OLD MANDARIN (Chinese : 古官話; pinyin : Gǔ Guānhuà) or EARLY MANDARIN (Chinese : 早期官話; pinyin : Zǎoqí Guānhuà) was the speech of northern China during the Jin and Yuan dynasties (12th to 14th centuries). New genres of vernacular literature were based on this language, including verse, drama and story forms, such as the qu and sanqu .
The phonology of
* 1 Name * 2 Sources
* 3 Phonology
* 3.1 Initials * 3.2 Finals * 3.3 Tones
* 4 Vocabulary * 5 Notes * 6 References * 7 Further reading * 8 External links
The name "Mandarin", as a direct translation of the Chinese Guānhuà (官話, "language of the officials"), was initially applied to the lingua franca of the Ming and Qing dynasties , which was based on various northern dialects. It has since been extended to both Standard Chinese and related northern dialects from the 12th century to the present.
The language was called Hàn'ér yányǔ (漢兒言語, "Hàn'ér language") or Hànyǔ in the Korean Chinese-language textbook Nogeoldae , after the name Hàn'ér or Hànrén used by the Mongols for their subjects in the northern area formerly ruled by the Jin , in contrast to Nánrén for those formerly under the Southern Song dynasty .
China had a strong and conservative tradition of phonological description in the rime dictionaries and their elaboration in rime tables . For example, the phonological system of the 11th-century Guangyun was almost identical to that of the Qieyun of more than four centuries earlier, disguising changes in speech over the period.
A side-effect of foreign rule of northern China between the 10th and 14th centuries was a weakening of many of the old traditions. New genres of vernacular literature such as the qu and sanqu poetry appeared, as well as descriptions of contemporary language that revealed how much the language had changed.
The first alphabetic writing system for Chinese was created by the
Tibetan Buddhist monk and hierarch
Drogön Chögyal Phagpa
Menggu Ziyun was a Chinese rime dictionary based on 'Phags-pa.
The prefaces of the only extant manuscript are dated 1308, but the
work is believed to be derived from earlier 'Phags-pa texts. The
dictionary is believed to be based on
A more radical departure from the rhyme table tradition was the Zhongyuan Yinyun , created by Zhōu Déqīng (周德清) in 1324 as a guide to the rhyming conventions of qu, a new vernacular verse form. The entries are grouped into 19 rhyme classes each identified by a pair of exemplary characters. The rhyme classes are subdivided by tone and then into groups of homophones, with no other indication of pronunciation. The even tone (平 píng) is divided in upper and lower tones called 陰平 yīnpíng and 陽平 yángpíng, respectively. Syllables in the checked tone are distributed between the other tones, but placed after the other syllables with labels such as 入聲作去聲 (rùshēng zuò qùshēng "entering tone makes departing tone").
The phonology of
In Middle Chinese, initial stops and affricates showed a three-way
contrast between voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated and voiced
consonants. The voicing distinction disappeared in most Chinese
varieties, with different effects on the initials and tones in each of
the major groups. In Old Mandarin,
With the exception of the retroflex nasal, which merged with the
dental nasal, the Late
Initials of the Zhongyuan Yinyun LABIALS p- pʰ- m- f- ʋ-
DENTALS t- tʰ- n-
DENTAL SIBILANTS ts- tsʰ-
RETROFLEX SIBILANTS tʂ- tʂʰ-
VELARS k- kʰ- ŋ- x- ʜ-
The initial /ʜ/ denotes a voiced laryngeal onset functioning as a zero initial. It was almost in complementary distribution with the initial /ŋ/, and the two have merged in most modern dialects as a zero initial, , or . The initial /ʋ/ has also merged with the zero initial and the /w/ medial in the standard language.
The distinction between the dental and retroflex sibilants has persisted in northern Mandarin dialects, including that of Beijing, but the two series have merged in southwestern and southeastern dialects. A more recent development in some dialects (including Beijing) is the merger of palatal allophones of dental sibilants and velars, yielding a palatal series (rendered j-, q- and x- in pinyin).
Although these categories are coarser than the finals of the Early
For example, the rhyme classes with nasal codas yield the following
DIV. I DIV. II DIV. III DIV. IV DIV. I DIV. II DIV. III DIV. IV
咸 xián -am -jam -jɛm
臻 zhēn -ən
山 shān -an -jan -jɛn -wɔn -wan -ɥɛn
曾 zēng -əŋ
宕 dàng -aŋ
The dàng and jiāng rhyme classes had merged by the 11th century. The merger of the zēng and gěng classes is a characteristic feature of Mandarin dialects.
The two sources yield very similar sets of finals, though they sometimes differ in which finals were considered to rhyme:
開口 齊齒 合口 撮口
- -J- -W- -ɥ-
5 魚模 yú-mú
-u -y 5 魚 yú
12 哥戈 gē-hū -ɔ -jɔ -wɔ
14 哥 gē
14 車遮 chē-zhē
-ɥɛ 15 痲 má
13 家痲 jiā-má -a -ja -wa
3 支思 zhī-sī -ẓ, -ŗ
4 支 zhī
4 齊微 qí-wēi
6 佳 jiā
6 皆來 jiē-lái -aj -jaj -waj
16 尤侯 yóu-hóu -əw -iw
11 尤 yóu
11 蕭豪 xiāo-háo
10 蕭 xiāo
-aw -jaw -waw
17 侵尋 qīn-xún -əm -im
13 侵 qīn
19 廉纖 lián-xiān
12 覃 tán
18 監咸 yán-xián -am -jam
7 真文 zhēn-wén -ən -in -un -yn 7 真 zhēn
10 先天 xiān-tiān
-ɥɛn 9 先 xiān
9 桓歡 huán-huān
8 寒 hán
8 寒山 hán-shān -an -jan -wan
1 東鐘 dōng-zhōng
-uŋ -juŋ 1 東 dōng
15 庚青 gēng-qīng -əŋ -iŋ -wəŋ -yŋ 2 庚 gēng
2 江陽 jiāng-yáng -aŋ -jaŋ -waŋ
3 陽 yáng
In syllables with labial initials,
In Middle Chinese, syllables with vocalic or nasal codas could have one of three pitch contours, traditionally called "even", "rising" and "departing". Syllables ending in a stop consonant /p/, /t/ or /k/ (checked syllables ) had no tonal contrasts but were traditionally treated as a separate "entering" tone category, parallel to syllables ending in nasals /m/, /n/, or /ŋ/. Syllables with voiced initials tended to be pronounced with a lower pitch, and by the late Tang dynasty , each of the tones had split into two registers conditioned by the initials. When voicing was lost in all dialect groups except Wu and Old Xiang , this distinction became phonemic.
The Zhongyuan Yinyun shows the typical Mandarin rearrangement of the first three tone classes into four tones:
* the upper even tone, conditioned by
Checked syllables are distributed across syllables with vocalic codas
in other tones determined by the
* tone 2 in syllables with voiced obstruent initials * tone 3 in syllables with voiceless initials except the glottal stop * tone 4 in syllables with sonorant or glottal stop initials
Such syllables are placed after others of the same tone in the
dictionary, perhaps to accommodate Old
The flourishing vernacular literature of the period also shows distinctively Mandarin vocabulary and syntax, though some, such as the third-person pronoun tā (他), can be traced back to the Tang dynasty.
* ^ -jam occurs only in syllables with
* ^ Norman (1988) , p. 23, 136. * ^ Kaske (2008) , p. 46. * ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 49–50. * ^ Coblin (2006) , pp. 1–3. * ^ A B Norman (1988) , pp. 51–52. * ^ Coblin (2006) , pp. 6, 9–15. * ^ A B Norman (1988) , p. 49. * ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 34–36, 52–54. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 65, 69. * ^ Norman (1988) , p. 50, based on Dong (1954). * ^ Pulleyblank (1991) , pp. 7–8. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 42, 238. * ^ Hsueh (1975) , p. 38. * ^ Norman (1988) , p. 193. * ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 31–32. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , p. 47. * ^ A B Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 127–128. * ^ A B Pulleyblank (1984) , p. 127. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 126–127. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 125–126. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , p. 125. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 122–125. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 117–118. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 118–120. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 113–116. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , pp. 121–122. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , p. 121. * ^ Norman (1999) , pp. 198, 201–202. * ^ Norman (1988) , p. 50. * ^ A B Pulleyblank (1971) , pp. 143–144. * ^ Pulleyblank (1991) , pp. 8–9. * ^ Pulleyblank (1991) , p. 9. * ^ Pulleyblank (1984) , p. 237. * ^ Hsueh (1975) , p. 65. * ^ Stimson (1977) , p. 942. * ^ Coblin (2000) , p. 539. * ^ Coblin (2000) , pp. 538–540. * ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 34–36. * ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 52–54. * ^ Pulleyblank (1978) , p. 192. * ^ Pulleyblank (1978) , p. 193. * ^ Pulleyblank (1991) , p. 10. * ^ Stimson (1977) , p. 943. * ^ Norman (1988) , pp. 111–132.
* Coblin, W. South (2000), "A brief history of Mandarin", Journal of
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* Pulleyblank, Edwin G. (1971), "Late Middle Chinese, Part II"
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* —— (1978), "The nature of the
* Li, Wen-Chao (1999), A Diachronically-motivated Segmental Phonology of Mandarin Chinese, Peter Lang, ISBN 978-0-8204-4293-8 . * Shen, Zhongwei (2015), "Early Mandarin seen from ancient Altaic scripts", in S-Y. Wang, William; Sun, Chaofen, The Oxford Handbook of Chinese Linguistics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 91–103, ISBN 978-0-19-985633-6 . * Stimson, Hugh M. (1966), The Jongyuan In Yunn: a guide to Old Mandarin pronunciation, Far Eastern Publications, Yale University.
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* Harbin * Shenyang
* Beijing * Karamay
* Tianjin * Jinan
* Dalian * Qingdao * Weihai
* Central Plains
* Gangou * Guanzhong * Luoyang *