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Bolshevik
Bolshevik
victory:

End of the Provisional Government, Russian Republic
Russian Republic
and dual power Creation of Soviet Russia The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets
All-Russian Congress of Soviets
becomes the supreme governing body Beginning of the civil warBelligerents Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee Bolshevik
Bolshevik
PartyLeft Socialist-RevolutionariesRed Guards Provisional GovernmentCommanders and leaders Vladimir Lenin
Vladimir Lenin
Leon Trotsky
Leon Trotsky
Pavel Dybenko
Pavel Dybenko
Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko Alexander Kerensky
Alexander Kerensky
Pyotr KrasnovStrength 10,000 red sailors, 20,000–30,000 red guard soldiers 500–1,000 volunteer soldiers, 1,000 soldiers of women's battalionCasualties and losses Few wounded red guard soldiers[1] All imprisoned or deserted vteRussian Revolution February Revolution April Crisis July Days Kornilov affair October
October
Revolution Kerensky–Krasnov uprising Russian Civil War

vteTheaters of the Russian Civil War October
October
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Soviet Union portalvte Bolshevik
Bolshevik
(1920) by Boris Kustodiev The New York Times
The New York Times
headline from 9 November 1917 The October
October
Revolution,[a] officially known in Soviet historiography as the Great October
October
Socialist Revolution[b] and commonly referred to as the October
October
Uprising, the October
October
Coup, the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Revolution,[2] the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Coup or the Red October, was a revolution in Russia
Russia
led by the Bolshevik Party
Bolshevik Party
of Vladimir Lenin
Vladimir Lenin
that was instrumental in the larger Russian Revolution of 1917. It took place through an armed insurrection in Petrograd
Petrograd
on 7 November (25 October, O.S.) 1917. It followed and capitalized on the February Revolution
February Revolution
of the same year, which overthrew the Tsarist autocracy
Tsarist autocracy
and resulted in a provisional government after a transfer of power proclaimed by Grand Duke Michael, the younger brother of Tsar Nicholas II, who declined to take power after the Tsar stepped down. During this time, urban workers began to organize into councils (soviets) wherein revolutionaries criticized the provisional government and its actions. After the Congress of Soviets, now the governing body, had its second session, it elected members of the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
and other left wing groups such as the Left Socialist Revolutionaries to important positions within the new state of affairs. This immediately initiated the establishment of the Russian Soviet Republic. On 17 July 1918, the Tsar and his family were executed. The revolution was led by the Bolsheviks, who used their influence in the Petrograd Soviet
Petrograd Soviet
to organize the armed forces. Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Red Guards forces under the Military Revolutionary Committee
Military Revolutionary Committee
began the occupation of government buildings on 7 November 1917 (New Style). The following day, the Winter Palace
Winter Palace
(the seat of the Provisional government located in Petrograd, then capital of Russia) was captured. The slogan of the October
October
revolution was All Power to the Soviets, meaning all power to democratic elected councils from below. For a time, this was observed, with the interim Bolshevik-only Sovnarkom
Sovnarkom
or soviet government replaced by a Bolshevik-Left SR coalition government with an All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets composed of all representatives of all factions who supported soviet power and legally entrenching the peasant land seizures. Over the course of 1918, from the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk which resulted in a Left SR walkout, and other policies disputed by both the other pro-soviet parties and minority factions of the Bolsheviks, this progressively dissipated until by 1920 there were no free elections but delegates appointed by a party state. The long-awaited Constituent Assembly elections were held on 12 November 1917. In contrast to their majority in the Soviets, the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
only won 175 seats in the 715-seat legislative body, coming in second behind the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which won 370 seats, although the SR Party no longer existed as a whole party by that time, as the Left SRs had gone into coalition with the Bolsheviks from October
October
1917 to March 1918 (a cause of dispute of the legitimacy of the returned seating of the Constituent Assembly, as the old lists were drawn up by the old SR Party leadership, and thus represented mostly Right SRs, whereas the peasant soviet deputies had returned majorities for the pro- Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Left SRs). The Constituent Assembly was to first meet on 28 November 1917, but its convocation was delayed until 5 January 1918 by the Bolsheviks. On its first and only day in session, the Constituent Assembly came into conflict with the Soviets, and it rejected Soviet decrees on peace and land, resulting in the Constituent Assembly being dissolved the next day by order of the Congress of Soviets.[3] As the revolution was not universally recognized, there followed the struggles of the Russian Civil War
Russian Civil War
(1917–22) and the creation of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
in 1922.

Contents

1 Etymology 2 Background

2.1 February Revolution 2.2 Unrest by workers, peasants and soldiers 2.3 Antiwar demonstrations 2.4 July days 2.5 Kornilov affair 2.6 German support

3 Insurrection

3.1 Planning 3.2 Onset 3.3 Assault on the Winter Palace 3.4 Later Soviet portrayal 3.5 Dybenko's memoirs

4 Timeline of the spread of Soviet power ( Gregorian calendar
Gregorian calendar
dates) 5 Outcome 6 Historiography

6.1 Soviet historiography 6.2 Western historiography 6.3 Effect of the dissolution of the USSR on historical research

7 Legacy 8 See also 9 Notes 10 References 11 External links

Etymology[edit] At first, the event was referred to as the October
October
coup (Октябрьский переворот) or the Uprising of 3rd, as seen in contemporary documents (for example, in the first editions of Lenin's complete works). In Russian, however, "переворот" has a similar meaning to "revolution" and also means "upheaval" or "overturn", so "coup" is not necessarily the correct translation. With time, the term October
October
Revolution (Октябрьская революция) came into use. It is also known as the "November Revolution" having occurred in November according to the Gregorian Calendar[4] (for details, see Soviet calendar).

Background[edit] February Revolution[edit] Main article: February Revolution The February Revolution
February Revolution
had toppled Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, and replaced his government with the Russian Provisional Government. However, the provisional government was weak and riven by internal dissension. It continued to wage World War I, which became increasingly unpopular. A nationwide crisis developed in Russia, affecting social, economic, and political relations. Disorder in industry and transport had intensified, and difficulties in obtaining provisions had increased. Gross industrial production in 1917 had decreased by over 36% from what it had been in 1914. In the autumn, as much as 50% of all enterprises were closed down in the Urals, the Donbas, and other industrial centers, leading to mass unemployment. At the same time, the cost of living increased sharply. Real wages fell about 50% from what they had been in 1913. Russia's national debt in October
October
1917 had risen to 50 billion rubles. Of this, debts to foreign governments constituted more than 11 billion rubles. The country faced the threat of financial bankruptcy.

Unrest by workers, peasants and soldiers[edit] Throughout June, July, and August 1917, it was common to hear working-class Russians speak about their lack of confidence and misgivings with those in power in the Provisional Government. Factory workers around Russia
Russia
felt unhappy with the growing shortages of food, supplies, and other materials. They blamed their own managers or foremen and would even attack them in the factories. The workers blamed many rich and influential individuals, such as elites in positions of power, for the overall shortage of food and poor living conditions. Workers labelled these rich and powerful individuals as opponents of the Revolution, and called them words such as "bourgeois, capitalist, and imperialist."[5] In September and October
October
1917, there were mass strike actions by the Moscow and Petrograd
Petrograd
workers, miners in Donbas, metalworkers in the Urals, oil workers in Baku, textile workers in the Central Industrial Region, and railroad workers on 44 railway lines. In these months alone, more than a million workers took part in strikes. Workers established control over production and distribution in many factories and plants in a social revolution.[6] Workers were able to organize these strikes through factory committees. The factory committees represented the workers and were able to negotiate better working conditions, pay, and hours. Even though workplace conditions may have been increasing in quality, the overall quality of life for workers was not improving. There were still shortages of food and the increased wages workers had obtained did little to provide for their families.[5] By October
October
1917, peasant uprisings were common. By autumn the peasant movement against the landowners had spread to 482 of 624 counties or 77% of the country. As 1917 progressed the peasantry increasingly began to lose faith that the land would be distributed to them by the Social Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks. Refusing to continue living as before they increasingly took measures into their own hands as can be seen by the increase in the number and militancy of the peasant's actions. From the beginning of September to the October
October
Revolution there were over a third as many peasant actions than had been recorded since March. Over 42% of all the cases of destruction (usually burning down and seizing property from the landlord's estate) recorded between February and October
October
occurred in October.[7] While the uprisings varied in severity, complete uprisings and seizures of the land were not uncommon. Less robust forms of protest included marches on landowner manors and government offices, as well as withholding and storing grains rather than selling them as a result of the economic crisis.[8] When the Provisional Government sent punitive detachments, it only enraged the peasants. The garrisons in Petrograd, Moscow, and other cities, the Northern and Western fronts, and the sailors of the Baltic Fleet
Baltic Fleet
in September declared through their elected representative body Tsentrobalt that they did not recognize the authority of the Provisional Government and would not carry out any of its commands.[9] Soldiers' wives were key players in unrest in the village. From 1914 to 1917, almost 50% of healthy men were sent to war, and many were killed on the front, resulting in a female occupation of the position of the household head. When government allowances were often late and were not sufficient to match the rising costs of goods, soldiers' wives sent masses of appeals and letters to the government, which largely were left unanswered. Frustration resulted, and these women were influential in inciting "subsistence riots" – also referred to as "hunger riots," "pogroms," or "baba riots". In these riots, citizens seized food and resources from shop owners who they believed to be charging unfair prices. Upon police intervention, protesters responded with "rakes, sticks, rocks and fists".[10]

Antiwar demonstrations[edit] In a diplomatic note of 1 May, the minister of foreign affairs, Pavel Milyukov, expressed the Provisional Government's desire to continue the war against the Central Powers
Central Powers
"to a victorious conclusion", arousing broad indignation. On 1–4 May, about 100,000 workers and soldiers of Petrograd, and after them the workers and soldiers of other cities, led by the Bolsheviks, demonstrated under banners reading "Down with the war!" and "all power to the soviets!" The mass demonstrations resulted in a crisis for the Provisional Government.[11] 1 July saw more demonstrations, as about 500,000 workers and soldiers in Petrograd
Petrograd
demonstrated, again demanding "all power to the soviets", "down with the war", and "down with the ten capitalist ministers". The Provisional Government opened an offensive against the Central Powers
Central Powers
on 1 July, which soon collapsed. The news of the offensive and its collapse intensified the struggle of the workers and the soldiers. A new crisis in the Provisional Government began on 15 July.[citation needed]

July days[edit] Main article: July Days A scene from the July Days. The army has just opened fire on street protesters. On 16 July, spontaneous demonstrations of workers and soldiers began in Petrograd, demanding that power be turned over to the soviets. The Central Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party provided leadership to the spontaneous movements. On 17 July, over 500,000 people participated in what was intended to be a peaceful demonstration in Petrograd, the so-called July Days. The Provisional Government, with the support of Socialist-Revolutionary Party- Menshevik
Menshevik
leaders of the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Soviets, ordered an armed attack against the demonstrators, killing hundreds.[12] A period of repression followed. On 5–6 July, attacks were made on the editorial offices and printing presses of Pravda
Pravda
and on the Palace of Kshesinskaya, where the Central Committee and the Petrograd Committee of the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
were located. On 7 July, the government ordered the arrest and trial of Vladimir Lenin. He was forced to go underground, as he had been under the Tsarist
Tsarist
regime. Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
were arrested, workers were disarmed, and revolutionary military units in Petrograd
Petrograd
were disbanded or sent to the war front. On 12 July, the Provisional Government published a law introducing the death penalty at the front. The second coalition government was formed on 24 July, chaired by Alexander Kerensky.[13] Another problem for the government centered on General Lavr Kornilov, who had been Commander-in-Chief since 18 July. In response to a Bolshevik
Bolshevik
appeal, Moscow's working class began a protest strike of 400,000 workers. They were supported by strikes and protest rallies by workers in Kiev, Kharkov, Nizhny Novgorod, Ekaterinburg, and other cities.

Kornilov affair[edit] Main article: Kornilov affair In what became known as the Kornilov affair, Kornilov directed an army under Aleksandr Krymov
Aleksandr Krymov
to march toward Petrograd
Petrograd
to restore order to Russia, with Kerensky's agreement.[14] Details remain sketchy, but Kerensky appeared to become frightened by the possibility the army would stage a coup, and reversed the order. By contrast, historian Richard Pipes
Richard Pipes
has argued that the episode was engineered by Kerensky.[15] On 27 August, feeling betrayed by the government, Kornilov pushed on towards Petrograd. With few troops to spare on the front, Kerensky turned to the Petrograd Soviet
Petrograd Soviet
for help. Bolsheviks, Mensheviks
Mensheviks
and Socialist Revolutionaries
Socialist Revolutionaries
confronted the army and convinced them to stand down.[16] The Bolsheviks' influence over railroad and telegraph workers also proved vital in stopping the movement of troops. Right-wingers felt betrayed, and the left wing was resurgent. With Kornilov defeated, the Bolsheviks' popularity in the soviets grew significantly, both in the central and local areas. On 31 August, the Petrograd Soviet
Petrograd Soviet
of Workers and Soldiers Deputies, and on 5 September, the Moscow Soviet Workers Deputies adopted the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
resolutions on the question of power. The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
won a majority in the Soviets of Briansk, Samara, Saratov, Tsaritsyn, Minsk, Kiev, Tashkent, and other cities.

German support[edit] Vladimir Lenin, who had been living in exile in Switzerland, organised a plan with other dissidents to negotiate a passage for them through Germany, with whom Russia
Russia
was then at war. Recognising that these dissidents could cause problems for their Russian enemies, the German government agreed to permit 32 Russian citizens to travel in a "sealed" train carriage through their territory, among them Lenin and his wife. According to the Deutsche Welle, "On November 7, 1917, a coup d'état went down in history as the October
October
Revolution. The interim government was toppled, the Soviets seized power, and Russia later terminated the Triple Entente
Triple Entente
military alliance with France and Britain. For Russia, it was effectively the end of the war. Kaiser Wilhelm II had spent around half a billion euros ($582 million) in today's money to weaken his wartime enemy."[17]

Insurrection[edit] Planning[edit] Cruiser Aurora Forward gun of Aurora that fired the signal shot On 23 October
October
1917 (5 November New Style), the Bolsheviks' Central Committee voted 10–2 for a resolution saying that "an armed uprising is inevitable, and that the time for it is fully ripe".[18] At the Committee meeting, Lenin discussed how the people of Russia
Russia
had waited long enough for "an armed uprising", and it was the Bolsheviks' time to take power. Lenin expressed his confidence in the success of the planned insurrection. His confidence stemmed from months of Bolshevik
Bolshevik
buildup of power and successful elections to different committees and councils in major cities such as Petrograd
Petrograd
and Moscow.[19] The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
created a revolutionary military committee within the Petrograd
Petrograd
soviet, led by the soviet's president, Trotsky. The committee included armed workers, sailors and soldiers, and assured the support or neutrality of the capital's garrison. The committee methodically planned to occupy strategic locations through the city, almost without concealing their preparations: the Provisional Government's president Kerensky was himself aware of them, and some details, leaked by Kamenev and Zinoviev, were published in newspapers.[20][21]

Onset[edit] In the early morning of 24 October
October
(6 November N.S.), a group of soldiers loyal to Kerensky's government marched on the printing house of the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
newspaper, Rabochy put (Worker's Path), seizing and destroying printing equipment and thousands of newspapers. Shortly thereafter the government announced the immediate closure of not only Rabochy put but also the left-wing Soldat as well as the far-right newspapers Zhivoe slovo and Novaia Rus'. The editors of these newspapers, as well as any authors seen to be calling for insurrection, were to be prosecuted on criminal charges.[22] In response, at 9 AM the Military Revolutionary Committee
Military Revolutionary Committee
issued a statement denouncing the government's actions. At 10 AM, Bolshevik-aligned soldiers successfully retook the Rabochy put printing house. Kerensky responded at approximately 3 PM that afternoon by ordering the raising of all but one of Petrograd's bridges, a tactic used by the government several months earlier in the July Days. What followed was a series of sporadic clashes over control of the bridges between Red Guard militias aligned with the Military Revolutionary Committee and military regiments still loyal to the government. At approximately 5 PM the Military Revolutionary Committee seized the Central Telegraph of Petrograd, giving the Bolsheviks control over communications through the city.[22][23] On 25 October
October
(7 November new style) 1917, Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
led their forces in the uprising in Petrograd
Petrograd
(now St. Petersburg, then capital of Russia) against the Kerensky Provisional Government. The event coincided with the arrival of a flotilla of pro- Bolshevik
Bolshevik
marines, primarily five destroyers and their crews, in St. Petersburg harbor. At Kronstadt, sailors also announced their allegiance to the Bolshevik insurrection. In the early morning, the military-revolutionary committee planned the last of the locations to be assaulted or seized from its heavily guarded and picketed center in Smolny Palace. The Red Guards systematically captured major government facilities, key communication installations and vantage points with little opposition. The Petrograd
Petrograd
Garrison and most of the city's military units joined the insurrection against the Provisional Government.[21] Kerensky and the Provisional Government were virtually helpless to offer significant resistance. Railways and railway stations had been controlled by Soviet workers and soldiers for days, making rail travel to and from Petrograd
Petrograd
impossible for Provisional Government officials. The Provisional Government was also unable to locate any serviceable vehicles. On the morning of the insurrection, Kerensky desperately searched for a means of reaching military forces he hoped would be friendly to the Provisional Government outside the city, and ultimately borrowed a Renault car from the American embassy, which he drove from the Winter Palace
Winter Palace
alongside a Pierce Arrow. Kerensky was able to evade the pickets going up around the palace and drive to meet approaching soldiers.[22] As Kerensky left Petrograd, Lenin wrote a proclamation "To the Citizens of Russia" stating that the Provisional Government had been overthrown by the Military Revolutionary Committee. The proclamation was sent by telegraph throughout Russia
Russia
even as the pro-Soviet soldiers were seizing important control centers throughout the city. One of Lenin's intentions was to present members of the Soviet congress, who would assemble that afternoon, with a fait accompli and thus forestall further debate on the wisdom or legitimacy of taking power.[22]

Assault on the Winter Palace[edit] A bloodless insurrection occurred with a final assault against the Winter Palace, with 3,000 cadets, officers, cossacks and female soldiers poorly defending the Winter Palace.[22][24] The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
delayed the assault because the revolutionaries could not find functioning artillery. The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
also prolonged the assault for fear of violence since the insurrection did not generate violent outbreaks. At 6:15 p.m., a large group of artillery cadets abandoned the palace, taking their artillery with them. At 8:00 p.m., 200 cossacks left the palace and returned to their barracks.[22] While the cabinet of the provisional government within the palace debated what action to take, the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
issued an ultimatum to surrender. Workers and soldiers occupied the last of the telegraph stations, cutting off the cabinet's communications with loyal military forces outside the city. As the night progressed, crowds of insurgents surrounded the palace, and many infiltrated it.[22] While Soviet historians and officials tended to depict the event in heroic terms, the insurrection and even the seizure of the Winter Palace
Winter Palace
happened almost without resistance.[21] At 9:45 p.m, the cruiser Aurora fired a blank shot from the harbor. Some of the revolutionaries entered the Palace at 10:25 p.m. and there was a mass entry 3 hours later. By 2:10 a.m on 26 October Bolshevik
Bolshevik
forces had gained control of the palace. After sporadic gunfire throughout the building, the cabinet of the provisional government had surrendered. The only member who was not arrested was Kerensky himself who had already left the Palace.[22][25]

Later Soviet portrayal[edit] Later official accounts of the revolution from the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
would depict the events in October
October
as being far more dramatic than they actually had been.[26] (See a first-hand account by British General Knox.) This was aided by the historical reenactment, entitled The Storming of the Winter Palace, which was staged in 1920. This reenactment, watched by 100,000 spectators, provided the model for official films made much later, which showed a huge storming of the Winter Palace
Winter Palace
and fierce fighting.[27] In reality, the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
insurgents faced little opposition.[24] The insurrection was timed and organized to hand state power to the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets
All-Russian Congress of Soviets
of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which began on 25 October
October
(7 November new style). After a single day of revolution, the death toll was low not because Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
decided not to use artillery fire, but instead because the class struggle was used as the strongest weapon.[28] Soviet government archives show that parties of Bolshevik
Bolshevik
operatives sent from the Smolny Institute by Lenin took over all critical central power in Petrograd
Petrograd
in the early hours of the first night without a significant number of shots fired.[29] This was completed so efficiently that the takeover resembled the changing of the guard. There was not much of a storming of the Winter Palace
Winter Palace
because the resistance basically did not exist and at 2:10 a.m. on 26 October (8 November new style) 1917 the Red Guards took control of the Winter Palace. The Cossacks deserted when the Red Guard approached, and the Cadets and the 140 volunteers of the Women's Battalion
Women's Battalion
surrendered rather than resist the 40,000 strong army.[30] The Aurora was commandeered to then fire blanks at the palace in a symbolic act of rejection of the government. The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
effectively controlled the almost unoccupied Winter Palace
Winter Palace
not because of an intense military barrage, but because the back door was left open, allowing the Red Guard to enter.[31] The Provisional Government was arrested and imprisoned in Peter and Paul Fortress
Peter and Paul Fortress
after the ministers resigned to fate and surrendered without a fight, and officially overthrown. Later stories of the heroic "Storming of the Winter Palace" and "defense of the Winter Palace" were later propaganda by Bolshevik publicists. Grandiose paintings depicting the "Women's Battalion" and photo stills taken from Sergei Eisenstein's staged film depicting the "politically correct" version of the October
October
events in Petrograd
Petrograd
came to be taken as truth.[32] With the Petrograd Soviet
Petrograd Soviet
now in control of government, garrison and proletariat, the Second All Russian Congress of Soviets held its opening session on the day, while Trotsky
Trotsky
dismissed the opposing Mensheviks
Mensheviks
and the Socialist Revolutionaries
Socialist Revolutionaries
(SR) from Congress.

Dybenko's memoirs[edit] Some sources contend that as the leader of Tsentrobalt, Pavlo Dybenko played an enormous role in the revolt. It is said[who?] that the ten warships that entered the city with ten thousand Baltic fleet mariners was the force that actually took the power in Petrograd
Petrograd
and put down the Provisional Government. The same mariners then dispersed by force the elected parliament of Russia,[33] and used machine-gun fire against protesting demonstrators in Petrograd.[citation needed] About 100 demonstrators were killed, and several hundreds wounded.[citation needed] Dybenko in his memoirs mentioned this event as "several shots in the air". These are disputed by various sources such as Louise Bryant,[34] who claims that news outlets in the West at the time reported that the unfortunate loss of life occurred in Moscow, not Petrograd, and the number was much less than suggested above. As for the "several shots in the air", there is little evidence suggesting otherwise.

Timeline of the spread of Soviet power (Gregorian calendar dates)[edit] 5 November 1917: Tallinn. 7 November 1917: Petrograd, Minsk, Novgorod, Ivanovo-Voznesensk
Ivanovo-Voznesensk
and Tartu 8 November 1917: Ufa, Kazan, Yekaterinburg and Narva;(failed in Kiev) 9 November 1917: Vitebsk, Yaroslavl, Saratov, Samara and Izhevsk 10 November 1917: Rostov, Tver and Nizhny Novgorod 12 November 1917: Voronezh, Smolensk and Gomel 13 November 1917: Tambov 14 November 1917: Orel and Perm 15 November 1917: Pskov, Moscow and Baku 27 November 1917: Tsaritsyn 1 December 1917: Mogilev 8 December 1917: Vyatka 10 December 1917: Kishinev 11 December 1917: Kaluga 14 December 1917: Novorossisk 15 December 1917: Kostroma 20 December 1917: Tula 24 December 1917: Kharkov
Kharkov
(invasion of Ukraine by the Muravyov Red Guard forces, establishment of the Soviet Ukraine and hostilities in the region) 29 December 1917: Sevastopol (invasion of Crimea by the Red Guard forces, establishment of the Taurida Soviet republic) 4 January 1918: Penza 11 January 1918: Yekaterinoslav 17 January 1918: Petrozavodsk 19 January 1918: Poltava 22 January 1918: Zhitomir 26 January 1918: Simferopol 27 January 1918: Nikolayev 28 January 1918: Helsinki (the Reds overthrow the White Senate, the Finnish Civil War
Finnish Civil War
begins) 29 January 1918: (failed again in Kiev) 31 January 1918: Odessa and Orenburg (establishment of the Odessa Soviet Republic) 7 February 1918: Astrakhan 8 February 1918: Kiev
Kiev
and Vologda (defeat of the Ukrainian government) 17 February 1918: Arkhangelsk 25 February 1918: Novocherkassk Outcome[edit] This article may require copy editing for grammar, style, cohesion, tone, or spelling. You can assist by editing it. (June 2019) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) See also: Russian Revolution, Moscow Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Uprising, and Kiev Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Uprising Petrograd
Petrograd
Milrevcom
Milrevcom
proclamation about the deposing of the Russian Provisional Government The Second Congress of Soviets consisted of 670 elected delegates; 300 were Bolshevik
Bolshevik
and nearly a hundred were Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who also supported the overthrow of the Alexander Kerensky
Alexander Kerensky
Government.[35] When the fall of the Winter Palace was announced, the Congress adopted a decree transferring power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, thus ratifying the Revolution. The transfer of power was not without disagreement. The center and Right wings of the Socialist Revolutionaries
Socialist Revolutionaries
as well as the Mensheviks believed that Lenin and the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
had illegally seized power and they walked out before the resolution was passed. As they exited, they were taunted by Leon Trotsky
Leon Trotsky
who told them "You are pitiful isolated individuals; you are bankrupts; your role is played out. Go where you belong from now on — into the dustbin of history!"[36] The following day, 26 October, the Congress elected a new cabinet of Bolsheviks, pending the convocation of a Constituent Assembly. This basis for the new Soviet government was known as the Council (Soviet) of People's Commissars (Sovnarkom), with Lenin as leader. Lenin allegedly approved of the name, reporting that it "smells of revolution".[37] The cabinet quickly passed the Decree on Peace and the Decree on Land. This new government was also officially called "provisional" until the Assembly was dissolved. Posters were pinned on walls and fences by the Right Socialist Revolutionaries, describing the takeover as a "crime against the motherland and revolution". On 27 October
October
1917 (9 November new style), the Mensheviks
Mensheviks
seized power in Georgia and declared it an independent republic. The Don Cossacks also claimed control of their own government. The biggest Bolshevik strongholds were in the cities, particularly Petrograd, with support much more mixed in rural areas. The peasant dominated Left SR Party was in coalition with the Bolsheviks. There are reports that the Provisional Government had not conceded defeat and are meeting with the army at the Front. On 28 October
October
1917,(10 November new style) some posters and newspapers started criticizing the actions of the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
and refuted their authority. The Executive Committee of Peasants Soviets "[refuted] with indignation all participation of the organised peasantry in this criminal violation of the will of the working class".[38] On 29 October
October
1917, opposition to the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
developed into major counter-revolutionary action. Cossacks entered Tsarskoye Selo
Tsarskoye Selo
on outskirts of Petrograd
Petrograd
with Kerensky riding on a white horse welcomed by church bells. Kerensky gave an ultimatum to the rifle garrison to lay down weapons, which was promptly refused. They were then fired upon by Kerensky's Cossacks, which resulted in 8 deaths. This turned soldiers in Petrograd
Petrograd
against Kerensky because he was just like the Tsarist
Tsarist
regime. Kerensky's failure to assume authority over troops was described by John Reed as a 'fatal blunder' that signalled the final death of the government.[39] On 30 October
October
1917 (12 November new style), the battle against the anti- Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
continued. The Red Guard fought against Cossacks at Tsarskoye Selo, with the Cossacks breaking rank and fleeing, leaving their artillery behind. On 31 October
October
1917 (13 November new style), the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
gained control of Moscow after a week of bitter street-fighting. Artillery had been freely used with an estimated 700 casualties. However, there was still continued support for Kerensky in some of the provinces. On 1 November 1917 (14 November new style), there was an appeal to anti- Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
throughout Russia
Russia
to join the new government of the people, with the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
winning even more support from the Russian people. On 2 November 1917 (15 November new style), there was only minor public anti- Bolshevik
Bolshevik
sentiment; for example, the newspaper Novaya Zhizn criticised the lack of manpower and organisation of the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
to run a party, let alone a government. Lenin confidently claimed that there is "not a shadow of hesitation in the masses of Petrograd, Moscow and the rest of Russia" towards Bolshevik rule.[40] On 10 November 1917 (23 November new style), the government sought to label its citizens as "citizens of the Russian Republic," and make them equal in all possible respects. This was accomplished by the nullification of all "legal designations of civil equality, such as estates, titles, and ranks."[41]

The elections to the Constituent Assembly took place in November 1917. The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
gained 23.9% of the vote.[42] On 12 November (25 November new style), a Constituent Assembly was elected. In these elections, 26 mandatory delegates were proposed by the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Central Committee and 58 were proposed by the Socialist Revolutionaries. The outcome of the election gave the majority to the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which no longer existed as a full party by that time, as the Left SR Party was in coalition with the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
dissolved the Constituent Assembly in January 1918, when it came into conflict with the Soviets. On 16 December 1917 (29 December 1917 new style), the government ventured to eliminate hierarchy in the army, removing all titles, ranks, and uniform decorations. The tradition of saluting was also eliminated.[41] On 20 December 1917 (2 January 1918 new style), the Cheka
Cheka
was created by the decree of Vladimir Lenin.[43] These were the beginnings of the Bolsheviks' consolidation of power over their political opponents. The Red Terror
Red Terror
was started in September 1918, following a failed assassination attempt on Lenin's life. The Jacobin Terror was an example for the Soviet Bolsheviks. Leon Trotsky
Leon Trotsky
had compared Lenin to Maximilien Robespierre
Maximilien Robespierre
as early as 1904.[44] The Decree on Land
Decree on Land
ratified the actions of the peasants who throughout Russia
Russia
gained private land and redistributed it among themselves. The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
viewed themselves as representing an alliance of workers and peasants and memorialized that understanding with the Hammer and Sickle on the flag and coat of arms of the Soviet Union. Other decrees:

All private property was nationalized by the government. All Russian banks were nationalized. Private bank accounts were expropriated. The properties of the Church (including bank accounts) were expropriated. All foreign debts were repudiated. Control of the factories was given to the soviets. Wages were fixed at higher rates than during the war, and a shorter, eight-hour working day was introduced. All private property was not nationalized by the government in the days, weeks and months that followed the revolution of 25 October
October
1917 according to the Julian calendar and 7 November in the Gregorian calendar. The government of the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party and Left SR denied taking steps to support the working class population establishing their collective power of the main corporations and from there collectively organizing the economy. As chairman of the government Lenin negotiated with fractions of the upper bourgeoisie. The aim was the bourgeoisie to manage the corporations according to orders and decisions from the new government. This failed utterly because it presupposed the masses to accept class cooperation in a revolutionary situation. It is in this context the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party understood 'workers control' as checking and supervision by the employees to secure that orders from the government were followed. Instead some factories continued to be in private hands because the masses either had no local knowledge or they hesitated to act as supporters of the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party. Other factories were taken over by the employees and some by the government after pressure from below or by initiative from the new government. This mess was rooted in lack of class consciousness of the masses who put their hands in an authoritarian political party. Only a minority of the working class population fought to establish a democratic rule of the main capitalist factories. The Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party opposed that the masses should rule the economy from below just as it also opposed that the political institutions to be ruled from below. That the government ultimately established state ownership in charge of the economy did not express any direct power from below. Through democratic elections in the soviets autumn 1917 did the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party build its power to control of the trade unions which became state institutions. Later the same year the factory committees were subordinated to the trade unions. From this power base was it not so difficult to establish a one-man-rule of the factories. One administrative and one technical manager had the daily control but the technical manager had the last word related to the economy independent of what the employees wanted. The technical manager took orders from higher organs in the state. If the orders were not followed could other organs appeal to higher authorities or the government. The system of one-man-management was fiercely defended by Lenin on a trade union congress in spring 1918 where he said if the party is not in charge the whole point of a party ceased to exist and thereby the revolution itself. So much about Lenin's presumed democratic method. A system of appointment from above was established step by step. Local soviets resisting this policy were either met with armed Cheka
Cheka
troops and forced to submit or the soviets were denied access to ration cards for food and fuel to heat the living apartments and to make food. That the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party blocked democratic elections to both the soviets, factory committees, the trade unions and other institutions made this transfer of power easier than expected. October
October
revolution manifested a political revolution by taking down the old regime but failed to established a democratic council system from below. That the economy was not transferred into the masses reflected what happened in the political institutions. The very elite on the top of the political institutions understood itself as crucial for the world revolution but ended up as blocking all power from below. When the same elite also got power of the economy and the economic surplus answering only to itself is it correct to say the elite in reality transformed itself into a ruling state capitalist class. Later the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party went further by claiming the working class had to be put under marshal law to obey the government - Sovnarkom. This development turned out to lead to a totalitarian state where Stalin just did what was exercised under Lenin and Trotsky
Trotsky
but on a wider scale. Bolshevik-led attempts to gain power in other parts of the Russian Empire were largely successful in Russia
Russia
proper — although the fighting in Moscow lasted for two weeks — but they were less successful in ethnically non-Russian parts of the Empire, which had been clamoring for independence since the February Revolution. For example, the Ukrainian Rada, which had declared autonomy on 23 June 1917, created the Ukrainian People's Republic
Ukrainian People's Republic
on 20 November, which was supported by the Ukrainian Congress of Soviets. This led to an armed conflict with the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
government in Petrograd
Petrograd
and, eventually, a Ukrainian declaration of independence from Russia
Russia
on 25 January 1918.[45] In Estonia, two rival governments emerged: the Estonian Provincial Assembly, established in April 1917, proclaimed itself the supreme legal authority of Estonia
Estonia
on 28 November 1917 and issued the Declaration of Independence on 24 February 1918.[46] Soviet Russia
Russia
recognized the Executive Committee of the Soviets of Estonia
Estonia
as the legal authority in the province, although the Soviets in Estonia
Estonia
controlled only the capital and a few other major towns.[47] The success of the October
October
Revolution transformed the Russian state into a soviet republic. A coalition of anti- Bolshevik
Bolshevik
groups attempted to unseat the new government in the Russian Civil War
Russian Civil War
from 1918 to 1922. In an attempt to intervene in the civil war after the Bolsheviks' separate peace with the Central Powers, the Allied powers (United Kingdom, France, Italy, United States and Japan) occupied parts of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
for over two years before finally withdrawing.[48] The United States did not recognize the new Russian government until 1933. The European powers recognized the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
in the early 1920s and began to engage in business with it after the New Economic Policy
New Economic Policy
(NEP) was implemented.[citation needed]

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October
Revolution Soviet Union Comintern Hungarian Soviet Republic Spanish Civil War World War II Cold War Warsaw Pact Greek Civil War Chinese Revolution Korean War Cuban Revolution De-Stalinization Non-Aligned Movement Sino-Soviet split Vietnam War Portuguese Colonial War Black Power movement Nicaraguan Revolution Nepalese Civil War Naxalite insurgency Internal conflict in Peru

Related topics Bolshevism Leninism Marxism Trotskyism

Communism portal Socialism portalvte Few events in historical research have been as conditioned by political influences as the October
October
Revolution.[49] The historiography of the Revolution generally divides into three camps: the Soviet-Marxist view, the Western-Totalitarian view, and the Revisionist view.[50]

Soviet historiography[edit] Soviet historiography of the October
October
Revolution is intertwined with Soviet historical development. Many of the initial Soviet interpreters of the Revolution were themselves Bolshevik revolutionaries.[51] After the initial wave of revolutionary narratives, Soviet historians worked within "narrow guidelines" defined by the Soviet government. The rigidity of interpretive possibilities reached its height under Joseph Stalin.[52] Soviet historians of the October
October
Revolution interpreted the Revolution with regard to establishing the legitimacy of Marxist ideology, and also the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
government. To establish the accuracy of Marxist ideology, Soviet historians generally described the Revolution as the product of class struggle. They maintained that the Revolution was the supreme event in a world history governed by historical laws. The Bolshevik Party
Bolshevik Party
is placed at the center of the Revolution, exposing the errors of both the moderate Provisional Government and the spurious "socialist" Mensheviks
Mensheviks
in the Petrograd
Petrograd
Soviet. Guided by Vladimir Lenin's leadership and his firm grasp of scientific Marxist theory, the Party led the "logically predetermined" events of the October
October
Revolution from beginning to end. The events were, according to these historians, logically predetermined because of the socio-economic development of Russia, where the monopoly industrial capitalism alienated the masses. In this view, the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party took the leading role in organizing these alienated industrial workers, and thereby established the construction of the first socialist state.[53] Although Soviet historiography of the October
October
Revolution stayed relatively constant until 1991, it did undergo some changes. Following Stalin's death, historians such as E. N. Burdzhalov and P. V. Volobuev published historical research that deviated significantly from the party line in refining the doctrine that the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
victory "was predetermined by the state of Russia's socio-economic development".[54] These historians, who constituted the "New Directions Group", posited that the complex nature of the October
October
Revolution "could only be explained by a multi-causal analysis, not by recourse to the mono-causality of monopoly capitalism".[55] For them, the central actor is still the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party, but this party triumphed "because it alone could solve the preponderance of 'general democratic' tasks the country faced" (such as the struggle for peace, the exploitation of landlords, and so on.)[56] Following the turn of the 21st century, some Soviet historians began to implement an "anthropological turn" in their historiographical analysis of the Russian Revolution. This method of analysis focuses on the average person's experience of day-to-day life during the revolution, and pulls the analytical focus away from larger events, notable revolutionaries, and overarching claims about party views.[57] In 2006, S. V. Iarov employed this methodology when he focused on citizen adjustment to the new Soviet system. Iarov explored the dwindling labor protests, evolving forms of debate, and varying forms of politicization as a result of the new Soviet rule from 1917 to 1920.[58] In 2010, O. S. Nagornaia took interest in the personal experiences of Russian prisoners of war taken by Germany, examining Russian soldiers and officers' ability to cooperate and implement varying degrees of autocracy despite being divided by class, political views and race.[59] Other analyses following this "anthropological turn" have explored texts from soldiers and how they used personal war experiences to further their political goals,[60] as well as how individual life-structure and psychology may have shaped major decisions in the civil war that followed the revolution.[61] During the late Soviet period, the opening of select Soviet archives during glasnost sparked innovative research that broke away from some aspects of Marxism–Leninism, though the key features of the orthodox Soviet view remained intact.[52]

Western historiography[edit] During the Cold War, Western historiography of the October
October
Revolution developed in direct response to the assertions of the Soviet view. The Soviet version of the October
October
Revolution conditioned historical interpretations in the United States and the West. As a result, these Western historians exposed what they believed were flaws in the Soviet view, thereby undermining the Bolsheviks' original legitimacy, as well as the precepts of Marxism.[62] These Western historians described the revolution as the result of a chain of contingent accidents. Examples of these accidental and contingent factors they say precipitated the Revolution included World War I's timing, chance, and the poor leadership of Tsar Nicholas II as well as liberal and moderate socialists.[52] According to Western historians, it was not popular support, but rather manipulation of the masses, ruthlessness, and the superior structure of the Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
that enabled it to survive. For these historians, the Bolsheviks' defeat in the Constituent Assembly elections of November–December 1917 demonstrated popular opposition to the Bolsheviks' coup, as did the scale and breadth of the Civil War.[63] Western historians saw the organization of the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party as proto-totalitarian. Their interpretation of the October
October
Revolution as a violent coup organized by a proto-totalitarian party reinforced to them the idea that totalitarianism was an inherent part of Soviet history.[64] For them, Stalinist totalitarianism developed as a natural progression from Leninism
Leninism
and the Bolshevik
Bolshevik
party's tactics and organization.[65]

Effect of the dissolution of the USSR on historical research[edit] The dissolution of the USSR affected historical interpretations of the October
October
Revolution. Since 1991, increasing access to large amounts of Soviet archival materials made it possible to re‑examine the October Revolution.[66] Though both Western and Russian historians now have access to many of these archives, the effect of the dissolution of the USSR can be seen most clearly in the work of historians in the former USSR. While the disintegration essentially helped solidify the Western and Revisionist views, post-USSR Russian historians largely repudiated the former Soviet historical interpretation of the Revolution.[67] As Stephen Kotkin argues, 1991 prompted "a return to political history and the apparent resurrection of totalitarianism, the interpretive view that, in different ways…revisionists sought to bury".[68]

Legacy[edit] This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.Find sources: " October
October
Revolution" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (November 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) The term "Red October" (Красный Октябрь, Krasnyy Oktyabr) has also been used to describe the events of the month. This name has in turn been lent to a steel factory made notable by the Battle of Stalingrad,[69] a Moscow sweets factory that is well known in Russia, and a fictional Soviet submarine. Ten Days That Shook the World, a book written by American journalist John Reed and first published in 1919, gives a firsthand exposition of the events. Reed died in 1920, shortly after the book was finished. Dmitri Shostakovich
Dmitri Shostakovich
wrote his Symphony No. 2 in B major, Op. 14 and subtitled To October, for the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution. The choral finale of the work, "To October", is set to a text by Alexander Bezymensky, which praises Lenin and the revolution. The Symphony No. 2 was first performed by the Leningrad Philharmonic Orchestra and the Academy Capella Choir under the direction of Nikolai Malko, on 5 November 1927. Sergei Eisenstein
Sergei Eisenstein
and Grigori Aleksandrov's film October: Ten Days That Shook the World, first released on 20 January 1928 in the USSR and on 2 November 1928 in New York City, describes and glorifies the revolution and was commissioned to commemorate the event. 7 November, the anniversary of the October
October
Revolution, was the official national day of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
from 1918 onward and still is a public holiday in Belarus
Belarus
and the breakaway territory of Transnistria. The October
October
revolution of 1917 also marks the inception of the first communist government in Russia, and thus the first large-scale socialist state in world history. After this Russia
Russia
became the Russian SFSR and later part of the USSR, which dissolved in late 1991.

See also[edit] February Revolution Ten Days That Shook the World Revolutions of 1917–23 Russian Civil War Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
(1917) Kiev
Kiev
Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Uprising Dissolution of the Soviet Union
Dissolution of the Soviet Union
(1991) Notes[edit]

^ Russian: Октя́брьская револю́ция, tr. Oktyabr'skaya revolyutsiya, IPA: [ɐkˈtʲabrʲskəjə rʲɪvɐˈlʲutsɨjə].

^ Вели́кая Октя́брьская социалисти́ческая револю́ция, Velikaya Oktyabr'skaya sotsialističeskaya revolyutsiya.

^ History.com Staff. "Russian Revolution." History.com, A&E Television Networks, 2009, www.history.com/topics/russian-revolution.

^ Samaan, A.E. (2 February 2013). From a "Race of Masters" to a "Master Race": 1948 to 1848. A.E. Samaan. p. 346. ISBN 0615747884. Retrieved 9 February 2017..mw-parser-output cite.citation font-style:inherit .mw-parser-output .citation q quotes:"""""""'""'" .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-free a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/65/Lock-green.svg/9px-Lock-green.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-registration a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-gray-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-subscription a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-red-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration color:#555 .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription span,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration span border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help .mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg/12px-Wikisource-logo.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output code.cs1-code color:inherit;background:inherit;border:inherit;padding:inherit .mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error display:none;font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-maint display:none;color:#33aa33;margin-left:0.3em .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration,.mw-parser-output .cs1-format font-size:95% .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-left padding-left:0.2em .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-right padding-right:0.2em

^ Jennifer Llewellyn, John Rae and Steve Thompson (2014). "The Constituent Assembly". Alpha History.

^ Bunyan & Fisher 1934, p. 385.

^ a b Steinberg, Mark (2017). The Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
1905-1917. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 143–146. ISBN 978-0-19-922762-4.

^ David Mandel, The Petrograd
Petrograd
workers and the seizure of soviet power, London, 1984

^ Trotsky, Leon (1934). History of the Russian Revolution. London: The Camelot Press ltd. pp. 859–864.

^ "Steinberg, Mark (2017). The Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
1905-1921. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 196–197. ISBN 978-0-19-922762-4."

^ Upton, Anthony F. (1980). The Finnish Revolution: 1917-1918. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press. p. 89. ISBN 9781452912394.

^ Steinberg, Mark D. (2017). The Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
1905-1921. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. pp. 191, 193–194. ISBN 9780199227624.

^ Richard Pipes
Richard Pipes
(1990). The Russian Revolution. Knopf Doubleday. p. 407.

^ The Soviet Colossus: History and Aftermath. Michael Kort. p. 104

^ Michael C. Hickey (2010). Competing Voices from the Russian Revolution: Fighting Words: Fighting Words. ABC-CLIO. p. 559.

^ Beckett 2007, p. 526

^ Pipes, 1997. p. 51. "There is no evidence of a Kornilov plot, but there is plenty of evidence of Kerensky's duplicity."

^ Service 2005, p. 54

^ "How Germany got the Russian Revolution
Russian Revolution
off the ground". Deutsche Welle. 7 November 2017.

^ "Central Committee Meeting—10 Oct 1917".

^ Steinberg, Mark (2001). Voices of the Revolution, 1917. Binghamton, New York: Yale University Press. p. 170. ISBN 0300090161.

^ "1917 – La Revolution Russe". Arte TV. 16 September 2007. Archived from the original on 1 February 2016. Retrieved 25 January 2016.

^ a b c Suny, Ronald (2011). The Soviet Experiment. Oxford University Press. pp. 63–67. |access-date= requires |url= (help)

^ a b c d e f g h Rabinowitch, Alexander (2004). The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
Come to Power: The Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. Pluto Press. pp. 273–305. |access-date= requires |url= (help)

^ Bard College: Experimental Humanities and Eurasian Studies. "From Empire To Republic: October
October
24 – November 1, 1917". Retrieved 24 February 2018.

^ a b Beckett, p. 528

^ "1917 Free History". Yandex Publishing. Retrieved 8 November 2017.

^ Jonathan Schell, 2003. 'The Mass Minority in Action: France and Russia'. For example, in The Unconquerable World. London: Penguin, pp. 167–185.

^ October
October
(Ten Days that Shook the World) by Sergei M. Eisenstein and Grigori Aleksandrov, First National Pictures, 1928, Classics and Drama

^ Alexander Rabinowitch, The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
Come to Power: the Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd
Petrograd
(Haymarket Books: Chicago Illinois 2004)

^ Sean McMeekin, The Russian Revolution: A New History (Basic Books: May 2017)

^ Michael Lynch, Access to History: Reaction and Revolution: Russia 1894-1924 Fourth Edition (Hodder Education: April 2015)

^ Raul Edward Chao, Damn the Revolution! (Dupont Circle Editions: Washington DC, London, Sydney, 2016) p.191

^ Argumenty i Fakty newspaper

^ "ВОЕННАЯ ЛИТЕРАТУРА --[ Мемуары ]-- Дыбенко П.Е. Из недр царского флота к Великому Октябрю".

^ Louise Bryant, Six Red Months in Russia, pg 60–61

^ Service, Robert (1998). A history of twentieth-century Russia. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-40347-9 p 65

^ Reed, John (1997) Ten Days that Shook the World. New York: St. Martin's Press. p 217

^ Steinberg, Mark D. (2001). Voices of Revolution, 1917. Yale University. p. 251. ISBN 978-0300101690.

^ Reed, John (1997) Ten Days that Shook the World. New York: St. Martin's Press. p 369

^ Reed, John (1997) Ten Days that Shook the World. New York: St. Martin's Press. p 410

^ Reed, John (1997) Ten Days that Shook the World. New York: St. Martin's Press. p 565

^ a b Steinberg, Mark D. (2001). Voices of Revolution. Yale University. p. 257.

^ "The Constituent Assembly".

^ Figes, 1996.

^ Richard Pipes: The Russian Revolution

^ See Encyclopedia of Ukraine online

^ Miljan, Toivo. "Historical Dictionary of Estonia." Historical Dictionary of Estonia, Rowman & Littlefield, 2015, p. 169

^ Raun, Toivo U. "The Emergence of Estonian Independence 1917-1920." Estonia
Estonia
and the Estonians, Hoover Inst. Press, 2002, p. 102

^ Ward, John (2004). With the "Die-Hards" in Siberia. Dodo Press. p. 91. ISBN 1409906809.

^ Edward Acton, Critical Companion to the Russian Revolution, 1914–1921 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 5.

^ Acton, Critical Companion, 5–7.

^ Stephen Kotkin, "1991 and the Russian Revolution: Sources, Conceptual Categories, Analytical Frameworks," The Journal of Modern History 70 ( October
October
1998): 392.

^ a b c Acton, Critical Companion, 7.

^ Acton, Critical Companion, 8.

^ Alter Litvin, Writing History in Twentieth-Century Russia, (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 49–50.

^ Roger Markwick, Rewriting History in Soviet Russia: The Politics of Revisionist Historiography, (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 97.

^ Markwick, Rewriting History, 102.

^ Smith, S. A. (2015). "The historiography of the Russian Revolution 100 Years On". Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 16: 733–749 – via Project MUSE.

^ Iarov, S.V. (2006). "Konformizm v Sovetskoi Rossii: Petrograd, 1917-20". Evropeiskii dom.

^ Nagornaia, O. S. (2010). "Drugoi voennyi opyt: Rossiiskie voennoplennye Pervoi mirovoi voiny v Germanii (1914-1922)". Novyi khronograf.

^ Morozova, O. M. (2010). "Dva akta dramy: Boevoe proshloe i poslevoennaia povsednevnost ' verteranov grazhdanskoi voiny". Rostov-on-Don: Iuzhnyi nauchnyi tsentr Rossiiskoi akademii nauk.

^ O. M., Morozova (2007). "Antropologiia grazhdanskoi voiny". Rostov-on-Don: Iuzhnyi nauchnyi tsentr RAN.

^ Acton, Critical Companion, 6–7.

^ Acton, Critical Companion, 7–9.

^ Norbert Francis, "Revolution in Russia
Russia
and China: 100 Years," International Journal of Russian Studies 6 (July 2017): 130-143.

^ Stephen E. Hanson (1997). Time and Revolution: Marxism
Marxism
and the Design of Soviet Institutions. U of North Carolina Press. p. 130.

^ Kotkin, "1991 and the Russian Revolution," 385-86.

^ Litvin, Writing History, 47.

^ Kotkin, "1991 and the Russian Revolution," 385.

^ Ivanov, Mikhail (2007). Survival Russian. Montpelier, VT: Russian Information Service. p. 44

References[edit] .mw-parser-output .refbegin font-size:90%;margin-bottom:0.5em .mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>ul list-style-type:none;margin-left:0 .mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>ul>li,.mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>dl>dd margin-left:0;padding-left:3.2em;text-indent:-3.2em;list-style:none .mw-parser-output .refbegin-100 font-size:100% Acton, Edward (1997). Critical Companion to the Russian Revolution. Ascher, Abraham (2014). The Russian Revolution: A Beginner's Guide. Oneworld Publications. Beckett, Ian F. W. (2007). The Great war (2 ed.). Longman. ISBN 1-4058-1252-4. Bone, Ann (trans.) (1974). The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
and the October
October
Revolution: Central Committee Minutes of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) August 1917-February 1918. Pluto Press. ISBN 0-902818546. Bunyan, James; Fisher, Harold Henry (1934). The Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Revolution, 1917–1918: Documents and Materials. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. OCLC 253483096. Chamberlin, William Henry (1935). The Russian Revolution. I: 1917–1918: From the Overthrow of the Tsar to the Assumption of Power by the Bolsheviks. Old Classic. Figes, Orlando (1996). A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution: 1891–1924. Pimlico. Guerman, Mikhail (1979). Art of the October
October
Revolution. Kollontai, Alexandra (1971). "The Years of Revolution". The Autobiography of a Sexually Emancipated Communist Woman. New York: Herder and Herder. OCLC 577690073. Krupskaya, Nadezhda (1930). "The October
October
Days". Reminiscences of Lenin. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House. OCLC 847091253. Luxemburg, Rosa (1940) [1918]. The Russian Revolution. Translated by Bertram Wolfe. New York City: Workers Age. OCLC 579589928. Mandel, David (1984). The Petrograd
Petrograd
Workers and the Soviet seizure of power. London: MacMillan. Pipes, Richard (1997). Three "whys" of the Russian Revolution. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-679-77646-8. Rabinowitch, Alexander (2004). The Bolsheviks
Bolsheviks
Come to Power: The Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. Pluto Press. Radek, Karl (1995) [First published 1922 as "Wege der Russischen Revolution"]. "The Paths of the Russian Revolution". In Bukharin, Nikolai; Richardson, Al (eds.). In Defence of the Russian Revolution: A Selection of Bolshevik
Bolshevik
Writings, 1917–1923. London: Porcupine Press. pp. 35–75. ISBN 1899438017. OCLC 33294798. Read, Christopher (1996). From Tsars to Soviets. Serge, Victor (1972) [1930]. Year One of the Russian Revolution. London: Penguin Press. OCLC 15612072. Service, Robert (1998). A history of twentieth-century Russia. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-40347-9. Shukman, Harold, ed. (1998). The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the Russian Revolution. articles by over 40 specialistsCS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link) Swain, Geoffrey (2014). Trotsky
Trotsky
and the Russian Revolution. Routledge. Trotsky, Leon (1930). "XXVI: FROM JULY TO OCTOBER". My Life. London: Thornton Butterworth. OCLC 181719733. Trotsky, Leon (1932). The History of the Russian Revolution. III. Translated by Max Eastman. London: Gollancz. OCLC 605191028.

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