians) had become ill with the disease.[70] According to the UN-appointed Independent Panel of Experts on the Cholera
Cholera
Outbreak in Haiti, the conditions at the Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
base were unsafe, and allowed contamination of Haiti's river systems in at least two ways: "The construction of the water pipes in the main toilet/showering area [was] haphazard, with significant potential for cross-contamination...especially from pipes that run over an open drainage ditch that runs throughout the camp and flows directly into the Meye Tributary System".[71] Additionally, the Independent Panel reported that on a regular basis black water waste from the Mirebalais base and two other bases was deposited in an open, unfenced septic pit that was susceptible to flooding and would overflow into the Meye Tributary during rainfall.[71] In November 2011, over 5,000 victims of the cholera epidemic filed a claim with the UN's internal claims mechanism seeking redress in the form of clean water and sanitation infrastructure necessary to control the epidemic, compensation for individual losses, and an apology.[72] In July 2012, 104 Members of the United States
United States
Congress signed a letter affirming that the "actions of the UN" had brought cholera to Haiti
Haiti
and that the UN should "confront and ultimately eliminate cholera".[73] In 2013 the UN rejected the claim and the victims' lawyers have pledged to sue the UN in court.[74] Cultural Concerns Related to Contemporary Peacekeeping[edit] There is a notable intermingling of varied cultures when it comes to peacekeeping. From the vast number of troops, police and personnel that are brought together from various contributing countries to the oftentimes challenging ethnic regions which peacekeeping forces are often deployed. Because of these varied cultures, complicated cultural interactions take place which not only affect mission effectiveness, but can also lead to friction with the population the peacekeepers are meant to be assisting. In most cases prior to 1988, specific countries often provided peacekeepers. At that point, only twenty six countries had sent personnel to participate in peacekeeping deployments. Today, that number has risen to more than eighty.[75] This results in an extremely heterogeneous group. Thus, UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
deployments must not only contend with language complications, but also myriad cultural and social differences that can create operational difficulties that are hard to overcome. These difference can create problems with regard to interactions (whether personal or between institutions/units), misunderstandings, inadvertent offensive behaviour and prejudices that may be associated with a particular contingent from a given country.[75] In terms of operations, effectiveness can be hindered by the varying tactics, techniques and procedures employed by the military or police personnel that are a part of a given deployment. Because UN forces are cobbled together from so many different sources, there is a discrepancy in capabilities, training, equipment, standards and procedures. Moreover, substantial differences exist in the form of command and control between contributing members personnel. In addition, some nations may not wish to be subordinated to another, complicating unity of command. This can lead to deep-seated divisions between contingents within the UN force that results in a lack of mutual support between units in the field. This can be demonstrated in the experiences of UN peacekeeping forces deployed to East Timor, where the Australians engaged in a robust operation that maximised force protection in contrast to a pro-active heart and minds approach utilised by Great Britain's Ghurka personnel.[75] Maintaining the consent of the peacekept is an important facet of modern peacekeeping. Notably in Bosnia, Somalia
Somalia
and Rwanda, fundamental principles of retaining that consent was ignored on the grounds of a humanitarian intervention—reflecting the nature of an Article VII intervention. Yet in order to stress and maintain the legitimacy of an intervention it is important that the UN's forces continue to enjoy the consent of the population and government of the country to which they were deployed. This means making the peacekept feel a part of the process in addition to important cultural knowledge of the area in which peacekeepers are operating, in order to reduce friction and provide for a successful operation. There has been little study on the interaction of cultures that exist within a peacekeeping force and the population within which they operate. However, in 1976 Galtun and Hveem studied Norwegian personnel who participated in UNEF-1 (in Gaza) and ONUC (Congo). They posited that knowledge of the culture and an understanding of the inhabitants in a given country were not only necessary, but crucial for the success of the mission. They found that personnel from the Norwegian contingent wanted greater insight into the conflict and the culture in which they operated. They also wanted more robust training with regard to working with people from other countries. Yet the study revealed the troops received very little from briefings and that the majority of the information regarding the conflict was gained through the news, reading books or speaking with other UN personnel—rather than any established UN training program.[76] Similarly, a study conducted on the relations between members of UNIFIL and local population in Lebanon, carried out by Heiberg and Holst, all but confirmed the findings. In their example, they found that the countries that were able to integrate more fully with the population and show a depth of knowledge about the local culture were more successful, while those that were ambitious, but less integrated into the local scene found themselves far removed from the individuals with which they were supposed to be engaged with, and their success, or lack thereof, illustrated this.

Only the Italian contingent of some 2,200 people operated as part of the local environment and became an active element in restoring normal living conditions. Its soldiers were provided with the training required to acquaint them with the cultural, political and social situation of the people among whom they worked. Operating in a sector that contained approximately 600,000 inhabitants, mostly Shi'ites, the Italians carefully nurtured contact with the ordinary citizens and the political leaders in their area... While the Americans thought they were becoming involved in Lebanese politics, they entered into Lebanese culture and history with little or no understanding of the way things worked-- or didn't work... Most Americans did not understand the subtleties of short-term alliances, the length of memories and blood feuds, the strength of aln [kin] in Arab culture nor the nuances of religious differences.[76]

This illustrates the importance of understanding the significance that culture plays in the conduct of successful peacekeeping operations. However, despite the existence of a UN training manual that attempts to advise peacekeepers on necessary techniques, there is no unifying doctrine, or standardised procedure among peacekeeping contingents, which will ultimately hinder the potential for success. Limitations on Contemporary Intervention and Conflict Resolution[edit] Throughout the duration of the Cold War
War
external intervention and mediation in civil conflicts took on a state-centric mechanism in which sovereignty was inviolable. Rarely did the international community intervene in internal conflicts involving a state's government and domestic belligerents that opposed it. Since the end of the Cold War, however, that has changed. Today, mediation by international actors in civil conflict rest on a standardised resolution mechanism that accords broadly equal standing to all factions within a conflict, and attempts to reach a settlement accepted by all.[77] The end of the Cold War
War
presented an opportunity to reshape the international system. This opportunity was afforded to the Cold War's victor's-- that is to say—the United States
United States
and other western capitalist states governed by liberal-democratic values that put a premium on basic human rights and democratization.[77] In the preceding decades the state was the only entity to receive special status. While there were exceptions, such as groups struggling against colonial powers, the state possessed the ultimate degree of legitimacy. As a result, the international community rarely meddled with the internal machinations of a given country. Sovereignty was not to be violated and this was a system which benefited both superpowers, their allies, as well as third world governments.[77] Now, however, with legitimacy being extended to non-state actors, as well as the opportunity for a minority to secede from a given state and form a new country there has been a dramatic shift in the international status quo. Moreover, the international community's model for conflict resolution is heavily influenced by academic thought developed in western countries. This model encourages intervening in civil wars in order to stop political violence and come to a negotiated settlement which often involves democratising efforts.[77] Critics such as Christopher Clapham and David Shearer, argue that this intervention can provide mechanisms for continued conflict to the detriment of the civilian population. Clapham's argument is principally in relation to the situation in Rwanda
Rwanda
leading up to the genocide,[77] whereas Shearer focuses on the negative aspects of intervention, primarily regarding Sierra Leone, which prevents total victory by one side and results in the creation of asymmetries between belligerents which opens the door for continued bloodshed.[78] In Rwanda, third-party attempts at a negotiated settlement between the Hutu
Hutu
and Tutsi
Tutsi
afforded an opportunity for Hutu
Hutu
extremists to prepare for the killing of Hutu
Hutu
moderates and the genocide of the Tutsi. The international community, led by regional states from the Organisation of African Unity, sought to negotiate a settlement and find a solution for the ongoing ethnic violence between Hutu
Hutu
and Tutsi
Tutsi
via the Arusha Peace Process. This process lasted just over a year, included substantial international involvement, and incorporated many regional actors such as Tanzania
Tanzania
(host of the process), Burundi, Uganda
Uganda
and Zaire.[77] While the Rwandan Patriotic Front
Rwandan Patriotic Front
(RPF) was a major beneficiary of the Arusha accords and was able to redress many of its grievances, many of the gains that it made could have been achieved through military action. Arusha, according to Clapham, affected the relative power of the participants in the two following ways: a ceasfire which froze the distribution of territorial control at a particular point and secondly the importance it ascribed to the participants of the negotiations.[77] Meaning that it froze the conflict and prevented continued territorial gains being made by the RPF, in addition to designating the degree of importance with regard to the factions within the negotiations. A faction's importance was weighted not on their relative popularity or military strength, but on artificial weight assigned by the mediators. Thus, the entire process served to undermine the RPF's position while stalling their hitherto successful military campaign, while allowing Hutu
Hutu
extremists to prepare for a genocide. Shearer argues that modern strategies that rely solely on consent-based negotiations are severely limited and that victory by military means should not be ignored. He states that a shift in battlefield fortunes can often bring one belligerent to the negotiation table and will likewise moderate their demands.[78] Consent is of great importance when it comes to negotiation and mediation. The current international system and the conflict resolution model which the international community has utilised most since the end of the Cold War
War
puts a premium on consent. But Shearer asks that if a belligerent uses negotiations and cease-fires as a method of delay in order to allow them to reposition military forces and continue fighting, then should consent-based strategies still be pursued, regardless of the potential for lengthening a conflict and the associated human cost?[78] According to the empirical analysis cited by Shearer, past civil wars with negotiated settlements have had little success. He cites a study from John Stedman that notes between 1900 and 1980 85% of civil wars were solved by one side winning outright (this excludes colonial wars). 15% percent ended as a result of negotiation.[78] Additionally, Roy Licklider's study supports these conclusions by noting the following:

"From 1945 to 1989, 58 out of a total of 93 civil conflicts, as he categorised them, were settled in some form, while the remainder continued. However, only 14 (or 24 percent) of those settled were solved by negotiation. The others (76 percent) ended with military victories. Additionally, fighting resumed in seven of the 14 conflict which were initially ended by negotiation. The overall success rate of negotiated settlements, therefore, was around 12 percent out of the internal wars that ended."[78]

In Sierra Leone
Sierra Leone
the Revolutionary United Front, led by Foday Sankoh, fought an ongoing and bloody civil war with the government from 1991 to 1996. The conflict attracted little international attention, but managed to devastate the country and destroy its economy. Neither belligerent was willing to concede or compromise on their demands, despite multiple attempts at a negotiated settlement. It was not until the intervention of the private military corporation Executive Outcomes and a reversal in the RUF's battlefield fortunes that Sankoh would come to the table.[78] In the aftermath the RUF was a depleted threat, civilians were able to return from refugee camps and begin rebuilding their lives. But the peace was fragile and negotiations were ongoing. The RUF was reluctant to put down their arms, concerned over potential retribution at the hands of army units and civilian militias alike. There was a planned deployment of UN peacekeepers meant to ease these concerns and help with the transition to peace, but things began to unravel. International contributors began to shy away from further peacekeeping initiatives; such as an expensive and open-ended mission in a strategically unimportant country. As a result, the UN's intervention force was slow to come to fruition and then came to a halt completely when Sankoh argued the size of the contingent of 740 UN peacekeepers was too large.[78] The UN refused to engage without total consent from both parties, thus preventing the deployment of a peacekeeping force. This consent-based approach, Shearer argues, illustrates the limits the UN can play in the volatile and fragile state of affairs that exist during and after civil wars. "In Sierra Leone, it meant that an important component needed to shore up the peace-building process was absent. It also meant that Sankoh was dictating terms."[78] This consent-based approach effectively allowed the leadership of a brutal rebel group to hinder the potential for peace. The situation was exacerbated by the fact that the newly elected President of Sierra Leone
Sierra Leone
terminated the Executive Outcomes
Executive Outcomes
contract undermining his hard power advantage. Things were further inflamed when disaffected officers of the army overthrew the government in 1997.[78] The war quickly renewed. A small UN force of monitors was deployed to observe the security situation. UNOMSIL, as it was called, was deployed between July 1998 and October 1999, but was forced to withdraw from the country when the RUF took the country's capitol.[79] UNAMSIL was eventually formed and deployed in 1999, authorised under a Chapter VII mandate, it was meant to enforce the Lome agreements. However, violence would continue. From the outset the RUF was beyond uncooperative and once the ECOMOG contingent withdrew, the RUF attacked UN forces, eventually taking hundreds hostage.[79] This led to an unexpected backlash from the international community that the RUF did not anticipate. Its leadership had expected the international community to cut and run, as it had done in Somalia
Somalia
and earlier when UNOMSIL fled Freetown. Instead, with British support, an aggressive campaign was waged against the RUF. UNAMSIL's mandate was expanded and its manpower enlarged. By late 2000 and early 2001 the RUF's military strength had been severely depleted. Thus the Abuja agreements were signed and UNAMSIL fulfilled its mandate in December 2005.[80] While Sierra Leone
Sierra Leone
is at peace today and the UN's mission can be deemed a success, the way in which the situation developed illustrates Shearer's point: that a consent-based approach focused on negotiation that encompasses all belligerents' interest may not necessarily lead to success. As we see, fighting continued despite the presence of UNOMSIL. Indeed, even after UNOMSIL was replaced by a more robust force under a Chapter VII mandate in the form of UNAMSIL the violence continued. It was not until the British intervened militarily and substantially degraded the RUF's capability to sustain the conflict, as Executive Outcomes
Executive Outcomes
had done years prior, did the RUF finally come to the negotiating table and allow for the establishment of peace. Some authors question the idea of international interventions at all. In a 2005 working paper for the Center for Global Development, Jeremy Weinstein of Stanford University
Stanford University
provides a theory of “autonomous recovery,” in which states can achieve sustainable peace without international intervention. Using case studies of Uganda, Eritrea, and Somalia, Weinstein demonstrates how states can develop effective institutions out of warfare. This method has cost and benefits that must be weighed against the potential outcome of international intervention. External intervention can stop mass atrocities, but also stop institutional change. Autonomous recovery elevates the strongest leader, but also rewards the strongest fighters who may be less inclined to share power. Furthermore, intervention depends on external influence while autonomous recovery is based on internal factors. The conclusions of his argument could suggest intervention is not ideal policy, but Weinstein argues the international community’s “responsibility to protect” doctrine has moral importance for intervention and the conditions for “autonomous recovery” are very rare. Weinstein argues the fundamental challenge is how to incentivise good governance and assistance to rebel groups without disrupting the connection of citizens to rulers in terms of revenue collection that enables accountability.[81] Mission Creep[edit] Although acknowledging a number of practical and moral reasons for peacekeeping operations, James Fearon and David Laitin assert that they have a tendency under some circumstances to become tangled with state-building efforts. In weak states facing successful guerrilla campaigns, peacekeepers face pressures to build state institutional and administrative capacity in order to achieve lasting peace. These pressures can lead to mission creep beyond the original purview of the peacekeeping operation; without engaging in state-building, the peacekeepers risk allowing the peacekept country to revert to violence following their exit. Thus, Fearon and Laitin advocate for the greater integration of state-building in peacekeeping efforts through a new framework of "neotrusteeship," which would see foreign powers exercising a great deal of control over a weak state's domestic affairs in order to ensure the prevention of future violence.[82] Lack of Engagement with the Populace[edit] A growing critique of peacekeeping is the lack of engagement between the peacekeeping officials and the local populace. As Séverine Autesserre outlines in a 2015 Foreign Policy article,[83] this creates an environment where the peacekeeping officials develop plans to ‘keep’ the peace, but they are disconnected from reality, having the opposite effect on the ground. Additionally, it creates a reinforcement mechanism for the peacekeeping officials, because the officials on the ground report that their plan was successfully implemented, but, in reality, it had adverse effects. If the situation on the ground turns into another outbreak of violence, the local populace will be blamed.[83] This criticism is similar to the critic levelled at development in developing countries by authors such as James C. Scott,[84] James Ferguson, and L. Lohman.[85] Although peacekeeping and development are two different things, the logic behind the criticism is the same. The third-party officials-whether they are peacekeepers or agents of development-are isolated from the general populace, believing they know what is best, and refusing to gather information from a ground level. This is not out of maliciousness or imperialism, but out of a legitimate belief that they, as educated officials with access to other experts and who are well versed in development and peacekeeping literature, know what is best.[84] Proposed reform[edit] Brahimi analysis[edit] In response to criticism, particularly of the cases of sexual abuse by peacekeepers, the UN has taken steps toward reforming its operations. The Brahimi Report was the first of many steps to recap former peacekeeping missions, isolate flaws, and take steps to patch these mistakes to ensure the efficiency of future peacekeeping missions. The UN has vowed to continue to put these practices into effect when performing peacekeeping operations in the future. The technocratic aspects of the reform process have been continued and revitalised by the DPKO in its "Peace Operations 2010" reform agenda. This included an increase in personnel, the harmonisation of the conditions of service of field and headquarters staff, the development of guidelines and standard operating procedures, and improving the partnership arrangement between the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the United Nations
United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), African Union, and European Union. A 2008 capstone doctrine entitled "United Nations Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: Principles and Guidelines"[86] incorporates and builds on the Brahimi analysis. One of the main issues that the Brahimi report identifies is the lack of coordination and planning of the Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations. Also, the difference between the objectives of the Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations and the resources destined to fund the missions. Therefore, the report asks the Security Council to make clear the goals and the resources to accomplish them. According to Fearon and Laitin, the Brahimi Report provides a political instrument for the secretary-general to negotiate with the Security Council the goals, the troops, and the resources need it to the operations. This instrument tries to avoid the cases of underfunding presented in Missions such as in Bosnia, Somalia, and Sierra Leone.[87] Christine Gray analyses the issues of implementing the recommendations of the Brahimi Report. She explains the difficulty in implementing these recommendations. In particular, in reducing the gap between the mandates of Security Council and the actual resources devoted to implementing them.[88] See also[edit]

United Nations
United Nations
portal

Wikimedia Commons has media related to United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping missions.

AFP Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations Center Bangladesh
Bangladesh
UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Force List of United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping missions List of countries by number of UN peacekeepers List of countries where UN peacekeepers are currently deployed List of non-UN peacekeeping missions Multinational Force and Observers Military operations other than war PKSOI Temporary International Presence in Hebron Timeline of UN peacekeeping missions Three Block War Peacebuilding

References[edit]

^ a b United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping. "Department of Peacekeeping Operations(DPKO)". United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping. Retrieved 2012-10-03.  ^ " United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping". Retrieved 23 October 2014.  ^ United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping. "Department of Field Support(DFS)". United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping. Retrieved 2012-10-03.  ^ Home Jobs Donate Offices. "Nonviolent Peaceforce". Nonviolent Peaceforce. Retrieved 2012-07-17.  ^ a b c Fortna, Page (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work?: Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War. Princeton University Press. pp. Chapter 7.  ^ Doyle, Michael W.; Sambanis, Nicholas (2007). "The UN Record On Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations". International Journal. 63 (3).  ^ 10 Tactical Air Group: Canadian Contingent Multinational Force and Observers Handbook (unclassified), page A-1. DND, Ottawa, 1986. ^ "The African Peace and Security Architecture is already proving useful even though it is still work in progress". dandc.eu. 27 August 2013. Retrieved 14 November 2013.  ^ Rachel, Julian; Schweitzer, Christine (2015). "The Origins And Development of Unarmed Civilian Peacekeeping". Peace Review. 27 (1): 1–8.  ^ a b "History of Peacekeeping". United Nations. Retrieved 17 April 2016.  ^ "UNTSO Background". United Nations. Retrieved 17 April 2016.  ^ "UNMOGIP Background". United Nations. Retrieved 17 April 2016.  ^ Duffey, Tamara (2000). "Cultural Issues in Contemporary Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 7 (1).  ^ "UNEF Mandate". United Nations. Retrieved 17 April 2016.  ^ a b "The Early Years of UN Peacekeeping". United Nations. Retrieved 17 April 2016.  ^ "ONUC". United Nations. Retrieved 17 April 2016.  ^ "Beyond Peace Deals: The United Nations
United Nations
Experiment in "Peacebuilding"".  ^ a b "UN Security Council Takes a Historic Stand Supporting Abortion Access for Women Raped in War
War
/ Library / Homepage". AWID. Archived from the original on 2013-12-03. Retrieved 2013-10-28.  ^ a b c d "OHCHR -". www.ohchr.org.  ^ "Contributors to United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping operations" (PDF).  ^ "Troop and police contributors". Retrieved 2016-10-07.  ^ "Background Note - United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations".  ^ " United Nations
United Nations
peacekeeping - Fatalities By Year up to 30 June 2014" (PDF).  ^ " United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeepers - How are peacekeepers compensated?". Retrieved 23 October 2014.  ^ " Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Fact Sheet". United Nations. Retrieved 2010-12-20.  ^ Office of the Special
Special
Adviser on Gender Issues and the Advancement of Women (2013). "Landmark Resolution on Women Peace and Security", United Nations. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/wps/#resolution ^ United Nations
United Nations
Security Council (October 31, 2000) "Resolution 1325", S/RES/1325, United Nations. ^ United Nations
United Nations
Department of Peacekeeping Operations and Department of Field Support (2010). "Ten-year Impact Study on Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security in Peacekeeping", United Nations, p. 9-10. https://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/documents/10year_impact_study_1325.pdf ^ "Gender statistics. United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping". www.un.org. Retrieved 2016-09-06.  ^ "Women in Peacekeeping. United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping". www.un.org. Retrieved 2016-09-06.  ^ " United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping". www.un.org. Retrieved 2016-09-06.  ^ Fortna, Virginia Page (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choices After Civil War. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 175.  ^ Fortna, Virginia Page (2008). "4". Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work?: Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War. Princeton University Press.  ^ Hoeffler, Anke (2014-03-11). "Can international interventions secure the peace?". International Area Studies Review. 17 (1): 75–94. doi:10.1177/2233865914525380.  ^ "Enough with the Pessimism about Peacekeeping". Political Violence at a Glance. 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2017-01-26.  ^ "Evaluating the conflict-reducing effect of UN peacekeeping operations" (PDF).  ^ "Is U.N. peacekeeping under fire? Here's what you need to know." Washington Post. Retrieved 2017-02-01.  ^ Lundgren, Magnus (2016). "Which international organizations can settle civil wars?". Review of International Organizations. DOI 10.1007/s11558-016-9253-0.  ^ a b Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War. Princeton University Press. p. 116.  ^ Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War. Princeton University Press. pp. 109, 116, 125.  ^ Fortna, Virginia Page; Howard, Lise Morjé (2008-05-20). "Pitfalls and Prospects in the Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Literature*". https://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.041205.103022. doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.041205.103022. Retrieved 2017-04-14.  External link in website= (help) ^ Doyle, Michael W.; Sambanis, Nicholas (2010). Making War
War
and Building Peace : United Nations
United Nations
Peace Operations. Princeton University Press. pp. 336–337.  ^ Autesserre, Severine (2014). Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention. Cambridge University Press. p. 22.  ^ a b Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choice after Civil War. Princeton University Press. p. 117.  ^ Doyle, Michael W.; Sambanis, Nicholas (2010). Making War
War
and Building Peace : United Nations
United Nations
Peace Operations. Princeton University Press. p. 336.  ^ Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work? Shaping Belligerents' Choices after Civil War. Princeton University Press. pp. 117–119.  ^ a b Jeremy Taylor and Michael Edward Walsh (7 January 2014), UN Operations in Africa Provide a Mechanism for Japan’s Military Normalization Agenda, retrieved 7 February 2014 ^ Michael Edward Walsh and Jeremy Taylor (23 December 2013), Time to Reconsider the Japanese Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Mission in South Sudan, retrieved 7 February 2014 ^ Appelbaum, Diana Muir (27 August 2012), How the Sinai
Sinai
Peacekeeping Force Staged a Military Coup in Fiji, retrieved 7 September 2012 ^ Lundgren, Magnus (2018). "Backdoor peacekeeping: Does participation in UN peacekeeping reduce coups at home?". Journal of Peace Research. doi:10.1177/0022343317747668.  ^ Newby, John H., et al. "Positive and negative consequences of a military deployment." Military Medicine (2005) 170#10 pp: 815-819 ^ Fernandes Souza, Wanderson; et al. (2011). "Posttraumatic stress disorder in peacekeepers: a meta-analysis". The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease. 199 (5): 309–312. doi:10.1097/nmd.0b013e3182175180. CS1 maint: Explicit use of et al. (link) ^ Kaurin, P. M. (2007) War
War
Stories: Narrative, Identity and (Recasting) Military Ethics Pedagogy. Pacific Lutheran University. ISME 2007. Retrieved 9-3-2007[permanent dead link] ^ Liu, H. C. K., The war that could destroy both armies, Asia Times, 23 October 2003. Retrieved 9-3-2007. ^ a b Allred, KJ (2006). "Peacekeepers And Prostitutes: How Deployed Forces Fuel the Demand for Trafficked Women and New Hope for Stopping It". Armed Forces & Society. 33 (1): 7.  ^ "The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children" (PDF).  ^ Sex charges haunt UN forces; In places like Congo and Kosovo, peacekeepers have been accused of abusing the people they're protecting," Christian Science Monitor, 26 November 2004, accessed 16 February 2010 ^ al-Hussein, Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid. (2005) "A Comprehensive Strategy to Eliminate Future Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in United Nations Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations." Report to the UN Special
Special
Committee on Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: 8. ^ al-Hussein, Prince Zeid Ra'ad Zeid. (2005) "A Comprehensive Strategy to Eliminate Future Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in United Nations Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations." Report to the UN Special
Special
Committee on Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: 8-9. ^ " Uruguay
Uruguay
apologises over alleged rape by U.N. peacekeepers". Reuters. Retrieved 23 October 2014.  ^ " Uruguay
Uruguay
to apologise over alleged rape by UN peacekeepers". Retrieved 23 October 2014.  ^ Simic, Olivera (2012). "UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: The Emerging Problem Of Sexual Exploitation". Regulation of Sexual Conduct in UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: 13–38.  ^ Gladstone, Rick (2016). "U.N. Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Hit By New Allegations of 'Sickening' Sex Abuse". Retrieved 17 April 2016 – via The New York Times.  ^ "Probe Opens into UN Troops' Alleged Sex Abuse in DR Congo". 2016. Retrieved 17 April 2016 – via Yahoo News.  ^ Katz, Jonathan M. (2010-10-27). "Nation & World UN probes base as source of Haiti
Haiti
cholera outbreak Seattle Times Newspaper". Seattletimes.com. Retrieved 2013-07-28.  ^ In Haiti, Global Failures on a Cholera
Cholera
Epidemic; In-depth New York Times piece investigating UN role in introducing cholera New York Times, 31 March 2012, accessed 30 July 2012 ^ UN likely to blame for Haiti
Haiti
Cholera
Cholera
Outbreak Al Jazeera, 7 March 2012, accessed 30 July 2012 ^ Scientists: UN Soldiers Brought Deadly Superbug to Americas ABC News, 12 January 2012, accessed 30 July 2012 ^ Haiti
Haiti
Cholera: One Year Later, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 25 October 2011, accessed 30 July 2012 ^ "Haitian Ministry of Public Health and Population Cholera
Cholera
Report of July 22, 2012, 22 July 2011, accessed 30 July 2012" (PDF).  ^ a b "Final Report of the Independent Panel of Experts on the Cholera Outbreak in Haiti, pages 21-22, July 2011, accessed 30 July 2012" (PDF).  ^ " Haiti
Haiti
cholera demand against UN". 9 November 2011 – via www.bbc.co.uk.  ^ Doyle, Mark (20 July 2012). " Haiti
Haiti
cholera 'UN responsibility'" – via www.bbc.co.uk.  ^ "Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti: Cholera
Cholera
Litigation". Ijdh.org. 2010-10-21. Retrieved 2013-07-28.  ^ a b c Duffey, Tamara (2000). "Cultural Issues in Contemporary Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 7 (1): 146–147. doi:10.1080/13533310008413823.  ^ a b Duffey, Tamara (2000). "Cultural Issues in Contemporary Peacekeeping". International Peacekeeping. 7 (1): 150–151. doi:10.1080/13533310008413823.  ^ a b c d e f g Clapham, Christopher (1998). "Rwanda: The Perils of Peace". Journal of Peace Research. 35 (2): 193–210. doi:10.1177/0022343398035002003.  ^ a b c d e f g h i Shearer, David (1997). "Exploring the Limits of Consent: Conflict Resolution in Sierra Leone". Millennium- Journal of International Studies. 26 (3): 845–860. doi:10.1177/03058298970260030601.  ^ a b Fortna, Virginia (2008). Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Work? Shaping Belligerents' choices after Civil War. Princeton University Press. pp. 123–124.  ^ "UNAMSIL: United Nations
United Nations
Mission in Sierra Leone". www.un.org. Retrieved 2016-05-05.  ^ Weinstein, Jeremy M. 2005. "Autonomous Recovery and International Intervention in Comparative Perspective." Center for Global Development Working Paper 57.https://www.cgdev.org/files/2731_file_WP57.pdf ^ Fearon, James D; Laitin, David D (2004). "Neotrusteeship and the Problem of Weak States". International Security. 28: 5–43. doi:10.1162/0162288041588296.  ^ a b Autesserre, Severine. "Trouble in Peaceland". Foreign Policy.  ^ a b Scott, James C. (1998). Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 1–10.  ^ Ferguson1 LLohmann2, James1 L2 (1994). ""The anti-politics machine: 'development' and bureaucratic power in Lesotho."". the Ecologist. 24.  ^ " Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Resource Hub" (PDF). pbpu.unlb.org.  ^ Fearon, James D; Laitin, David D (2004). "Neotrusteeship and the Problem of Weak States". International Security. 28 (4): 5–43. doi:10.1162/0162288041588296.  ^ Gray, Christine (2001). " Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
After the Brahimi Report: Is There a Crisis of Credibility for the UN?". J Conflict Security Law. 6 (2): 267–288. doi:10.1093/jcsl/6.2.267. 

Further reading[edit]

Autesserre, Séverine. 2014. Peaceland: Conflict Resolution and the Everyday Politics of International Intervention. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107632042 Barnett, Michael. 2002. Eyewitness to a Genocide: the United Nations and Rwanda. Cornell University Press. Bureš, Oldřich (June 2006). "Regional Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: Complementing or Undermining the United Nations
United Nations
Security Council?". Global Change, Peace & Security. 18 (2): 83–99. doi:10.1080/14781150600687775.  Dandeker, Christopher; Gow, James (1997). "The Future of Peace Support Operations: Strategic Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
and Success". Armed Forces & Society. 23 (3): 327–347. doi:10.1177/0095327X9702300302.  Doyle, Michael W. and Sambanis, Nicholas. 2006. Making War
War
and Building Peace. Princeton University Press * Evelegh, Robin (978). Peace-Keeping in a Democratic Society: the Lessons of Northern Irela d. Montréal, Qué.: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-0502-4 Fortna, Virginia Page (2004). "Does Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Keep Peace? International Intervention and the Duration of Peace After Civil War" (PDF). International Studies Quarterly. 48 (2): 269–292. doi:10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00301.x.  Fortna, Virginia Page; Lise Morjé, Howard (2008). "Pitfalls and Prospects in the Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Future". Annual Review of Political Science. 11: 283–301. doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.041205.103022. Goulding, Marrack (July 1993). "The Evolution of United Nations
United Nations
Peacekeeping". International Affairs. 69 (3): 451–64. doi:10.2307/2622309. JSTOR 2622309.  Howard, Lise Morjé. 2008. UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
in Civil Wars. New York: Cambridge University Press. abstract Marten, Kimberly. 2004. Enforcing the Peace: Learning from the Imperial Past. New York: Columbia University
Columbia University
Press Paris, Roland. 2010. At War's End. New York: Cambridge University Press Pushkina, Darya (June 2006). "A Recipe for Success? Ingredients of a Successful Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Mission". International Peacekeeping. 13 (2): 133–149. doi:10.1080/13533310500436508. Worboys, Katherine (2007). "The Traumatic Journey from Dictatorship to Democracy: Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations and Civil-Military Relations in Argentina, 1989-1999". Armed Forces & Society. 33 (2): 149–168. doi:10.1177/0095327X05283843. 

Reed, Brian; Segal, David (2000). "The Impact of Multiple Deployments on Soldiers' Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Attitudes, Morale and Retention". Armed Forces & Society. 27 (1): 57–78. doi:10.1177/0095327X0002700105.  Sion, Liora (2006). "'Too Sweet and Innocent for War'?: Dutch Peacekeepers and the Use of Violence". Armed Forces & Society. 32 (3): 454–474. doi:10.1177/0095327X05281453.  Blocq, Daniel (2010). "Western Soldiers and the Protection of Local Civilians in UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations: Is a Nationalist Orientation in the Armed Forces Hindering Our Preparedness to Fight?". Armed Forces & Society. 36 (2): 290–309. doi:10.1177/0095327X08330816. 

v t e

 United Nations

António Guterres, Secretary-General Amina J. Mohammed, Deputy Secretary-General Miroslav Lajčák, General Assembly President

United Nations
United Nations
System

United Nations
United Nations
Charter

Preamble

Principal organs

General Assembly

President

Security Council

Members

Economic and Social Council Secretariat

Secretary-General Deputy Secretary-General Under-Secretary-General

International Court of Justice

statute

Trusteeship Council

Secretariat Offices and Departments

Headquarters Envoy on Youth Spokesperson for the Secretary-General Geneva Palace of Nations Nairobi Vienna Economic and Social Affairs Political Affairs Public Information

Dag Hammarskjöld
Dag Hammarskjöld
Library

Safety and Security Palestinian Rights Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Operations Internal Oversight Legal Affairs Developing Countries Sport for Development and Peace Disarmament Affairs Outer Space Affairs Partnerships Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs UN organizations by location United Nations
United Nations
Office for Developing Countries Sexual Violence in Conflict

Programmes and specialized agencies

FAO ICAO IFAD ILO IMO ITC IPCC IAEA MINURSO UNIDO ITU UNAIDS SCSL UNCTAD UNCITRAL UNCDF UNDG UNDP UNDPI UNDPKO

peacekeeping

UNEP

OzonAction UNEP/GRID-Arendal UNEP-WCMC

UNESCO UNFIP UNFPA UN-HABITAT OHCHR UNHCR UNHRC UNICEF UNICRI UNIDIR UNITAR UN-Oceans UNODC UNOPS UNOSAT UNRISD UNRWA UNSSC UNU

UNU-OP UNU-CRIS

UNV UN Women UNWTO UPU WFP WHO WIPO WMO

Members / observers

Full members Founding members

UNSC Permanent members

Observers

European Union

History

League of Nations Four Policemen Declaration by United Nations Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
missions

history timeline

Enlargement

Resolutions

Security Council vetoes General Assembly

66th 67th

Security Council

Cyprus Iran Iraq Israel Lebanon Nagorno-Karabakh North Korea Palestine Syria Western Sahara

Elections

Secretary-General (2006 2016) International Court of Justice
International Court of Justice
2011 General Assembly President (2012 2016) Security Council (2015 2016)

Related

Bretton Woods system Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Criticism Delivering as One Flag

Honour Flag

Four Nations Initiative Genocide
Genocide
Convention UN Global Compact ICC International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World International Years UN laissez-passer Military Staff Committee Official languages Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Peacekeeping Treaty Series UN Day Universal Declaration of Human Rights Millennium Declaration

Summit Development Goals

Security Council veto power UN reform

Security Council reform

UN Art Collection UN Memorial Cemetery Korea

Other

Outline UN television film series (1964–1966) In popular culture

v t e

Laureates of the Nobel Peace Prize

1901–1925

1901 Henry Dunant / Frédéric Passy 1902 Élie Ducommun / Charles Gobat 1903 Randal Cremer 1904 Institut de Droit International 1905 Bertha von Suttner 1906 Theodore Roosevelt 1907 Ernesto Moneta / Louis Renault 1908 Klas Arnoldson / Fredrik Bajer 1909 A. M. F. Beernaert / Paul Estournelles de Constant 1910 International Peace Bureau 1911 Tobias Asser / Alfred Fried 1912 Elihu Root 1913 Henri La Fontaine 1914 1915 1916 1917 International Committee of the Red Cross 1918 1919 Woodrow Wilson 1920 Léon Bourgeois 1921 Hjalmar Branting / Christian Lange 1922 Fridtjof Nansen 1923 1924 1925 Austen Chamberlain / Charles Dawes

1926–1950

1926 Aristide Briand / Gustav Stresemann 1927 Ferdinand Buisson / Ludwig Quidde 1928 1929 Frank B. Kellogg 1930 Nathan Söderblom 1931 Jane Addams / Nicholas Butler 1932 1933 Norman Angell 1934 Arthur Henderson 1935 Carl von Ossietzky 1936 Carlos Saavedra Lamas 1937 Robert Cecil 1938 Nansen International Office for Refugees 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 International Committee of the Red Cross 1945 Cordell Hull 1946 Emily Balch / John Mott 1947 Friends Service Council / American Friends Service Committee 1948 1949 John Boyd Orr 1950 Ralph Bunche

1951–1975

1951 Léon Jouhaux 1952 Albert Schweitzer 1953 George Marshall 1954 United Nations
United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees 1955 1956 1957 Lester B. Pearson 1958 Georges Pire 1959 Philip Noel-Baker 1960 Albert Lutuli 1961 Dag Hammarskjöld 1962 Linus Pauling 1963 International Committee of the Red Cross / League of Red Cross Societies 1964 Martin Luther King Jr. 1965 UNICEF 1966 1967 1968 René Cassin 1969 International Labour Organization 1970 Norman Borlaug 1971 Willy Brandt 1972 1973 Lê Đức Thọ (declined award) / Henry Kissinger 1974 Seán MacBride / Eisaku Satō 1975 Andrei Sakharov

1976–2000

1976 Betty Williams / Mairead Corrigan 1977 Amnesty International 1978 Anwar Sadat / Menachem Begin 1979 Mother Teresa 1980 Adolfo Pérez Esquivel 1981 United Nations
United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees 1982 Alva Myrdal / Alfonso García Robles 1983 Lech Wałęsa 1984 Desmond Tutu 1985 International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War 1986 Elie Wiesel 1987 Óscar Arias 1988 UN Peacekeeping
Peacekeeping
Forces 1989 Tenzin Gyatso (14th Dalai Lama) 1990 Mikhail Gorbachev 1991 Aung San Suu Kyi 1992 Rigoberta Menchú 1993 Nelson Mandela / F. W. de Klerk 1994 Shimon Peres / Yitzhak Rabin / Yasser Arafat 1995 Pugwash Conferences / Joseph Rotblat 1996 Carlos Belo / José Ramos-Horta 1997 International Campaign to Ban Landmines / Jody Williams 1998 John Hume / David Trimble 1999 Médecins Sans Frontières 2000 Kim Dae-jung

2001–present

2001 United Nations / Kofi Annan 2002 Jimmy Carter 2003 Shirin Ebadi 2004 Wangari Maathai 2005 International Atomic Energy Agency / Mohamed ElBaradei 2006 Grameen Bank / Muhammad Yunus 2007 Al Gore / Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change 2008 Martti Ahtisaari 2009 Barack Obama 2010 Liu Xiaobo 2011 Ellen Johnson Sirleaf / Leymah Gbowee / Tawakkol Karman 2012 European Union 2013 Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 2014 Kailash Satyarthi / Malala Yousafzai 2015 Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet 2016 Juan Manuel Santos 2017 International Campaign to Aboli

.