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The Monroe Doctrine was a United States
United States
policy of opposing European colonialism in the Americas
Americas
beginning in 1823. It stated that further efforts by European nations to take control of any independent state in North or South America would be viewed as "the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."[1] At the same time, the doctrine noted that the U.S. would recognize and not interfere with existing European colonies nor meddle in the internal concerns of European countries. The Doctrine was issued on December 2, 1823 at a time when nearly all Latin American
Latin American
colonies of Spain and Portugal had achieved, or were at the point of gaining, independence from the Portuguese and Spanish Empires. President James Monroe
James Monroe
first stated the doctrine during his seventh annual State of the Union Address
State of the Union Address
to Congress. The term "Monroe Doctrine" itself was coined in 1850.[2] By the end of the 19th century, Monroe's declaration was seen as a defining moment in the foreign policy of the United States
United States
and one of its longest-standing tenets. It would be invoked by many U.S. statesmen and several U.S. presidents, including Ulysses S. Grant, Theodore Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan. The intent and impact of the Monroe Doctrine persisted with only small variations for more than a century. Its stated objective was to free the newly independent colonies of Latin America
Latin America
from European intervention and avoid situations which could make the New World
New World
a battleground for the Old World
Old World
powers, so that the U.S. could exert its own influence undisturbed. The doctrine asserted that the New World
New World
and the Old World
Old World
were to remain distinctly separate spheres of influence, for they were composed of entirely separate and independent nations.[3] After 1898, Latin American
Latin American
lawyers and intellectuals reinterpreted the Monroe doctrine in terms of multilateralism and non-intervention. In 1933, under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the U.S. went along with the new reinterpretation, especially in terms of the Organization of American States.[4] The U.S. government feared the victorious European powers that emerged from the Congress of Vienna
Congress of Vienna
(1814–1815) would revive the monarchical government. France had already agreed to restore the Spanish Monarchy in exchange for Cuba.[5] As the revolutionary Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815) ended, Prussia, Austria, and Russia formed the Holy Alliance to defend monarchism. In particular, the Holy Alliance authorized military incursions to re-establish Bourbon rule over Spain and its colonies, which were establishing their independence.[6]:153–5 Great Britain shared the general objective of the Monroe Doctrine, albeit from an opposite standpoint and ultimate aim, and even wanted to declare a joint statement to keep other European powers from further colonizing the New World. The British Foreign Secretary George Canning wanted to keep the other European powers out of the New World fearing that its trade with the New World
New World
would be harmed if the other European powers further colonized it. In fact, for many years after the Monroe Doctrine took effect, Britain, through the Royal Navy, was the sole nation enforcing it; the U.S. lacking sufficient naval capability. Allowing Spain to re-establish control of its former colonies would have cut Great Britain off from its profitable trade with the region. For that reason, Canning proposed to the U.S. that they mutually declare and enforce a policy of separating the New World from the Old. The U.S. resisted a joint statement because of the recent memory of the War
War
of 1812, leading to the Monroe administration's unilateral statement. However, the immediate provocation was the Russian Ukase of 1821[7] asserting rights to the Pacific Northwest
Pacific Northwest
and forbidding non-Russian ships from approaching the coast.[8][9]

Contents

1 Seeds of the Monroe Doctrine 2 The Doctrine 3 Effects

3.1 International response 3.2 Latin American
Latin American
reaction 3.3 Post-Bolivar events 3.4 The "Big Brother" 3.5 The "Olney Corollary" 3.6 Canada 3.7 The "Roosevelt Corollary" 3.8 The Lodge Resolution 3.9 The Clark Memorandum 3.10 World War
War
II 3.11 Latin American
Latin American
reinterpretation 3.12 Cold War 3.13 The Kerry Doctrine

4 Criticism 5 References 6 Further reading 7 Bibliography 8 External links

Seeds of the Monroe Doctrine[edit] Despite America's beginnings as an isolationist country, the seeds for the Monroe Doctrine were already being laid even during George Washington's presidency. According to S.E. Morison, "as early as 1783, then, the United States
United States
adopted the policy of isolation and announced its intention to keep out of Europe. The supplementary principle of the Monroe Doctrine, that Europe must keep out of America, was still over the horizon".[10] While not specifically the Monroe Doctrine, Alexander Hamilton
Alexander Hamilton
desired to control the sphere of influence in the western hemisphere, particularly in North America but was extended to the Latin American
Latin American
colonies by the Monroe Doctrine.[11] But Hamilton, writing in the Federalist Papers, was already wanting to establish America as a world power and hoped that America would suddenly become strong enough to keep the European powers outside of the Americas, despite the fact that the European countries controlled much more of the Americas
Americas
than the U.S. itself.[10] Hamilton expected that the United States
United States
would become the dominant power in the new world and would, in the future, act as an intermediary between the European powers and any new countries blossoming near the U.S.[10] In fact, in a note from James Madison, Thomas Jefferson’s Secretary of State and a future president, to the U.S. ambassador for Spain, the federal government expressed the opposition of the American government to further territorial acquisition by European Powers.[12] Madison's sentiment might have been meaningless because, as was noted before, the European powers held much more territory in comparison to the territory held by the U.S. Although Thomas Jefferson
Thomas Jefferson
was pro-French, in an attempt to keep the French-British rivalry out the U.S., the federal government under Jefferson made it clear to its ambassadors that the U.S. would not support any future colonization efforts on the North American continent. The Doctrine[edit] The full document of the Monroe Doctrine, written chiefly by future-President and then secretary-of-state John Quincy
John Quincy
Adams, is long and couched in diplomatic language, but its essence is expressed in two key passages. The first is the introductory statement, which asserts that the New World
New World
is no longer subject to colonization by the European countries:[13]

The occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States
United States
are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

The second key passage, which contains a fuller statement of the Doctrine, is addressed to the "allied powers" of Europe (that is, the Holy Alliance); it clarifies that the U.S. remains neutral on existing European colonies in the Americas
Americas
but is opposed to "interpositions" that would create new colonies among the newly independent Spanish American republics:[1]

We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States
United States
and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.

Effects[edit] International response[edit] Because the U.S. lacked both a credible navy and army at the time, the doctrine was largely disregarded internationally.[3] Prince Metternich of Austria was angered by the statement, and wrote privately that the doctrine was a "new act of revolt" by the U.S. that would grant "new strength to the apostles of sedition and reanimate the courage of every conspirator."[6]:156 The doctrine, however, met with tacit British approval. They enforced it tactically as part of the wider Pax Britannica, which included enforcement of the neutrality of the seas. This was in line with the developing British policy of laissez-faire free trade against mercantilism. Fast-growing British industry sought markets for its manufactured goods, and, if the newly independent Latin American states became Spanish colonies again, British access to these markets would be cut off by Spanish mercantilist policy.[14] Latin American
Latin American
reaction[edit] The reaction in Latin America
Latin America
to the Monroe Doctrine was generally favorable but in some occasions suspicious. John Crow, author of The Epic of Latin America, states, " Simón Bolívar
Simón Bolívar
himself, still in the midst of his last campaign against the Spaniards, Santander in Colombia, Rivadavia in Argentina, Victoria in Mexico—leaders of the emancipation movement everywhere—received Monroe's words with sincerest gratitude".[15] Crow argues that the leaders of Latin America were realists. They knew that the President of the United States wielded very little power at the time, particularly without the backing of the British forces, and figured that the Monroe Doctrine was unenforceable if the United States
United States
stood alone against the Holy Alliance.[15] While they appreciated and praised their support in the north, they knew that the future of their independence was in the hands of the British and their powerful navy. In 1826, Bolivar called upon his Congress of Panama
Congress of Panama
to host the first "Pan-American" meeting. In the eyes of Bolivar and his men, the Monroe Doctrine was to become nothing more than a tool of national policy. According to Crow, "It was not meant to be, and was never intended to be a charter for concerted hemispheric action".[15] At the same time, some people questioned the intentions behind the Monroe Doctrine. Diego Portales, a Chilean businessman and minister, wrote to a friend: "But we have to be very careful: for the Americans of the north [from the United States], the only Americans are themselves".[16] Post-Bolivar events[edit] In early 1833, the British reasserted their sovereignty over the Falkland islands. No action was taken by the US, and George C. Herring writes that the inaction "confirmed Latin American
Latin American
and especially Argentine suspicions of the United States."[6]:171[17] In 1838–50 Argentina
Argentina
was blockaded by the French and, later, the British. No action was taken by the U.S., despite protestations.[citation needed] In 1842, U.S. President John Tyler
John Tyler
applied the Monroe Doctrine to Hawaii
Hawaii
and warned Britain not to interfere there. This began the process of annexing Hawaii
Hawaii
to the U.S.[18] On December 2, 1845, U.S. President James Polk
James Polk
announced that the principle of the Monroe Doctrine should be strictly enforced, reinterpreting it to argue that no European nation should interfere with the American western expansion ("Manifest Destiny").[19]

French intervention in Mexico, 1861–1867

In 1862, French forces under Napoleon III
Napoleon III
invaded and conquered Mexico, giving control to the puppet monarch Emperor Maximilian. Washington denounced this as a violation of the doctrine but was unable to intervene because of the American Civil War. This marked the first time the Monroe Doctrine was widely referred to as a "doctrine." In 1865 the U.S. stationed a large combat army on the border to emphasize its demand that France leave. France did pull out, and Mexican nationalists executed Maximilian.[20] In 1862, Belize
Belize
was turned into a crown colony of the British empire and renamed British Honduras. The U.S. took no action against Britain, either during or after the Civil War.[21]

President Cleveland twisting the tail of the British Lion; cartoon in Puck by J.S. Pughe, 1895

In the 1870s, President Ulysses S. Grant
Ulysses S. Grant
and his Secretary of State Hamilton Fish
Hamilton Fish
endeavored to supplant European influence in Latin America with that of the U.S. In 1870, the Monroe Doctrine was expanded under the proclamation "hereafter no territory on this continent [referring to Central and South America] shall be regarded as subject to transfer to a European power."[6]:259 Grant invoked the Monroe Doctrine in his failed attempt to annex the Dominican Republic in 1870.[22] The Venezuela Crisis of 1895
Venezuela Crisis of 1895
became "one of the most momentous episodes in the history of Anglo-American relations in general and of Anglo-American rivalries in Latin America
Latin America
in particular."[23] Venezuela
Venezuela
sought to involve the U.S. in a territorial dispute with Britain over Guayana Esequiba, and hired former US ambassador William L. Scruggs to argue that British behaviour over the issue violated the Monroe Doctrine. President Grover Cleveland
Grover Cleveland
through his Secretary of State, Richard Olney, cited the Doctrine in 1895, threatening strong action against Great Britain if the British failed to arbitrate their dispute with Venezuela. In a July 20, 1895 note to Britain, Olney stated, “The United States
United States
is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition.”[6]:307 British Prime Minister Lord Salisbury took strong exception to the American language. The U.S. objected to a British proposal for a joint meeting to clarify the scope of the Monroe Doctrine. Historian George Herring wrote that by failing to pursue the issue further the British “tacitly conceded the U.S. definition of the Monroe Doctrine and its hegemony in the hemisphere.”[6]:307–8 Otto von Bismarck, did not agree and in October 1897 called the Doctrine an "uncommon insolence".[24] Sitting in Paris, the Tribunal of Arbitration finalized its decision on October 3, 1899.[23] The award was unanimous, but gave no reasons for the decision, merely describing the resulting boundary, which gave Britain almost 90% of the disputed territory[25] and all of the gold mines.[26] The reaction to the award was surprise, with the award's lack of reasoning a particular concern.[25] The Venezuelans were keenly disappointed with the outcome, though they honored their counsel for their efforts (their delegation's Secretary, Severo Mallet-Prevost, received the Order of the Liberator
Order of the Liberator
in 1944), and abided by the award.[25] The Anglo-Venezuelan boundary dispute asserted for the first time a more outward-looking American foreign policy, particularly in the Americas, marking the U.S. as a world power. This was the earliest example of modern interventionism under the Monroe Doctrine in which the USA exercised its claimed prerogatives in the Americas.[27]

Spanish–American War, the result of U.S. intervention in the Cuban War
War
of Independence.

In 1898, the U.S. intervened in support of Cuba
Cuba
during its war for independence from Spain. The U.S. won what is known in the U.S. as the Spanish–American War
Spanish–American War
and in Cuba
Cuba
as the Cuban War
War
for Independence. Under the terms of the peace treaty from which Cuba
Cuba
was excluded, Spain ceded Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam
Guam
to the U.S. in exchange for $20 million. Cuba
Cuba
came under U.S. control and remained so until it was granted formal independence in 1902.[28] The "Big Brother"[edit]

American poses with dead Haitian revolutionaries killed by US Marine machine gun fire, 1915

The "Big Brother" policy was an extension of the Monroe Doctrine formulated by James G. Blaine
James G. Blaine
in the 1880s that aimed to rally Latin American nations behind US leadership and open their markets to US traders. Blaine served as Secretary of State in 1881 under President James A. Garfield
James A. Garfield
and again from 1889 to 1892 under President Benjamin Harrison. As a part of the policy, Blaine arranged and led the First International Conference of American States in 1889.[29] The "Olney Corollary"[edit] Main article: Olney interpretation Also known as Olney interpretation or Olney declaration was United States Secretary of State Richard Olney's interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine when a border dispute for Guayana Esequiba
Guayana Esequiba
occurred between Britain and Venezuela
Venezuela
governments in 1895. Olney claimed that the Monroe Doctrine gave the U.S. authority to mediate border disputes in the Western Hemisphere. Olney extended the meaning of the Monroe Doctrine, which had previously stated merely that the Western Hemisphere was closed to additional European colonization. The statement reinforced the original purpose of the Monroe Doctrine, that the U.S. had the right to intervene in its own hemisphere and foreshadowed the events of the Spanish–American War
Spanish–American War
three years later. The Olney interpretation was defunct by 1933.[30] Canada[edit] In 1902, Canadian Prime Minister
Canadian Prime Minister
Wilfrid Laurier
Wilfrid Laurier
acknowledged that the Monroe Doctrine was essential to his country's protection. The doctrine provided Canada with a de facto security guarantee by the United States; the US Navy in the Pacific, and the British Navy in the Atlantic, made invading North America almost impossible. Because of the peaceful relations between the two countries, Canada could assist Britain in a European war without having to defend itself at home.[31] The "Roosevelt Corollary"[edit] Main article: Roosevelt Corollary

1903 cartoon: "Go Away, Little Man, and Don't Bother Me". President Roosevelt intimidating Colombia
Colombia
to acquire the Panama Canal Zone.

The doctrine's authors, chiefly future-President and then secretary-of-state John Quincy
John Quincy
Adams, saw it as a proclamation by the U.S. of moral opposition to colonialism, but it has subsequently been re-interpreted and applied in a variety of instances. As the U.S. began to emerge as a world power, the Monroe Doctrine came to define a recognized sphere of control that few dared to challenge.[3] Before becoming president, Theodore Roosevelt
Theodore Roosevelt
had proclaimed the rationale of the Monroe Doctrine in supporting intervention in the Spanish colony of Cuba
Cuba
in 1898.[citation needed] The Venezuela
Venezuela
Crisis of 1902–1903 showed the world that the US was willing to use its naval strength to force an American viewpoint in world politics. In Argentine foreign policy, the Drago Doctrine was announced on December 29, 1902 by the Foreign Minister of Argentina, Luis María Drago. This was a response to the actions of Britain, Germany, and Italy during the Venezuela
Venezuela
Crisis of 1902–1903, in which they had blockaded and shelled Venezuela's ports in an attempt to collect money owed as part of its national debt, accrued under regimes preceding that of president Cipriano Castro. Drago set forth the policy that no European power could use force against an American nation to collect debt. President Theodore Roosevelt
Theodore Roosevelt
rejected this policy as an extension of the Monroe Doctrine, declaring, "We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself".[6]:370 Instead, Roosevelt added the Roosevelt Corollary
Roosevelt Corollary
to the Monroe Doctrine in 1904, asserting the right of the U.S. to intervene in Latin America
Latin America
in cases of "flagrant and chronic wrongdoing by a Latin American Nation" to preempt intervention by European creditors. This re-interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine went on to be a useful tool to take economic benefits by force when Latin nations failed to pay their debts to European and US banks and business interests. This was also referred to as the Big Stick ideology
Big Stick ideology
because of the phrase from president Roosevelt to "speak low and carry a big stick".[3][6]:371[32] The Roosevelt corollary provoked outrage across Latin America.[33] The Roosevelt Corollary
Roosevelt Corollary
was invoked to intervene militarily in Latin America to stop the spread of European influence.[32] It was the most significant amendment to the original doctrine and was widely opposed by critics, who argued that the Monroe Doctrine was originally meant to stop European influence in the Americas.[3] They argued that the Corollary simply asserted U.S. domination in that area, effectively making them a "hemispheric policeman."[34] The Lodge Resolution[edit] The so-called "Lodge Resolution" was passed[35] by the U.S. Senate on August 2, 1912, in response to a reported attempt by a Japan-backed private company to acquire Magdalena Bay
Magdalena Bay
in southern Baja California. It extended the reach of the Monroe Doctrine to cover actions of corporations and associations controlled by foreign states.[36] The Clark Memorandum[edit] The Clark Memorandum, written on December 17, 1928 by Calvin Coolidge’s undersecretary of state J. Reuben Clark, concerned U.S. use of military force to intervene in Latin American
Latin American
nations. This memorandum was officially released in 1930 by the Herbert Hoover administration. The Clark memorandum rejected the view that the Roosevelt Corollary was based on the Monroe Doctrine. However, it was not a complete repudiation of the Roosevelt Corollary
Roosevelt Corollary
but was rather a statement that any intervention by the U.S. was not sanctioned by the Monroe Doctrine but rather was the right of America as a state. This separated the Roosevelt Corollary
Roosevelt Corollary
from the Monroe Doctrine by noting that the Monroe Doctrine only applied to situations involving European countries. One main point in the Clark Memorandum was to note that the Monroe Doctrine was based on conflicts of interest only between the United States and European nations, rather than between the United States
United States
and Latin American
Latin American
nations. World War
War
II[edit] After World War
War
II began, a majority of Americans supported defending the entire Western Hemisphere
Western Hemisphere
against foreign invasion. A 1940 national survey found that 81% supported defending Canada; 75% Mexico and Central America; 69% South America; 66% West Indies; and 59% Greenland.[37] Latin American
Latin American
reinterpretation[edit] After 1898, jurists and intellectuals in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, especially Luis María Drago, Alejandro Álvarez and Baltasar Brum, reinterpreted the Monroe doctrine. They sought a fresh continental approach to international law in terms of multilateralism and non-intervention. However, American leaders were reluctant to renounce unilateral interventionism until the Good Neighbor policy enunciated by President Franklin Roosevelt in 1933. The era of the Good Neighbor Policy ended with the ramp-up of the Cold War
War
in 1945, as the United States
United States
felt there was a greater need to protect the western hemisphere from Soviet influence. These changes conflicted with the Good Neighbor Policy's fundamental principle of non-intervention and led to a new wave of US involvement in Latin American affairs. Control of the Monroe doctrine thus shifted to the multilateral Organization of American States
Organization of American States
(OAS) founded in 1948.[4] In 1954, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles
John Foster Dulles
invoked the Monroe Doctrine at the 10th Pan-American Conference in Caracas
Caracas
(Venezuela), denouncing the intervention of Soviet Communism in Guatemala. President John F. Kennedy
John F. Kennedy
said at an August 29, 1962 news conference:

The Monroe Doctrine means what it has meant since President Monroe and John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams
enunciated it, and that is that we would oppose a foreign power extending its power to the Western Hemisphere
Western Hemisphere
[sic], and that is why we oppose what is happening in Cuba
Cuba
today. That is why we have cut off our trade. That is why we worked in the OAS and in other ways to isolate the Communist menace in Cuba. That is why we will continue to give a good deal of our effort and attention to it.[38]

Cold War[edit]

The U.S.-supported Nicaraguan contras.

During the Cold War, the Monroe Doctrine was applied to Latin America by the framers of U.S. foreign policy.[39] When the Cuban Revolution (1953–1959) established a Communist government with ties to the Soviet Union, it was argued that the Monroe Doctrine should be invoked to prevent the spread of Soviet-backed Communism in Latin America.[40] Under this rationale, the U.S. provided intelligence and military aid to Latin and South American governments that claimed or appeared to be threatened by Communist subversion (as in the case of Operation Condor). In the Cuban Missile Crisis
Cuban Missile Crisis
of 1962, President John F. Kennedy
John F. Kennedy
cited the Monroe Doctrine as grounds for America's confrontation with the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
over the installation of Soviet ballistic missiles on Cuban soil.[41] The debate over this new interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine burgeoned in reaction to the Iran-Contra affair. It was revealed that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
Central Intelligence Agency
had been covertly training "Contra" guerrilla soldiers in Honduras in an attempt to destabilize and overthrow the Sandinista
Sandinista
revolutionary government of Nicaragua and its President, Daniel Ortega. CIA director Robert Gates
Robert Gates
vigorously defended the Contra operation in 1984, arguing that eschewing U.S. intervention in Nicaragua would be "totally to abandon the Monroe Doctrine".[42] The Kerry Doctrine[edit] Further information: Foreign policy of the Barack Obama
Barack Obama
administration § Americas President Barack Obama's Secretary of State John Kerry
John Kerry
told the Organization of American States
Organization of American States
in November 2013 that "era of the Monroe Doctrine is over."[43] Several commentators have noted that Kerry's call for a mutual partnership with the other countries in the Americas
Americas
is more in keeping with Monroe's intentions than the policies enacted after his death.[44] After a speech in Texas University, Austin, Texas, in 2018 the Secretary of State Rex Tillerson
Rex Tillerson
as he kicked off a trip to Latin America praised the Monroe Doctrine as “clearly … a success” warning of “imperial” Chinese trade ambitions, and touting the United States
United States
as the region’s preferred trade partner. Criticism[edit] Historians have observed that while the Doctrine contained a commitment to resist colonialism from Europe, it had some aggressive implications for American policy, since there were no limitations on the US's own actions mentioned within it. Scholar Jay Sexton notes that the tactics used to implement the doctrine were "modeled after those employed by British imperialists" and their competition with the Spanish and French.[45] Eminent historian William Appleman Williams described it as a form of "imperial anti-colonialism." [46] Noam Chomsky,[47] argues that in practice the Monroe Doctrine has been used as a declaration of hegemony and a right of unilateral intervention over the Americas. References[edit]

^ a b "The Monroe Doctrine (1823)". Basic Readings in U.S. Democracy. United States
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Department of State. Archived from the original on January 8, 2012.  ^ "Monroe Doctrine". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). 2002.  ^ a b c d e New Encyclopædia Britannica. 8 (15th ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. p. 269. ISBN 1-59339-292-3.  ^ a b Scarfi, Juan Pablo (2014). "In the Name of the Americas: The Pan-American Redefinition of the Monroe Doctrine and the Emerging Language of American International Law in the Western Hemisphere, 1898–1933". Diplomatic History. 40 (2): 189–218. doi:10.1093/dh/dhu071.  ^ Boyer, Paul S., ed. (2006). The Oxford Companion to United States History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 514. ISBN 978-0-19-508209-8.  ^ a b c d e f g h Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195078220.  ^ For the text of the Ukase of 1821, see: "Imperial Russian Edicts Relating to the Russian–American Company". Fur-Seal Arbitration: Appendix to the Case of the United States
United States
Before the Tribunal of Arbitration to Convene at Paris
Paris
Under the Provisions of the Treaty Between the United States
United States
of America and Great Britain, Concluded February 29, 1892. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1892. p. 16.  ^ Kennedy, David M.; Cohen, Lizabeth; Bailey, Thomas Andrew (2008). The American Pageant: A History of the Republic, Volume I. Cengage Learning. p. 267. ISBN 9780547166599.  ^ Miller, Robert J.; Furse, Elizabeth (2006). Native America, Discovered and Conquered: Thomas Jefferson, Lewis & Clark, and Manifest Destiny. Westport, CT: Praeger. p. 136. ISBN 9780275990114.  ^ a b c Morison, S.E. (February 1924). "The Origins of the Monroe Doctrine". Economica. doi:10.2307/2547870. JSTOR 2547870.  ^ "Monroe Doctrine, 1823". Office of the Historian. United States Department of State. April 6, 2016. Retrieved March 26, 2016.  ^ Nerval, Gaston (1934). Autopsy of the Monroe Doctrine. New York: The MacMillian Company. p. 33.  ^ Monroe, James. "The Monroe Doctrine". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved November 2, 2011.  ^ Hobson, Rolf. Imperialism at Sea. 163. Brill Academic Publishers. p. 63. ISBN 978-0-391-04105-9. Retrieved October 12, 2009.  ^ a b c Crow, John A. (1992). "Areil and Caliban". The Epic of Latin America (4th ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 676. ISBN 0-520-07723-7.  ^ Uribe, Armando, El Libro Negro de la Intervención Norteamericana en Chile. México: Siglo XXI Editores, 1974. ^ Howe, Daniel (2007). What Hath God Wrought. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 115.  ^ Debra J. Allen (2012). Historical Dictionary of U.S. Diplomacy from the Revolution to Secession. Scarecrow Press. p. 270.  ^ no by-line. "James K. Polk: Reaffirmation of the Monroe Doctrine". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved July 28, 2016. In his message to Congress of December 2, 1845, President Polk reinterpreted the Monroe Doctrine in terms of the prevailing spirit of Manifest Destiny. Whereas Monroe had said only that the Western Hemisphere
Western Hemisphere
was no longer open to European colonialism, Polk now stated that European nations had better not interfere with projected territorial expansion by the U.S.  ^ M. M. McAllen, Maximilian and Carlota: Europe's Last Empire in Mexico
Mexico
(2014) ^ "Ireland and the Americas". google.co.uk.  ^ Ulysses Simpson Grant; John Y. Simon, Editor (1998). The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant: November 1, 1870 – May 31, 1871. SIU Press. p. 286. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link) ^ a b Humphreys, R. A. (1967). "Anglo-American Rivalries and the Venezuela
Venezuela
Crisis of 1895: Presidential Address to the Royal Historical Society December 10, 1966". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 17. pp. 131–164.  Missing or empty title= (help) ^ "Bimarck and the Monroe Doctrine". Chicago Tribune. October 20, 1897. Retrieved August 16, 2016.  ^ a b c Schoenrich (1949:526) ^ King (2007:260) ^ Ferrell, Robert H. "Monroe Doctrine". ap.grolier.com. Archived from the original on March 21, 2008. Retrieved October 31, 2008.  ^ Smith, Joseph (2014). The Spanish–American War
Spanish–American War
1895–1902: Conflict in the Caribbean and the Pacific. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-83742-3.  ^ Lens, Sidney; Zinn, Howard (2003). The Forging of the American Empire: From the Revolution to Vietnam, a History of U.S. Imperialism. Human Security Series (Illustrated ed.). Pluto Press. p. 464. ISBN 0-7453-2100-3.  ^ George B. Young, "Intervention Under the Monroe Doctrine: The Olney Corollary," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Jun., 1942), pp. 247–280 in JSTOR ^ Dziuban, Stanley W. (1959). "Chapter 1, Chautauqua to Ogdensburg". Military Relations Between the United States
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and Canada, 1939–1945. Washington DC: Center of Military History, United States
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Army. pp. 2–3. LCCN 59-60001.  ^ a b Roosevelt, Theodore (December 6, 1904). "State of the Union Address". TeachingAmericanHistory.org. Retrieved December 20, 2008.  ^ Thomas Leonard; et al. (2012). Encyclopedia of U.S. – Latin American Relations. SAGE. p. 789. CS1 maint: Explicit use of et al. (link) ^ Lerner, Adrienne Wilmoth (2004). "Monroe Doctrine". Encyclopedia of Espionage, Intelligence, and Security.  ^ "Senate Vote #236 in 1912".  ^ New York Times Current History: the European war, Volume 9. 1917. pp. 158–159.  ^ "What the U.S.A. Thinks". Life. July 29, 1940. p. 20. Retrieved November 10, 2011.  ^ "352 – The President's News Conference August 29, 1962 response to Q[21.]". Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project.  ^ Dominguez, Jorge (1999). "US– Latin American
Latin American
Relations During the Cold War
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and its Aftermath" (PDF). The United States
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and Latin America: The New Agenda. Institute of Latin American
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Studies and the David Rockefeller Center for Latin Americas
Americas
Studies. p. 12. Retrieved August 4, 2010.  ^ "Study Prepared in Response to National Security Study Memorandum 15". NSC–IG/ARA. July 5, 1969. Retrieved August 4, 2010.  ^ "The Durable Doctrine". Time. September 21, 1962. Retrieved July 15, 2009.  ^ Smith, Gaddis (1995). The Last Years of the Monroe Doctrine, 1945–1993. New York: Hill & Wang. p. 201. ISBN 978-0-8090-1568-9.  ^ Johnson, Keith (November 18, 2013). "Kerry Makes It Official: 'Era of Monroe Doctrine Is Over'". Wall Street Journal.  ^ Keck, Zachary (November 21, 2013). "The US Renounces the Monroe Doctrine?". The Diplomat. Retrieved November 28, 2013.  ^ Preston, Andrew; Rossinow, Doug (2016-11-15). Outside In: The Transnational Circuitry of US History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190459871.  ^ Sexton, Jay (2011-03-15). The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in Nineteenth-Century America. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. pp. 2–9. ISBN 9781429929288.  ^ Chomsky, Noam (2004). Hegemony
Hegemony
Or Survival. Henry Holt. pp. 63–64. ISBN 978-0-8050-7688-2. Retrieved December 20, 2008. 

Further reading[edit]

"Present Status of the Monroe Doctrine". Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 54: 1–129. 1914. ISSN 0002-7162. JSTOR i242639.  14 articles by experts Bemis, Samuel Flagg. John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams
and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy (1949) Dozer, Donald (1965). The Monroe Doctrine: Its Modern Significance. New York: Knopf.  Lawson, Leonard Axel (1922). The Relation of British Policy to the Declaration of the Monroe Doctrine. Columbia University.  May, Ernest R. (1975). The Making of the Monroe Doctrine. Harvard University Press.  Meiertöns, Heiko (2010). The Doctrines of US Security Policy: An Evaluation under International Law. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-76648-7.  Merk, Frederick (1966). The Monroe Doctrine and American Expansionism, 1843–1849.  Murphy, Gretchen (2005). Hemispheric Imaginings: The Monroe Doctrine and Narratives of U.S. Empire. Duke University Press.  Examines the cultural context of the doctrine. Perkins, Dexter (1927). The Monroe Doctrine, 1823–1826.  3 vols. (in Italian) Nico Perrone, Progetto di un impero. 1823. L'annuncio dell'egemonia americana infiamma la borsa (Project of an Empire. 1823. The Announcement of American Hegemony
Hegemony
Inflames the Stock Exchange), Naples, La Città del Sole, 2013 ISBN 978-88-8292-310-5 Sexton, Jay (2011). The Monroe Doctrine: Empire and Nation in 19th-Century America. Hill & Wang.  290 pages; competing and evolving conceptions of the doctrine after 1823!

Bibliography[edit]

"Monroe Doctrine". America.gov. Retrieved December 2, 2002.  Most of the material was originally copied from this public domain source. "Monroe Doctrine". The Columbia Encyclopedia (6th ed.). 2008.  Missing or empty title= (help) "Monroe Doctrine". The Encyclopædia Britannica (15th ed.). 1974.  Missing or empty title= (help) "Monroe Doctrine". The New Encyclopædia Britannica. 8 (15th ed.). 1993.  Missing or empty title= (help)

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Monroe Doctrine.

Wikisource
Wikisource
has original text related to this article: Monroe Doctrine

Monroe Doctrine and related resources at the Library of Congress Selected text from Monroe's December 2, 1823 speech Adios, Monroe Doctrine: When the Yanquis Go Home by Jorge G. Castañeda, The New Republic, December 28, 2009 as illustrated in a 1904 cartoon

v t e

James Monroe

5th President of the United States
President of the United States
(1817–1825) 5th U.S. Secretary of State (1811–1817) United States
United States
Secretary of War
War
(1814–1815) Governor of Virginia
Governor of Virginia
(1799–1802, 1811) United States
United States
Minister to the United Kingdom
United Kingdom
(1803–1808) United States
United States
Minister to France (1794–1796) United States
United States
Senator from Virginia
Virginia
(1790–1794) Delegate to the Congress of the Confederation
Congress of the Confederation
from Virginia (1783–1786)

Founding events

Virginia
Virginia
Ratifying Convention Founding Fathers

Presidency

First inauguration Second inauguration Florida Treaty Treaty of 1818 Panic of 1819 Era of Good Feelings Missouri Compromise Seminole Wars Monroe Doctrine Tariff of 1824 State of the Union
State of the Union
Address, 1824 Cabinet Federal judiciary appointments

Other noted accomplisments

Negotiated the Louisiana Purchase Monroe–Pinkney Treaty War
War
of 1812

Life

Early life and career Birthplace and boyhood home Revolutionary War
War
service

Battle of Trenton

Monroe Hill
Monroe Hill
home and office James Monroe
James Monroe
Law Office, Museum, and Memorial Library Ash Lawn–Highland Oak Hill James Monroe
James Monroe
Tomb

Elections

U.S. Senate election, 1790 1792 Governor of Virginia
Governor of Virginia
election, 1799 U.S. presidential election, 1808 1816 1820

Legacy and popular culture

Monrovia, capital of Liberia List of places named for James Monroe Monroe, Michigan Monroe, Georgia Monroe County, Kentucky Monroe County, New York Monroe Township, New Jersey Monroe Hill
Monroe Hill
(2015 film) U.S. postage stamps Monroe Doctrine Centennial half dollar

Related

Virginia
Virginia
dynasty Monroe on slavery

American Colonization Society

Family

Elizabeth Kortright (wife) George Hay (son-in-law) Samuel L. Gouverneur (son-in-law) Spence Monroe (father) Elizabeth Jones (mother)

← James Madison John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams

Commons Wikibooks Wikiquote Wikisource
Wikisource
texts US Presidency Portal

v t e

Foreign relations of the United States

Bilateral relations

Africa

East

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Middle

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North

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Doctrines, policies, concepts

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Lodge Corollary Stimson Kirkpatrick Weinberger Powell Rumsfeld Wolfowitz

Policies and concepts

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Special
Relationship Taiwan Relations Act
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(Taiwan Travel Act)

v t e

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United States
intervention in Latin America

Policy

Monroe Doctrine (1823) Platt Amendment
Platt Amendment
(1901–04) Roosevelt Corollary/ Big Stick ideology
Big Stick ideology
(1904) Good Neighbor policy
Good Neighbor policy
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Wars

Mexican–American War
War
(1846–48) Spanish–American War
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(1898) Border War
War
(1910–19) United States
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Haiti
(1915–34) Occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–24) Occupation of the Dominican Republic (1965–66) Invasion of Grenada
Invasion of Grenada
(1983) Invasion of Panama (1989)

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(1962) United States
United States
involvement in regime change in Latin America

Foreign policy of the United States Latin America– United States
United States
relations

v t e

State of the Union
State of the Union
addresses

Addresses

Delivered as a speech

1790 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1947 1948 1949 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1975 1976 1977 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1990 1991 1992 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2018

Delivered as a written message

1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1857 1858 1859 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865 1866 1867 1868 1869 1870 1871 1872 1873 1874 1875 1876 1877 1878 1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1946 1953 1961 1981

Delivered as both

1972 1974 1978 1979 1980

Delivered as a written message to Congress, summary delivered to public

1945 1956 1973

Unofficial addresses

1989 1993 2001 2009 2017

Related

Opposition party's response Designated survivor Notable invited guests United States
United States
presidential address Joint Session of Congress (List) Monroe Doctrine

Regional speeches

State of the State address State of the City address

v t e

John Quincy
John Quincy
Adams

United States
United States
House of Representatives, 1831–1848 6th President of the United States, 1825–1829 8th U.S. Secretary of State, 1817–1825 U.S. Ambassador to the United Kingdom, 1814–1817 1st U.S. Minister to Russia, 1809–1814 Massachusetts State Senate, 1803–1808 U.S. Minister to Prussia, 1797–1801 U.S. Ambassador to the Netherlands, 1794–1797

Presidency

Inauguration American System Internal improvements Tariff of 1828 First Treaty of Prairie du Chien Treaty of Fond du Lac Treaty of Limits United States
United States
Naval Observatory Abdulrahman Ibrahim Ibn Sori State of the Union
State of the Union
Address, 1825 1827 1828 Federal judiciary appointments

Other events

Monroe Doctrine, author Treaty of Ghent Adams–Onís Treaty Treaty of 1818 Smithsonian Institution United States
United States
v. The Amistad

Mendi Bible

President, American Academy of Arts and Sciences President, Columbian Institute for the Promotion of Arts and Sciences

Writings

Lifelong diary Massachusetts Historical Society holdings

Adams Papers Editorial Project

Life and homes

Early life Abigail Adams
Abigail Adams
Cairn John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams
and abolitionism Adams National Historical Park

Birthplace and family home Peacefield Presidential Library

United First Parish Church and gravesite

Elections

United States
United States
presidential election, 1824

Corrupt Bargain

United States
United States
presidential election, 1828

Legacy

Adams Memorial Adams House at Harvard University U.S. Postage stamps Monroe Doctrine Centennial half dollar

Popular culture

Profiles in Courage
Profiles in Courage
(1957 book 1965 television series) The Adams Chronicles (1976 miniseries) Mutiny on the Amistad
Mutiny on the Amistad
(1987 book) Amistad (1997 film) John Adams
John Adams
(2001 book 2008 miniseries)

Adams family Quincy family

Louisa Adams
Louisa Adams
(wife) George W. Adams (son) Charles Adams Sr. (son) John Adams II
John Adams II
(son) Henry Adams
Henry Adams
(grandson) Brooks Adams
Brooks Adams
(grandson) John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams
II (grandson) John Adams

father presidency

Abigail Adams

mother First Lady Quincy family

Abigail Adams
Abigail Adams
Smith (sister) Charles Adams (brother) Thomas Boylston Adams (brother) John Adams
John Adams
Sr. (paternal grandfather) Susanna Boylston (paternal grandmother) Elihu Adams (paternal uncle) John Quincy
John Quincy
(great-grandfather)

Related

National Republican Party Republicanism Quincy Patriot

← James Monroe Andrew Jackson
Andrew Jackson

Category

Authority control

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