The Info List - Mikhail Gorbachev

Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev[note 2] (born 2 March 1931) is a Russian and formerly Soviet politician. The eighth and last leader of the Soviet Union, he was General Secretary of its governing Communist Party from 1985 until 1991. He was the country's head of state from 1988 until 1991, serving as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet from 1988 to 1989, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
from 1989 to 1990, and President of the Soviet Union
President of the Soviet Union
from 1990 to 1991. Ideologically, he initially adhered to Marxism-Leninism
although by the early 1990s had moved toward social democracy. Of mixed Russian and Ukrainian heritage, Gorbachev was born in Privolnoye, Stavropol Krai
Stavropol Krai
to a poor peasant family. Growing up under the rule of Joseph Stalin, in his youth he operated combine harvesters on a collective farm before joining the Communist Party, which then governed the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
as a one-party state according to Marxist-Leninist doctrine. While studying at Moscow State University, he married fellow student Raisa Titarenko in 1953 prior to receiving his law degree in 1955. Moving to Stavropol, he worked for the Komsomol
youth organisation and, after Stalin's death, became a keen proponent of the de-Stalinization reforms of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. He was appointed the First Party Secretary of the Stavropol
Regional Committee in 1970, in which position he oversaw construction of the Great Stavropol
Canal. In 1978 he returned to Moscow to become a Secretary of the party's Central Committee and in 1979 joined its governing Politburo. Within three years of the death of Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, following the brief regimes of Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, the Politburo elected Gorbachev as General Secretary, the de facto head of government, in 1985. Although committed to preserving the Soviet state and to its socialist ideals, Gorbachev believed significant reform was necessary, particularly after the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. He withdrew from the Soviet–Afghan War
Soviet–Afghan War
and embarked on summits with United States President Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
to limit nuclear weapons and end the Cold War. Domestically, his policy of glasnost ("openness") allowed for enhanced freedom of speech and press, while his perestroika ("restructuring") sought to decentralise economic decision making to improve efficiency. His democratisation measures and formation of the elected Congress of People's Deputies undermined the one-party state. Gorbachev declined to intervene militarily when various Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
countries abandoned Marxist-Leninist governance in 1989–90. Internally, growing nationalist sentiment threatened to break up the Soviet Union, leading Marxist-Leninist hardliners to launch the unsuccessful August Coup against Gorbachev in 1991. In the wake of this, the Soviet Union dissolved against Gorbachev's wishes and he resigned. After leaving office, he launched his Gorbachev Foundation, became a vocal critic of Russian Presidents Boris Yeltsin
Boris Yeltsin
and Vladimir Putin, and campaigned for Russia's social-democratic movement. Widely considered one of the most significant figures of the second half of the 20th century, Gorbachev remains the subject of controversy. The recipient of a wide range of awards—including the Nobel Peace Prize—he was widely praised for his pivotal role in ending the Cold War, curtailing human rights abuses in the Soviet Union, and tolerating both the fall of Marxist–Leninist administrations in eastern and central Europe and the reunification of Germany. Conversely, in Russia
he is often derided for not stopping the Soviet collapse, an event which brought a decline in Russia's global influence and precipitated an economic crisis.


1 Early life

1.1 Childhood: 1931–1950 1.2 University: 1950–1955

2 Rise in the Communist Party

2.1 Stavropol
Komsomol: 1955–1969 2.2 Heading the Stavropol
Region: 1970–1977 2.3 Secretary of the Central Committee: 1978–1984

3 General Secretary of the CPSU

3.1 Early years: 1985–1986

3.1.1 Domestic policies 3.1.2 Foreign policy

3.2 Further reform: 1987–1989

3.2.1 Domestic reforms 3.2.2 Forming the Congress of People's Deputies 3.2.3 Relations with China and Western states 3.2.4 The nationality question and the Eastern Bloc

3.3 Presidency of the Soviet Union: 1990–1991

3.3.1 German reunification
German reunification
and the Iraq War 3.3.2 Internal crisis and the coup

3.4 Final collapse

4 Post-presidency

4.1 Initial years: 1991–1999 4.2 Promoting social-democracy in Putin's Russia: 1999–2008 4.3 Growing criticism of Putin: 2008–

5 Political ideology 6 Personal life

6.1 Personality

7 Reception and legacy

7.1 Orders, decorations, monuments, and honours

8 Works 9 See also 10 Notes 11 References

11.1 Citations 11.2 Sources

12 External links

Early life[edit] Childhood: 1931–1950[edit] Gorbachev was born on 2 March 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Stavropol
Krai, then in the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, one of the constituent republics of the Soviet Union.[4] At the time, Privolnoye was divided almost evenly between ethnic Russians
and ethnic Ukrainians.[5] Gorbachev's paternal family were ethnic Russians
and had moved to the region from Voronezh
several generations before; his maternal family were of ethnic Ukrainian heritage and had migrated from Chernigov.[6] His parents named him Victor, but at the insistence of his mother—a devout Orthodox Christian—he had a secret baptism, where his grandfather christened him Mikhail.[7] His relationship with his father, Sergey Andreyevich Gorbachev, was close; his mother, Maria Panteleyevna Gorbacheva (née Gopkalo), was colder and punitive.[8] His parents were poor,[9] and lived as peasants.[10] They had married as teenagers in 1928,[11] and in keeping with local tradition had initially resided in Sergei's father's house, an adobe-walled hut, before a hut of their own could be built.[12]

Gorbachev and his Ukrainian maternal grandparents, late 1930s The Soviet Union
Soviet Union
was a one-party state governed by the Communist Party, and during Gorbachev's childhood was under the leadership of Joseph Stalin. Stalin had initiated a project of mass rural collectivisation which, in keeping with his Marxist-Leninist ideas, he believed would help convert the country into a socialist society.[13] Gorbachev's maternal grandfather joined the Communist Party and helped form the village's first kolkhoz (collective farm) in 1929, becoming its chair.[14] This farm was twelve miles outside Privolnoye village and when he was three years old, Gorbachev left his parental home and moved into the kolkhoz with his maternal grandparents.[15] The country was then experiencing the famine of 1932–33, in which two of Gorbachev's paternal uncles and an aunt died.[16] This was followed by the Great Purge, in which individuals accused of being "enemies of the people"—including those sympathetic to rival interpretations of Marxism
like Trotskyism—were arrested and interned in labour camps, if not executed. Both of Gorbachev's grandfathers were arrested—his maternal in 1934 and his paternal in 1937—and both spent time in Gulag
labour camps prior to being released.[17] After his December 1938 release, Gorbachev's maternal grandfather discussed having been tortured by the secret police, an account that influenced the young boy.[18] Following on from the outbreak of the Second World War
Second World War
in 1939, in June 1941 the German Army invaded the Soviet Union. German forces occupied Privolnoe for four and a half months in 1942.[19] Gorbachev's father had joined the Soviet Red Army
Red Army
and fought on the frontlines; he was wrongly declared dead during the conflict and fought in the Battle of Kursk
Battle of Kursk
before returning to his family, injured.[20] After Germany was defeated, Gorbachev's parents had their second son, Aleksandr, in 1947; he and Mikhail would be their only children.[11] The village school had closed during much of the war but re-opened in autumn 1944.[21] Gorbachev did not want to return but when he did he excelled academically.[22] He read voraciously, moving from the Western novels of Thomas Mayne Reid
Thomas Mayne Reid
to the work of Vissarion Belinsky, Alexander Pushkin, Nikolai Gogol, and Mikhail Lermontov.[23] In 1946, he joined Komsomol, the Soviet political youth organisation, becoming leader of his local group and then being elected to the Komsomol
committee for the district.[24] From primary school he moved to the high school in Molotovskeye; he stayed there during the week while walking the twelve miles home during weekends.[25] As well as being a member of the school's drama society,[26] he organised sporting and social activities and led the school's morning exercise class.[27] Over the course of five consecutive summers from 1946 onward he returned home to assist his father operate a combine harvester, during which they sometimes worked 20-hour days.[28] In 1948, they harvested over 8000 centners of grain, a feat for which Sergey was awarded the Order of Lenin
Order of Lenin
and his son the Order of the Red Banner of Labour.[29]

University: 1950–1955[edit] .mw-parser-output .quotebox background-color:#F9F9F9;border:1px solid #aaa;box-sizing:border-box;padding:10px;font-size:88%;max-width:100% .mw-parser-output .quotebox.floatleft margin:0.5em 1.4em 0.8em 0 .mw-parser-output .quotebox.floatright margin:0.5em 0 0.8em 1.4em .mw-parser-output .quotebox.centered margin:0.5em auto 0.8em auto .mw-parser-output .quotebox.floatleft p,.mw-parser-output .quotebox.floatright p font-style:inherit .mw-parser-output .quotebox-title background-color:#F9F9F9;text-align:center;font-size:larger;font-weight:bold .mw-parser-output .quotebox-quote.quoted:before font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;font-weight:bold;font-size:large;color:gray;content:" “ ";vertical-align:-45%;line-height:0 .mw-parser-output .quotebox-quote.quoted:after font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;font-weight:bold;font-size:large;color:gray;content:" ” ";line-height:0 .mw-parser-output .quotebox .left-aligned text-align:left .mw-parser-output .quotebox .right-aligned text-align:right .mw-parser-output .quotebox .center-aligned text-align:center .mw-parser-output .quotebox cite display:block;font-style:normal @media screen and (max-width:360px) .mw-parser-output .quotebox min-width:100%;margin:0 0 0.8em!important;float:none!important I would consider it a high honor to be a member of the highly advanced, genuinely revolutionary Communist party
Communist party
of Bolsheviks. I promise to be faithful to the great cause of Lenin and Stalin, to devote my entire life to the party's struggle for Communism. — Gorbachev's letter requesting membership of the Communist Party[30]

In June 1950, Gorbachev became a candidate member of the Communist Party.[30] He also applied to study at the law school of Moscow State University
Moscow State University
(MSU), then the most prestigious university in the country. They accepted without asking for an exam, likely because of his worker-peasant origins and his possession of the Order of the Red Banner of Labour.[31] His choice of law was unusual; it was not a well-regarded subject in Soviet society at that time.[32] Aged 19, he travelled by train to Moscow, the first time he had left his home region.[33] In the city, he resided with fellow MSU students at a dormitory in Sokolniki District.[34] He and other rural students felt at odds with their Muscovite counterparts but he soon came to fit in.[35] Fellow students recall him working especially hard, often late into the night.[36] He gained a reputation as a mediator during disputes,[37] and was also known for being outspoken in class, although would only reveal a number of his views privately; for instance he confided in some students his opposition to the Soviet jurisprudential norm that a confession proved guilt, noting that confessions could have been forced.[38] During his studies, an anti-semitic campaign spread through the Soviet Union, culminating in the Doctors' plot; Gorbachev publicly defended a Jewish student who was accused of disloyalty to the country by one of their fellows.[39] At MSU, he became the Komsomol
head of his entering class, and then Komsomol's deputy secretary for agitation and propaganda at the law school.[40] One of his first Komsomol
assignments in Moscow was to monitor the election polling in Krasnopresnenskaya
district to ensure the government's desire for near total turnout; Gorbachev found that most of those who voted did so "out of fear".[41] In 1952, he was appointed a full member of the Communist Party.[42] As a party and Komsomol
member he was tasked with monitoring fellow students for potential subversion; some of his fellow students said that he did so only minimally and that they trusted him to keep confidential information secret from the authorities.[43] Gorbachev became close friends with Zdeněk Mlynář, a Czechoslovak student who later became a primary ideologist of the 1968 Prague
Spring. Mlynář recalled that the duo remained committed Marxist-Leninists despite their growing concerns about the Stalinist system.[44] After Stalin died in March 1953, Gorbachev and Mlynář joined the crowds amassing to see Stalin's body laying in state.[45]

Gorbachev studied at Moscow State University
Moscow State University
from 1950 to 1955 At MSU, Gorbachev met Raisa Titarenko, a Ukrainian studying in the university's philosophy department.[46] She was engaged to another man but after that engagement fell apart, she began a relationship with Gorbachev;[47] together they went to bookstores, museums, and art exhibits.[48] In early 1953, he took an internship at the procurator's office in Molotovskoye district, but was angered by the incompetence and arrogance of those working there.[49] That summer, he returned to Privolnoe to work with his father on the harvest; the money earned allowed him to pay for a wedding.[50] On 25 September 1953 he and Raisa registered their marriage at Sokolniki Registry Office;[50] and in October moved in together at the Lenin Hills dormitory.[51] Raisa discovered that she was pregnant and although the couple wanted to keep the child she fell ill and required a life-saving abortion.[52] In June 1955, Gorbachev graduated with a distinction;[53] his final paper had been on the advantages of "socialist democracy" (the Soviet political system) over "bourgeois democracy" (liberal democracy).[54] He was subsequently assigned to the Soviet Procurator's office, which was then focusing on the rehabilitation of the innocent victims of Stalin's purges, but found that they had no work for him.[55] He was then offered a place on an MSU graduate course specialising in kolkhoz law, but declined.[56] He had wanted to remain in Moscow, where Raisa was enrolled on a PhD program, but instead gained employment in Stavropol; Raisa abandoned her studies to join him there.[57]

Rise in the Communist Party[edit] Stavropol
Komsomol: 1955–1969[edit] Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet leader whose anti-Stalinist reforms were supported by Gorbachev In August 1955, Gorbachev started work at the Stavropol
regional procurator's office, but disliked the job and used his contacts to get a transfer to work for Komsomol,[58] becoming deputy director of Komsomol's agitation and propaganda department for that region.[59] In this position, he visited villages in the area and tried to improve the lives of their inhabitants; he established a discussion circle in Gorkaya Balka village to help its peasant residents gain social contacts.[60] Gorbachev and his wife initially rented a small room in Stavropol,[61] taking daily evening walks around the city and on weekends hiking in the countryside.[62] In January 1957, Raisa gave birth to a daughter, Irina,[63] and in 1958 they moved into two rooms in a communal apartment.[64] In 1961, Gorbachev pursued a second degree, on agricultural production; he took a correspondence course from the local Stavropol
Agricultural Institute, receiving his diploma in 1967.[65] His wife had also pursued a second degree, attaining a PhD in sociology in 1967 from the Moscow Pedagogical Institute;[66] while in Stavropol she too joined the Communist Party.[67] Stalin was ultimately succeeded as Soviet leader by Nikita Khrushchev, who denounced Stalin and his cult of personality in a speech given in February 1956, after which he launched a de-Stalinization process throughout Soviet society.[68] Later biographer William Taubman suggested that Gorbachev "embodied" the "reformist spirit" of the Khrushchev era.[69] Gorbachev was among those who saw themselves as "genuine Marxists" or "genuine Leninists" in contrast to what they regarded as the perversions of Stalin.[70] He helped spread Khrushchev's anti-Stalinist message in Stavropol, but encountered many who continued to regard Stalin as a hero or who praised the Stalinist purges as just.[71] Gorbachev rose steadily through the ranks of the local administration.[72] The authorities regarded him as politically reliable,[73] and he would flatter his superiors, for instance gaining favour with prominent local politician Fyodor Kulakov.[74] With an ability to outmanoeuvre rivals, some colleagues resented his success.[75] In September 1956, he was promoted First Secretary of the Stavropol
city's Komsomol, placing him in charge of it;[76] in April 1958 he was made deputy head of the Komsomol
for the entire region.[77] At this point he was given better accommodation: a two-room flat with its own private kitchen, toilet, and bathroom.[78] In Stavropol, he formed a discussion club for youths,[79] and helped mobilise local young people to take part in Khrushchev's agricultural and development campaigns.[80]

Gorbachev on a visit to East Germany
East Germany
in 1966 In March 1961, Gorbachev became First Secretary of the regional Komsomol,[81] in which position he went out of his way to appoint women as city and district leaders.[82] In 1961, Gorbachev played host to the Italian delegation for the World Youth Festival in Moscow;[83] that October, he also attended the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[84] In January 1963, Gorbachev was promoted to personnel chief for the regional party's agricultural committee,[85] and in September 1966 became First Secretary of the Stavropol
City Party Organisation ("Gorkom").[86] By 1968 he was increasingly frustrated with his job—in large part because Khrushchev's reforms were stalling or being reversed—and he contemplated leaving politics to work in academia.[87] However, in August 1968, he was named Second Secretary of the Stavropol
Kraikom, making him the deputy of First Secretary Leonid Yefremov and the second most senior figure in the Stavrapol region.[88] In 1969 he was elected as a deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union
Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union
and made a member of its Standing Commission for the Protection of the Environment.[89] Cleared for travel to Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
countries, in 1966 he was part of a delegation visiting East Germany, and in 1969 and 1974 visited Bulgaria.[90] In August 1968 the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
led an invasion of Czechoslovakia to put an end to the Prague
Spring, a period of political liberalisation in the Marxist–Leninist country. Although Gorbachev later stated that he had had private concerns about the invasion, he publicly supported it.[91] In September 1969 he was part of a Soviet delegation sent to Czechoslovakia, where he found the Czechoslovak people largely unwelcoming to them.[92] That year, the Soviet authorities ordered him to punish Fagien B. Sadykov, a Stavropol-based agronomist whose ideas were regarded as critical of Soviet agricultural policy; Gorbachev ensured that Sadykov was fired from teaching but ignored calls for him to face tougher punishment.[93] Gorbachev later related that he was "deeply affected" by the incident; "my conscience tormented me" for overseeing Sadykov's persecution.[94]

Heading the Stavropol
Region: 1970–1977[edit] In April 1970, Yefremov was promoted to a higher position in Moscow and Gorbachev succeeded him as the First Secretary of the Stavropol kraikom. This granted Gorbachev significant power over the Stavropol region.[95] He had been personally vetted for the position by senior Kremlin leaders and was informed of their decision by the Soviet leader, Leonid Brezhnev.[96] Aged 39, he was considerably younger than his predecessors in the position.[97] As head of the Stavropol
region, he automatically became a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
in 1971.[98] According to biographer Zhores Medvedev, Gorbachev "had now joined the Party's super-elite".[99] As regional leader, Gorbachev initially attributed economic and other failures to "the inefficiency and incompetence of cadres, flaws in management structure or gaps in legislation", but eventually concluded that they were caused by an excessive centralisation of decision making in Moscow.[100] He began reading translations of restricted texts by Western Marxist authors like Antonio Gramsci, Louis Aragon, Roger Garaudy, and Giuseppe Boffa, and came under their influence.[100]

Part of the Great Stavropol
Canal established under Gorbachev's regional leadership Gorbachev's main task as regional leader was to raise agricultural production levels, something hampered by severe droughts in 1975 and 1976.[101] He oversaw the expansion of irrigation systems through construction of the Great Stavropol
Canal.[102] For overseeing a record grain harvest in Ipatovsky
district, in March 1972 he was awarded by Order of the October Revolution
October Revolution
by Brezhnev in a Moscow ceremony.[103] Gorbachev always sought to maintain Brezhnev's trust;[104] as regional leader, he repeatedly praised Brezhnev in his speeches, for instance referring to him as "the outstanding statesman of our time".[105] Gorbachev and his wife holidayed in Moscow, Leningrad, Uzbekistan, and resorts in the North Caucusus;[106] he holidayed with the head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov, who was favourable towards him and who became an important patron.[107] Gorbachev also developed good relationships with senior figures like the Soviet Prime Minister, Alexei Kosygin,[108] and the longstanding senior party member Mikhail Suslov.[109] The government considered Gorbachev sufficiently reliable that he was sent as part of Soviet delegations to Western Europe; he made five trips there between 1970 and 1977.[110] In September 1971 he was part of a delegation who travelled to Italy, where they met with representatives of the Italian Communist Party; Gorbachev loved Italian culture but was struck by the poverty and inequality he saw in the country.[111] In 1972 he visited Belgium and the Netherlands and in 1973 West Germany.[112] Gorbachev and his wife visited France in 1976 and 1977, on the latter occasion touring the country with a guide from the French Communist Party.[113] He was surprised by how openly West Europeans offered their opinions and criticised their political leaders, something absent from the Soviet Union, where most people did not feel safe speaking so openly.[114] He later related that for him and his wife, these visits "shook our a priori belief in the superiority of socialist over bourgeois democracy".[115] Gorbachev had remained close to his parents; after his father became terminally ill in 1974, Gorbachev travelled to be with him in Privolnoe shortly before his death.[116] His daughter, Irina, married fellow student Anatoly Virgansky in April 1978.[117] In 1977, the Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
appointed Gorbachev to chair the Standing Commission on Youth Affairs due to his experience with mobilising young people in Komsomol.[118]

Secretary of the Central Committee: 1978–1984[edit] Gorbachev was sceptical of the deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan
(pictured here in 1986) In November 1978, Gorbachev was appointed a Secretary of the Central Committee.[119] His appointment had been approved unanimously by the Central Committee's members.[120] To fill this position, Gorbachev and his wife moved to Moscow, where they were initially given an old dacha outside the city. They then moved to another, at Sosnovka, before finally being allocated a newly built brick house.[121] He was also given an apartment inside the city, but gave that to his daughter and son-in-law; Irina had begun work at Moscow's Second Medical Institute.[122] As part of the Moscow political elite, Gorbachev and his wife now had access to better medical care and to specialised shops; they were also given cooks, servants, bodyguards, and secretaries, although many of these were spies for the KGB.[123] In his new position, Gorbachev often worked twelve to sixteen hour days.[123] He and his wife socialised little, but liked to visit Moscow's theatres and museums.[124] In 1978, he was appointed to the Central Committee's Secretariat for Agriculture, replacing his old friend Kulakov, who had died of a heart attack.[125] Gorbachev concentrated his attentions on agriculture: the harvests of 1979, 1980, and 1981 were all poor, due largely to weather conditions,[126] and the country had to import increasing quantities of grain.[127] He had growing concerns about the country's agricultural management system, coming to regard it as overly centralised and requiring more bottom-up decision making;[128] he raised these points at his first speech at a Central Committee Plenum, given in July 1978.[129] He began to have concerns about other policies too. In December 1979, the Soviets sent the Red Army
Red Army
into neighbouring Afghanistan
to support its Soviet-aligned government against Islamist insurgents; Gorbachev privately thought it a mistake.[130] At times he openly supported the government position; in October 1980 he for instance endorsed Soviet calls for Poland's Marxist–Leninist government to crack down on growing internal dissent in that country.[130] That same month, he was promoted from a candidate member to a full member of the Politburo, the highest decision-making authority in the Communist Party.[131] At the time, he was the Politburo's youngest member.[131]

In April 1983, Gorbachev gave a speech marking the birthday of Lenin (pictured), founder of the Soviet state. After Brezhnev's death in November 1982, Andropov succeeded him as General Secretary of the Communist Party, the de facto head of government in the Soviet Union. Gorbachev was enthusiastic about the appointment.[132] However, although Gorbachev hoped that Andropov would introduce liberalising reforms, the latter carried out only personnel shifts rather than structural change.[133] Gorbachev became Andropov's closest ally in the Politburo;[134] with Andropov's encouragement, Gorbachev sometimes chaired Politburo meetings.[135] Andropov encouraged Gorbachev to expand into policy areas other than agriculture, preparing him for future higher office.[136] In April 1983, Gorbachev delivered the annual speech marking the birthday of the Soviet founder Vladimir Lenin;[137] this required him re-reading many of Lenin's later writings, in which the latter had called for reform, and encouraged Gorbachev's own conviction that reform was needed.[138] In May 1983, Gorbachev was sent to Canada, where he met Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau
Pierre Trudeau
and spoke to the Canadian Parliament.[139] There, he met and befriended the Soviet ambassador, Aleksandr Yakovlev, who later became a key political ally.[140] In February 1984, Andropov died; on his deathbed he indicated his desire that Gorbachev succeed him.[141] Many in the Central Committee nevertheless thought the 53-year old Gorbachev was too young and inexperienced.[142] Instead, Konstantin Chernenko—a longstanding Brezhnev ally—was appointed General Secretary, but he too was in very poor health.[143] Chernenko was often too sick to chair Politburo meetings, with Gorbachev stepping in last minute.[144] Gorbachev continued to cultivate allies both in the Kremlin and beyond,[145] and also gave the main speech at a conference on Soviet ideology, where he angered party hardliners by implying that the country required reform.[146] In April 1984, he was appointed chair of the Foreign Affairs
Foreign Affairs
Committee of the Soviet legislature, a largely honorific position.[147] In June he travelled to Italy as a Soviet representative for the funeral of Italian Communist Party
Italian Communist Party
leader Enrico Berlinguer,[148] and in September to Sofia, Bulgaria to attend celebrations of the fortieth anniversary of its liberation by the Red Army.[149] In December, he visited Britain at the request of its Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher; she was aware that he was a potential reformer and wanted to meet him.[150] At the end of the visit, Thatcher said: "I like Mr Gorbachev. We can do business together".[151] He felt that the visit helped to erode Andrei Gromyko's dominance of Soviet foreign policy while at the same time sending a signal to the United States
United States
government that he wanted to improve Soviet-U.S. relations.[152]

General Secretary of the CPSU[edit] Gorbachev in 1985 at a summit in Geneva, Switzerland On 10 March 1985, Chernenko died.[153] Gromyko proposed Gorbachev as the next General Secretary; as a longstanding party member, Gromyko's recommendation carried great weight among the Central Committee.[154] Gorbachev expected much opposition to his nomination as General Secretary, but ultimately the rest of the Politburo supported him.[155] Shortly after Chernenko's death, the Politburo unanimously elected Gorbachev as his successor; they wanted him over another elderly leader.[156] He thus became the eighth leader of the Soviet Union.[10] Few in the government imagined that he would be as radical a reformer as he proved.[157] Although not a well-known figure to the Soviet public, there was widespread relief that the new leader was not elderly and ailing.[158] Gorbachev's first public appearance as leader was at Chernenko's Red Square
Red Square
funeral, held on 14 March.[159] Two months after being elected, he left Moscow for the first time, traveling to Leningrad, where he spoke to assembled crowds.[160] In June he travelled to Ukraine, in July to Belarus, and in September to Tyumen Oblast, urging party members in these areas to take more responsibility for fixing local problems.[161]

Early years: 1985–1986[edit] Gorbachev's leadership style differed from that of his predecessors. He would stop to talk to civilians on the street, forbade the display of his portrait at the 1985 Red Square
Red Square
holiday celebrations, and encouraged frank and open discussions at Politburo meetings.[162] To the West, Gorbachev was seen as a more moderate and less threatening Soviet leader; some Western commentators however believed this an act to lull Western governments into a false sense of security.[163] His wife was his closest adviser, and took on the unofficial role of a "first lady" by appearing with him on foreign trips; her public visibility was a breach of standard practice and generated resentment.[164] His other close aides were Georgy Shakhnazarov and Anatoly Chernyaev.[165] Gorbachev was aware that the Politburo could remove him from office, and that he could not pursue more radical reform without a majority of supporters in the Politburo.[166] He sought to remove several older members from the Politburo, encouraging Grigory Romanov, Nikolai Tikhonov, and Viktor Grishin into retirement.[167] He moved Gromyko from his role in foreign policy to that of head of state and replaced Gromyko's former role with his own ally, Eduard Shevardnadze.[168] Other allies whom he saw promoted were Yakovlev, Anatoly Lukyanov, and Vadim Medvedev.[169] Another of those promoted by Gorbachev was Boris Yeltsin, who was made a Secretary of the Central Committee in July 1985.[170] Most of these appointees were from a new generation of well-educated officials who had been frustrated during the Brezhnev era.[171] In his first year, 14 of the 23 heads of department in the secretariat were replaced.[172] Doing so, Gorbachev secured dominance in the Politburo within a year, faster than either Stalin, Khrushchev, or Brezhnev had achieved.[173]

Domestic policies[edit] Gorbachev at the Brandenburg Gate
Brandenburg Gate
in April 1986 during a visit to East Germany Gorbachev recurrently employed the term perestroika, first used publicly in March 1984.[174] He saw perestroika as encompassing a complex series of reforms to restructure society and the economy.[175] He was concerned by the country's low productivity, poor work ethic, and inferior quality goods;[176] like several economists, he feared this would lead to the country becoming a second-rate power.[177] The first stage of Gorbachev's perestroika was uskorenie ("acceleration"), a term he used regularly in the first two years of his leadership.[178] The Soviet Union
Soviet Union
was behind the United States in many areas of production,[179] but Gorbachev claimed that it would accelerate industrial output to match that of the U.S. by 2000.[180] The Five Year Plan of 1985–90 was targeted to expand machine building by 50 to 100%.[181] To boost agricultural productivity, he merged five ministries and a state committee into a single entity, Agroprom, although by late 1986 acknowledged this merger as a failure.[182] The purpose of reform was to prop up the centrally planned economy—not to transition to market socialism. Speaking in late summer 1985 to the secretaries for economic affairs of the central committees of the East European communist parties, Gorbachev said: "Many of you see the solution to your problems in resorting to market mechanisms in place of direct planning. Some of you look at the market as a lifesaver for your economies. But, comrades, you should not think about lifesavers but about the ship, and the ship is socialism."[183] Gorbachev's perestroika also entailed attempts to move away from technocratic management of the economy by increasingly involving the labour force in industrial production.[184] He was of the view that once freed from the strong control of central planners, state-owned enterprises would act as market agents.[185] Gorbachev and other Soviet leaders did not anticipate opposition to the perestroika reforms; according to their interpretation of Marxism, they believed that in a socialist society like the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
there would not be "antagonistic contradictions".[186] However, there would come to be a public perception in the country that many bureaucrats were paying lip service to the reforms while trying to undermine them.[187] He also initiated the concept of gospriyomka (state acceptance of production) during his time as leader,[188] which represented quality control.[189] In April 1986, he introduced an agrarian reform which linked salaries to output and allowed collective farms to sell 30% of their produce directly to shops or co-operatives rather than giving it all to the state for distribution.[190] In a September 1986 speech, he embraced the idea of reintroducing market economics to the country alongside limited private enterprise, citing Lenin's New Economic Policy as a precedent; he nevertheless stressed that he did not regard this as a return to capitalism.[190] In the Soviet Union, alcohol consumption had risen steadily between 1950 and 1985.[191] By the 1980s, drunkenness was a major social problem and Andropov had planned a major campaign to limit alcohol consumption. Encouraged by his wife, Gorbachev—who believed the campaign would improve health and work efficiency—oversaw its implementation.[192] Alcohol production was reduced by around 40 percent, the legal drinking age rose from 18 to 21, alcohol prices were increased, stores were banned from selling it before 2pm, and tougher penalties were introduced for workplace or public drunkenness and home production of alcohol.[193] The All-Union Voluntary Society for the Struggle for Temperance was formed to promote sobriety; it had over 14 million members within three years.[194] As a result, crime rates fell and life expectancy grew slightly between 1986 and 1987.[195] However, moonshine production rose considerably,[196] and the reform had significant costs to the Soviet economy, resulting in losses of up to US$100 billion between 1985 and 1990.[197] Gorbachev later considered the campaign to have been an error,[198] and it was terminated in October 1988.[199] After it ended, it took several years for production to return to previous levels, after which alcohol consumption soared in Russia
between 1990 and 1993.[200]

At the 27th Party Congress in February–March 1986, Gorbachev faced both hardliners who disliked his reforms and liberalisers (like Yeltsin) who thought they did not go far enough.[201] In the second year of his leadership, Gorbachev began speaking of glasnost, or "openness".[202] According to Doder and Branston, this meant "greater openness and candour in government affairs and for an interplay of different and sometimes conflicting views in political debates, in the press, and in Soviet culture."[203] Encouraging reformers into prominent media positions, he brought in Sergei Zalygin as head of Novy Mir magazine and Yegor Yakovlev
Yegor Yakovlev
as editor-in-chief of Moscow News.[204] He made the historian Yuri Afanasiev dean of the State Historical Archive Faculty, from where Afansiev could press for the opening of secret archives and the reassessment of Soviet history.[171] Prominent dissidents like Andrei Sakharov
Andrei Sakharov
were freed from internal exile or prison.[205] Gorbachev saw glasnost as a necessary measure to ensure perestroika by alerting the Soviet populace to the nature of the country's problems in the hope that they would support his efforts to fix them.[206] Particularly popular among the Soviet intelligentsia, who became key Gorbachev supporters,[207] glasnost boosted his domestic popularity but alarmed many Communist Party hardliners.[208] For many Soviet citizens, this newfound level of freedom of speech and press—and its accompanying revelations about the country's past—was uncomfortable.[209] Some in the party thought Gorbachev was not going far enough in his reforms; a prominent liberal critic was Yeltsin. He had risen rapidly since 1985, attaining the role of Moscow city boss.[210] Like many members of the government, Gorbachev was sceptical of Yeltsin, believing that he engaged in too much self-promotion.[211] Yeltsin was also critical of Gorbachev, regarding him as patronising.[210] In early 1986, Yeltsin began sniping at Gorbachev in Politburo meetings.[211] At the Twenty-Seventh Party Congress in February, Yeltsin called for more far-reaching reforms than Gorbachev was initiating and criticised the party leadership, although did not cite Gorbachev by name, claiming that a new cult of personality was forming. Gorbachev then opened the floor to responses, after which attendees publicly criticised Yeltsin for several hours.[212] After this, Gorbachev also criticised Yeltsin, claiming that he only cared for himself and was "politically illiterate".[213] Yeltsin then resigned as both Moscow boss and as a member of the Politburo.[213] From this point, tensions between the two men developed into a mutual hatred.[214] In April 1986 the Chernobyl disaster
Chernobyl disaster
occurred.[215] In the immediate aftermath, officials fed Gorbachev incorrect information to downplay the incident. As the scale of the disaster became apparent, 336,000 people were evacuated from the area around Chernobyl.[216] Taubman noted that the disaster marked "a turning point for Gorbachev and the Soviet regime".[217] Several days after it occurred, he gave a televised report to the nation.[218] He cited the disaster as evidence for what he regarded as widespread problems in Soviet society, such as shoddy workmanship and workplace inertia.[219] Gorbachev later described the incident as one which made him appreciate the scale of incompetence and cover-ups in the Soviet Union.[217] From April to the end of the year, Gorbachev became increasingly open in his criticism of the Soviet system, including food production, state bureaucracy, the military draft, and the large size of the prison population.[220]

Foreign policy[edit] U.S. President Reagan and Gorbachev meeting in Iceland in 1986 In a May 1985 speech given to the Soviet Foreign Ministry—the first time a Soviet leader had directly addressed his country's diplomats—Gorbachev spoke of a "radical restructuring" of foreign policy.[221] A major issue facing his leadership was Soviet involvement in the Afghan Civil War, which had then been going on for over five years.[222] Over the course of the war, 13,000 Soviet soldiers would be killed and there was much opposition to Soviet involvement among both the public and military.[222] On becoming leader, Gorbachev saw withdrawal from the war as a key priority.[223] In October 1985, he met with Afghan Marxist leader Babrak Karmal, urging him to acknowledge the lack of widespread public support for his government and pursue a power sharing agreement with the opposition.[223] That month, the Politburo approved Gorbachev's decision to withdraw combat troops from Afghanistan, although the last troops did not leave until February 1989.[224] Gorbachev had inherited a renewed period of high tension in the Cold War.[225] He believed strongly in the need to sharply improve relations with the United States; he was appalled at the prospect of nuclear war, was aware that the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
was unlikely to win the arms race, and thought that the continued focus on high military spending was detrimental to his desire for domestic reform.[225] Although privately also appalled at the prospect of nuclear war, U.S. President Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
publicly appeared to not want a de-escalation of tensions, having scrapped détente and arms controls, initiating a military build-up, and calling the Soviet Union the "evil empire".[226] Both Gorbachev and Reagan wanted a summit to discuss the Cold War, but each faced some opposition to such a move within their respective governments.[227] They agreed to hold a summit in Geneva, Switzerland in November 1985.[228] In the buildup to this, Gorbachev sought to improve relations with the U.S.' NATO
allies, visiting France in October 1985 to meet with President François Mitterrand.[229] At the Geneva summit, discussions between Gorbachev and Reagan were sometimes heated, and Gorbachev was initially frustrated that his U.S. counterpart "does not seem to hear what I am trying to say".[230] As well as discussing the Cold War proxy conflicts in Afghanistan
and Nicaragua and human rights issues, the pair discussed the U.S.' Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), to which Gorbachev was strongly opposed.[231] The duo's wives also met and spent time together at the summit.[232] The summit ended with a joint commitment to avoiding nuclear war and to meet for two further summits: in Washington D.C. in 1986 and in Moscow in 1987.[231] Following the conference, Gorbachev travelled to Prague
to inform other Warsaw Pact
Warsaw Pact
leaders of developments.[233]

Gorbachev with Erich Honecker
Erich Honecker
of East Germany. Privately, Gorbachev told Chernaev that Honecker was a "scumbag".[234] In January 1986, Gorbachev publicly proposed a three-stage program for abolishing the world's nuclear weapons by the end of the 20th century.[235] An agreement was then reached to meet with Reagan at Reykjavík, Iceland in October. Gorbachev wanted to secure guarantees that SDI would not be implemented, and in return was willing to offer concessions, including a 50% reduction in Soviet long range nuclear missiles.[236] Both leaders agreed with the shared goal of abolishing nuclear weapons, but Reagan refused to terminate the SDI program and no deal was reached.[237] After the summit, many of Reagan's allies criticised him for going along with the idea of abolishing nuclear weapons.[238] Gorbachev meanwhile told the Politburo that Reagan was "extraordinarily primitive, troglodyte, and intellectually feeble".[238] In his relations with the developing world, Gorbachev found many of the leaders professing revolutionary socialist credentials or a pro-Soviet attitude—such as Libya's Muammar Gaddafi
Muammar Gaddafi
and Syria's Hafez al-Assad—frustrating, and his best personal relationship was instead with India's Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi.[222] He thought that the "socialist camp" of Marxist-Leninist governed states—the Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
countries, North Korea, Vietnam, and Cuba—were a drain on the Soviet economy, receiving a far greater amount of goods from the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
than they collectively gave in return.[239] He sought improved relations with China, a country whose Marxist government had severed ties with the Soviets in the Sino-Soviet Split. In June 1985 he signed a US$14 billion five-year trade agreement with the country and in July 1986, he proposed troop reductions along the Soviet-Chinese border, hailing China as "a great socialist country".[240] He made clear his desire for Soviet membership of the Asian Development Bank
Asian Development Bank
and for greater ties to Pacific
countries, especially China and Japan.[241]

Further reform: 1987–1989[edit] Domestic reforms[edit] Gorbachev speaking in 1987 In January 1987, Gorbachev attended a Central Committee plenum where he talked about perestroika and democratisation while criticising widespread corruption.[242] He considered putting a proposal to allow multi-party elections into his speech, but decided against doing so.[243] After the plenum, he focused his attentions on economic reform, holding discussions with government officials and economists.[244] Many economists proposed reducing ministerial controls on the economy and allowing state-owned enterprises to set their own targets; Ryzhkov and other government figures were sceptical.[245] In June, Gorbachev finished his report on economic reform. It reflected a compromise: ministers would retain the ability to set output targets but these would not be considered binding.[246] That month, a plenum accepted his recommendations and the Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
passed a "law on enterprises" implementing the changes.[247] Economic problems remained: by the late 1980s there were still widespread shortages of basic goods, rising inflation, and declining living standards.[248] These stoked a number of miners' strikes in 1989.[249] By 1987, the ethos of glasnost had spread through Soviet society: journalists were writing increasingly openly,[250] many economic problems were being publicly revealed,[251] and studies appeared that critically reassessed Soviet history.[252] Gorbachev was broadly supportive, describing glasnost as "the crucial, irreplaceable weapon of perestroika".[250] He nevertheless insisted that people should use the newfound freedom responsibly, stating that journalists and writers should avoid "sensationalism" and be "completely objective" in their reporting.[253] Nearly two hundred previously restricted Soviet films were publicly released, and a range of Western films were also made available.[254] In 1989, Soviet culpability for the 1940 Katyn massacre
Katyn massacre
was finally revealed.[255] In September 1987, the government stopped jamming the signal of the British Broadcasting Corporation
British Broadcasting Corporation
and Voice of America.[256] The reforms also included greater tolerance of religion;[257] an Easter
service was broadcast on Soviet television for the first time and the millennium celebrations of the Russian Orthodox Church were given media attention.[258] Independent organisations appeared, most supportive of Gorbachev, although the largest, Pamyat, was ultra-nationalist and anti-Semitic in nature.[259] Gorbachev also announced that Soviet Jews wishing to migrate to Israel would be allowed to do so, something previously prohibited.[260] In August 1987, he holidayed in Nizhniaia Oreanda, Ukraine, there writing Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and Our World at the suggestion of U.S. publishers.[261] For the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution
October Revolution
of 1917—which brought Lenin and the Communist Party to power—Gorbachev produced a speech on "October and Perestroika: The Revolution Continues". Delivered to a ceremonial joint session of the Central Committee and the Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, it praised Lenin but criticised Stalin for overseeing mass human rights abuses.[262] Party hardliners thought the speech went too far; liberalisers thought it did not go far enough.[263] In March 1988, the magazine Sovetskaya Rossiya
Sovetskaya Rossiya
published an open letter by the teacher Nina Andreyeva. It criticised elements of Gorbachev's reforms, attacking what she regarded as the denigration of the Stalinist era and arguing that a reformer clique—whom she implied were mostly Jews and ethnic minorities—were to blame.[264] Over 900 Soviet newspapers reprinted it and anti-reformists rallied around it; many reformers panicked, fearing a backlash against perestroika.[265] On returning from Yugoslavia, Gorbachev called a Politburo meeting to discuss the letter, at which he confronted those hardliners supporting its sentiment. Ultimately, the Politburo arrived at a unanimous decision to express disapproval of Andreyeva's letter and publish a rebuttal in Pravda.[266] Yakovlev and Gorbachev's rebuttal claimed that those who "look everywhere for internal enemies" were "not patriots" and presented Stalin's "guilt for massive repressions and lawlessness" as "enormous and unforgiveable".[267]

Forming the Congress of People's Deputies[edit] Although the next party congress was not scheduled until 1991, Gorbachev convened the 19th Party Conference in its place in June 1988. He hoped that by allowing a broader range of people to attend than at previous conferences, he would gain additional support for his reforms.[268] With sympathetic officials and academics, Gorbachev drafted plans for reforms that would shift power away from the Politburo and towards the soviets. While the soviets had become largely powerless bodies that rubber-stamped Politburo policies, he wanted them to become year-round legislatures. He proposed the formation of a new institution, the Congress of People's Deputies, whose members were to be elected in a largely free vote.[269] This congress would in turn elect a USSR Supreme Soviet, which would do most of the legislating.[270]

Gorbachev and his wife Raisa on a trip to Poland in 1988 These proposals reflected Gorbachev's desire for more democracy; however, in his view there was a major impediment in that the Soviet people had developed a "slave psychology" after centuries of Tsarist autocracy and Marxist-Leninist authoritarianism.[271] Held at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, the conference brought together 5,000 delegates and featured arguments between hardliners and liberalisers. The proceedings were televised, and for the first time since the 1920s, voting was not unanimous.[272] In the months following the conference, Gorbachev focused on redesigning and streamlining the party apparatus; the Central Committee staff—which then numbered around 3,000—was halved, while various Central Committee departments were merged to cut down the overall number from twenty to nine.[273] In March and April 1989, elections to the new Congress were held.[274] Of the 2,250 legislators to be elected, one hundred — termed the "Red Hundred" by the press — were directly chosen by the Communist Party, with Gorbachev ensuring many were reformists.[275] Although over 85% of elected deputies were party members,[276] many of those elected—including Sakharov and Yeltsin—were liberalisers.[277] Gorbachev was happy with the result, describing it as "an enormous political victory under extraordinarily difficult circumstances".[278] The new Congress convened in May 1989.[279] Gorbachev was then elected its chair – the new de facto head of state – with 2,123 votes in favour to 87 against.[280] Its sessions were televised live,[280] and its members elected the new Supreme Soviet.[281] At the Congress, Sakharov spoke repeatedly, exasperating Gorbachev with his calls for greater liberalisation and the introduction of private property.[282] After Sakharov died shortly after, Yeltsin became the figurehead of the liberal opposition.[283]

Relations with China and Western states[edit] Gorbachev in one-on-one discussions with Reagan Gorbachev tried to improve relations with the UK, France, and West Germany;[284] like previous Soviet leaders, he was interested in pulling Western Europe away from U.S. influence.[285] Calling for greater pan-European co-operation, he publicly spoke of a "Common European Home" and of a Europe "from the Atlantic to the Urals".[286] In March 1987, Thatcher visited Gorbachev in Moscow; despite their ideological differences, they liked one another.[287] In April 1989 he visited London, lunching with Elizabeth II.[288] In May 1987, Gorbachev again visited France, and in November 1988 Mitterrand visited him in Moscow.[289] The West German Chancellor, Helmut Kohl, had initially offended Gorbachev by comparing him to Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels, although later informally apologised and in October 1988 visited Moscow.[290] In June 1989 Gorbachev then visited Kohl in West Germany.[291] In November 1989 he also visited Italy, meeting with Pope John Paul II.[292] Gorbachev's relationships with these West European leaders were typically far warmer than those he had with their Eastern Bloc counterparts.[293] Gorbachev continued to pursue good relations with China to heal the Sino-Soviet Split. In May 1989 he visited Beijing
and there met its leader Deng Xiaoping; Deng shared Gorbachev's belief in economic reform but rejected calls for democratisation.[294] Pro-democracy students had amassed in Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
during Gorbachev's visit but after he left were massacred by troops. Gorbachev did not condemn the massacre publicly but it reinforced his commitment not to use violent force in dealing with pro-democracy protests in the Eastern Bloc.[295] Following the failures of earlier talks with the U.S., in February 1987, Gorbachev held a conference in Moscow, titled "For a World without Nuclear Weapons, for Mankind's Survival", which was attended by various international celebrities and politicians.[296] By publicly pushing for nuclear disarmament, Gorbachev sought to give the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
the moral high ground and weaken the West's self-perception of moral superiority.[297] Aware that Reagan would not budge on SDI, Gorbachev focused on reducing "Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces", to which Reagan was receptive.[298] In April 1987, Gorbachev discussed the issue with U.S. Secretary of State George P. Shultz
George P. Shultz
in Moscow; he agreed to eliminate the Soviets' SS-23
rockets and allow U.S. inspectors to visit Soviet military facilities to ensure compliance.[299] There was hostility to such compromises from the Soviet military, but following the May 1987 Mathias Rust
Mathias Rust
incident—in which a West German teenager was able to fly undetected from Finland and land in Red Square—Gorbachev fired many senior military figures for incompetence.[300] In December 1987, Gorbachev visited Washington D.C., where he and Reagan signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty.[301] Taubman called it "one of the highest points of Gorbachev's career".[302]

Reagan and Gorbachev with wives (Nancy and Raisa, respectively) attending a dinner at the Soviet Embassy in Washington, 9 December 1987 A second U.S.-Soviet summit occurred in Moscow in May–June 1988, which Gorbachev expected to be largely symbolic.[303] Again, he and Reagan criticised each other's countries—Reagan raising Soviet restrictions on religious freedom; Gorbachev highlighting poverty and racial discrimination in the U.S.—but Gorbachev related that they spoke "on friendly terms".[304] They reached an agreement on notifying each other before conducting the ballistic missile test and made agreements on transport, fishing, and radio navigation.[305] At the summit, Reagan told reporters that he no longer considered the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
an "evil empire" and the duo revealed that they considered themselves friends.[306] The third summit was held in New York City in December.[307] Arriving there, Gorbachev gave a speech to the United Nations
United Nations
Assembly where he announced a unilateral reduction in the Soviet armed forces by 500,000; he also announced that 50,000 troops would be withdrawn from Central and Eastern Europe.[308] He then met with Reagan and President-elect George H. W. Bush; he rushed home, skipping a planned visit to Cuba, to deal with the Armenian earthquake.[309] On becoming U.S. President, Bush appeared interested in continuing talks with Gorbachev but wanted to appear tougher on the Soviets than Reagan had to allay criticism from the right-wing of his Republican Party.[310] In December 1989, Gorbachev and Bush met at the Malta Summit.[311] Bush offered to assist the Soviet economy by suspending the Jackson-Vanik Amendment and repealing the Stevenson and Baird Amendments.[312] There, the duo agreed to a joint press conference, the first time that a U.S. and Soviet leader had done so.[313] Gorbachev also urged Bush to normalise relations with Cuba and meet its President, Fidel Castro, although Bush refused to do so.[314]

The nationality question and the Eastern Bloc[edit] Gorbachev meeting the Romanian Marxist-Leninist leader Nicolae Ceauşescu. According to Taubman, Ceauşescu was Gorbachev's "favorite punching bag".[222] On taking power, Gorbachev found some unrest among different national groups within the Soviet Union. In December 1986, riots broke out in several Kazakh cities after a Russian was appointed head of the region.[315] In 1987, Crimean Tatars
Crimean Tatars
protested in Moscow to demand resettlement in Crimea, the area from which they had been deported on Stalin's orders in 1944. Gorbachev ordered a commission, headed by Gromyko, to examine their situation.[316] By 1988, the Soviet "nationality question" was increasingly pressing.[317] In February, the administration of the Nagorno-Karabakh
region officially requested that it be transferred from the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic
Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic
to the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic; the majority of the region's population were ethnically Armenian and wanted unification with other majority Armenian areas.[318] As rival Armenian and Azerbaijani demonstrations took place in Nagorno-Karabakh, Gorbachev called an emergency meeting of the Politburo.[319] Ultimately, Gorbachev promised greater autonomy for Nagorno-Karabakh
but refused the transfer, fearing that it would set off similar ethnic tensions and demands throughout the Soviet Union.[320] That month, in the Azerbaijani city of Sumgait, Azerbaijani gangs began killing members of the Armenian minority. Local troops tried to quell the unrest but were attacked by mobs.[321] The Politburo ordered additional troops into the city, but in contrast to those like Ligachev who wanted a massive display of force, Gorbachev urged restraint. He believed that the situation could be resolved through a political solution, urging talks between the Armenian and Azerbaijani Communist Parties.[322] Further anti-Armenian violence broke out in Baku
in 1990.[323] Problems also emerged in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic; in April 1989, Georgian nationalists demanding independence clashed with troops in Tbilisi, resulting in various deaths.[324] Independence sentiment was also rising in the Baltic states; the Supreme Soviets of the Estonian, Lithuanian, and Latvian Soviet Socialist Republics declared their economic "autonomy" from Russia
and introduced measures to restrict Russian immigration.[325] In August 1989, protesters formed the Baltic Way, a human chain across the three republics to symbolise their wish for independence.[326] That month, the Lithuanian Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
ruled the 1940 Soviet annexation of their country to be illegal;[327] in January 1990, Gorbachev visited the republic to encourage it to remain part of the Soviet Union.[328]

Berlin Wall, "Thank you, Gorbi!", October 1990 Gorbachev rejected the "Brezhnev Doctrine", the idea that the Soviet Union had the right to intervene militarily in other Marxist-Leninist countries if their governments were threatened.[329] In December 1987 he announced the withdrawal of 500,000 Soviet troops from Central and Eastern Europe.[330] While pursuing domestic reforms, he did not publicly support reformers elsewhere in the Eastern Bloc.[331] Hoping instead to lead by example, he later related that he did not want to interfere in their internal affairs, but he may have feared that pushing reform in Central and Eastern Europe would have angered his own hardliners too much.[332] Some Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
leaders, like Hungary's János Kádár and Poland's Wojciech Jaruzelski, were sympathetic to reform; others, like Romania's Nicolae Ceaușescu, were hostile to it.[333] In May 1987 Gorbachev visited Romania, where he was appalled by the state of the country, later telling the Politburo that there "human dignity has absolutely no value".[334] He and Ceauşescu disliked each other, and argued over Gorbachev's reforms.[335] In the Revolutions of 1989, most of the Marxist-Leninist states of Central and Eastern Europe held multi-party elections resulting in regime change.[336] In most countries, like Poland and Hungary, this was achieved peacefully, but in Romania the revolution turned violent and led to Ceaușescu's overthrow and execution.[336] Gorbachev was too preoccupied with domestic problems to pay much attention to these events.[337] He believed that democratic elections would not lead Eastern European countries into abandoning their commitment to socialism.[338] In 1989 he visited East Germany
East Germany
for the fortieth anniversary of its founding;[339] shortly after, in November, the East German government allowed its citizens to cross the Berlin Wall, a decision Gorbachev praised.[340] Neither Gorbachev nor Thatcher or Mitterrand wanted a swift reunification of Germany, aware that it would likely become the dominant European power. Gorbachev wanted a gradual process of German integration but Kohl began calling for rapid reunification.[341] With Germany reunified, many observers declared the Cold War
Cold War

Presidency of the Soviet Union: 1990–1991[edit] Gorbachev addressing the United Nations General Assembly
United Nations General Assembly
in December 1988. During the speech he dramatically announced deep unilateral cuts in Soviet military forces in Eastern Europe. In February 1990, both liberalisers and Marxist-Leninist hardliners intensified their attacks on Gorbachev.[343] A liberaliser march took part in Moscow criticising Communist Party rule,[344] while at a Central Committee meeting, the hardliner Vladimir Brovikov accused Gorbachev of reducing the country to "anarchy" and "ruin" and of pursuing Western approval at the expense of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and the Marxist-Leninist cause.[345] Gorbachev was aware that the Central Committee could still oust him as General Secretary, and so decided to reformulate the role of head of government to a presidency from which they could not remove him.[346] He decided that the presidential election should be held by the Congress of People's Deputies. He chose this over a public vote because he thought the latter would escalate tensions and feared that he might lose it;[347] a spring 1990 poll nevertheless still showed him as the most popular politician in the country.[348] In March, the Congress of People's Deputies held the first (and only) Soviet presidential election, in which Gorbachev was the only candidate. He secured 1,329 in favour to 495 against; 313 votes were invalid or absent. He therefore became the first executive President of the Soviet Union.[349] A new 18-member Presidential Council de facto replaced the Politburo.[350] At the same Congress meeting, he presented the idea of repealing Article 6 of the Soviet constitution, which had ratified the Communist Party as the "ruling party" of the Soviet Union. The Congress passed the reform, undermining the de jure nature of the one-party state.[351] In the 1990 elections for the Russian Supreme Soviet, the Communist Party faced challengers from an alliance of liberalisers known as "Democratic Russia"; the latter did particularly well in urban centers.[352] Yeltsin was elected the parliament's chair, something Gorbachev was unhappy about.[353] That year, opinion polls showed Yeltsin overtaking Gorbachev as the most popular politician in the Soviet Union.[348] Gorbachev struggled to understand Yeltsin's popularity, commenting: "he drinks like a fish... he's inarticulate, he comes up with the devil knows what, he's like a worn-out record."[354] The Russian Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
was now out of Gorbachev's control;[354] in June 1990, it declared that in the Russian Republic, its laws took precedence over those of the Soviet central government.[355] Amid a growth in Russian nationalist sentiment, Gorbachev had reluctantly allowed the formation of a Communist Party of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic as a branch of the larger Soviet Communist Party. Gorbachev attended its first congress in June, but soon found it dominated by hardliners who opposed his reformist stance.[356]

German reunification
German reunification
and the Iraq War[edit] In January 1990, Gorbachev privately agreed to permit East German reunification with West Germany, but rejected the idea that a unified Germany could retain West Germany's NATO
membership.[357] His compromise that Germany might retain both NATO
and Warsaw Pact memberships did not attract support.[358] In May 1990, he visited the U.S. for talks with Bush;[359] there, he agreed that an independent Germany would have the right to choose its international alliances.[358] He later revealed that he had agreed to do so because U.S. Secretary of State James Baker
James Baker
promised that NATO
troops would not be posted to eastern Germany and that the military alliance would not expand into Eastern Europe.[360] Privately, Bush ignored Baker's assurances and later pushed for NATO expansion.[361] On the trip, the U.S. informed Gorbachev of its evidence that the Soviet military—possibly unbeknownst to Gorbachev—had been pursuing a biological weapons program in contravention of the 1987 Biological Weapons Convention.[362] In July, Kohl visited Moscow and Gorbachev informed him that the Soviets would not oppose a reunified Germany being part of NATO.[363] Domestically, Gorbachev's critics accused him of betraying the national interest;[364] more broadly, they were angry that Gorbachev had allowed the Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
to move away from direct Soviet influence.[365]

In 1990, Gorbachev met repeatedly with U.S. President George Bush In August 1990, Saddam Hussein's Iraqi government invaded Kuwait; Gorbachev endorsed Bush's condemnation of it. This brought criticism from many in the Soviet state apparatus, who saw Hussein as an key ally in the Persian Gulf
Persian Gulf
and feared for the safety of the 9,000 Soviet citizens in Iraq, although Gorbachev argued that the Iraqis were the clear aggressors in the situation.[366] In November the Soviets endorsed a UN Resolution permitting force to be used in expelling the Iraqi Army from Kuwait.[367] Gorbachev later called it a "watershed" in world politics, "the first time the superpowers acted together in a regional crisis."[368] However, when the U.S. announced plans for a ground invasion, Gorbachev opposed it, urging instead a peaceful solution.[369] In October 1990, Gorbachev was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize; he was flattered but acknowledged "mixed feelings" about the accolade.[370] Polls indicated that 90% of Soviet citizens disapproved of the award.[371] With the Soviet budget deficit climbing and no domestic money markets to provide the state with loans, Gorbachev looked elsewhere.[372] Throughout 1991, Gorbachev requested sizeable loans from Western countries and Japan, hoping to keep the Soviet economy afloat and ensure the success of perestroika.[373] Although the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
had been excluded from the G7, Gorbachev secured an invite to its London summit in July 1991.[374] There, he continued to call for financial assistance; Mitterrand and Kohl backed him,[375] while Thatcher—no longer in office— also urged Western leaders to agree.[376] Most G7 members were reluctant, instead offering technical assistance and proposing the Soviets receive "special associate" status—rather than full membership—of the World Bank
World Bank
and International Monetary Fund.[377] Gorbachev was frustrated that the U.S. would spend $100 billion on the Gulf War
Gulf War
but would not offer his country loans.[378] Other countries were more forthcoming; West Germany had given the Soviets DM60 billion by mid-1991.[379] Later that month, Bush visited Moscow, where he and Gorbachev signed the START I
treaty after ten years of negotiation.[380]

Internal crisis and the coup[edit] Further information: 1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt Despite his declining popularity, Gorbachev was re-elected leader of the Communist Party at its 28th Congress At the 28th Communist Party Congress in July, hardliners criticised the reformists but Gorbachev was re-elected party leader with the support of three-quarters of delegates and his choice of Deputy General Secretary, Vladimir Ivashko, was also elected.[381] Seeking compromise with the liberalisers, Gorbachev assembled a team of both his own and Yeltsin's advisers to come up with an economic reform package: the result was the "500 Days" programme. This called for further decentralisation and some privatisation.[382] Gorbachev described the plan as "modern socialism" rather than a return to capitalism but had many doubts about it.[383] In September, Yeltsin presented the plan to the Russian Supreme Soviet, which backed it.[384] Many in the Communist Party and state apparatus warned against it, arguing that it would create marketplace chaos, rampant inflation, and unprecedented levels of unemployment.[385] The 500 Days plan was abandoned.[386] At this, Yeltsin rallied against Gorbachev in an October speech, claiming that Russia
would no longer accept a subordinate position to the Soviet government.[387] By mid-November 1990, much of the press was calling for Gorbachev's resignation and predicting civil war.[388] Hardliners were urging Gorbachev to disband the presidential council and arrest vocal liberals in the media.[389] In November, he addressed the Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
where he announced an eight-point program, which included governmental reforms, among them the abolition of the presidential council.[390] By this point, Gorbachev was isolated from many of his former close allies and aides.[391] Yakovlev had moved out of his inner circle and Shevardnadze had resigned.[392] His support among the intelligentsia was declining,[393] and by the end of 1990 his approval ratings had plummeted.[394] Amid growing dissent in the Baltics, especially Lithuania, in January 1991 Gorbachev demanded that the Lithuanian Supreme Council
Lithuanian Supreme Council
rescind its pro-independence reforms.[395] Soviet troops occupied several Vilnius
buildings and clashed with protesters, 15 of whom were killed.[396] Gorbachev was widely blamed by liberalisers, with Yeltsin calling for his resignation.[397] Gorbachev denied sanctioning the military operation, although some in the military claimed that he had; the truth of the matter was never clearly established.[398] Fearing more civil disturbances, that month Gorbachev banned demonstrations and ordered troops to patrol Soviet cities alongside the police. This further alienated the liberalisers but was not enough to win-over hardliners.[399] Wanting to preserve the Union, in April Gorbachev and the leaders of nine Soviet republics jointly pledged to prepare a treaty that would renew the federation under a new constitution; six of the republics—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Georgia, and Armenia—did not endorse this.[400] A referendum on the issue brought 76.4% in favour of continued federation but the six rebellious republics had not taken part.[401] Negotiations as to what form the new constitution would take took place, again bringing together Gorbachev and Yeltsin in discussion; it was planned to be formally signed in August.[402]

Tens of thousands of anti-coup protesters surrounding the White House In August, Gorbachev and his family holidayed at their dacha, "Zarya" ('Dawn') in Foros, Crimea.[403] Two weeks into his holiday, a group of senior Communist Party figures—the "Gang of Eight"—calling themselves the State Committee on the State of Emergency launched a coup d'état to seize control of the Soviet Union.[404] The phone lines to his dacha were cut and a group arrived, including Boldin, Shenin, Baklanov, and General Varennikov, informing him of the take-over.[405] The coup leaders demanded that Gorbachev formally declare a state of emergency in the country, but he refused.[406] Gorbachev and his family were kept under house arrest in their dacha.[407] The coup plotters publicly announced that Gorbachev was ill and thus Vice President Yanayev would take charge of the country.[408] Yeltsin, now President of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, went inside the Moscow White House. Tens of thousands of protesters amassed outside it to prevent troops storming the building to arrest him.[409] Gorbachev feared that the coup plotters would order him killed, so had his guards barricade his dacha.[410] However, the coup's leaders realised that they lacked sufficient support and ended their efforts. On 21 August, Vladimir Kryuchkov, Dmitry Yazov, Oleg Baklanov, and Anatoly Lukyanov, and Vladimir Ivashko
Vladimir Ivashko
arrived at Gorbachev's dacha to inform him that they were doing so.[410] That evening, Gorbachev returned to Moscow, where he thanked Yeltsin and the protesters for helping to undermine the coup.[411] At a subsequent press conference, he pledged to reform the Soviet Communist Party.[412] Two days later, he resigned as its General Secretary and called on the Central Committee to disband.[413] Several members of the coup committed suicide; others were fired.[414] Gorbachev attended a session of the Russian Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
on 23 August, where Yeltsin aggressively criticised him for having appointed and promoted many of the coup members to start with. Yeltsin then announced a ban on the Russian Communist Party.[415]

Final collapse[edit] Leaders of the Soviet Republics sign the Belovezha Accords
Belovezha Accords
which eliminated the USSR and established the Commonwealth of Independent States, 1991 On 30 October, Gorbachev attended a conference in Madrid
trying to revive the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. The event was co-sponsored by the U.S. and Soviet Union, one of the first examples of such cooperation between the two countries. There, he again met with Bush.[416] En route home, he travelled to France where he stayed with Mitterrand at the latter's home near Bayonne.[417] After the coup, Gorbachev continued to pursue plans for a new union treaty but found increasing opposition to the idea of a continued federal state as the leaders of various Soviet republics bowed to growing nationalist pressure.[418] Yeltsin stated that he would veto any idea of a unified state, instead favouring a confederation with little central authority.[419] Only the leaders of the Kazakhstan and Kirghizia supported Gorbachev's approach.[420] On 1 December a referendum in Ukraine produced over 90% support for secession from the Union; Gorbachev had expected the Ukrainians
to reject independence.[421] Without Gorbachev's knowledge, Yeltsin met with Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk
Leonid Kravchuk
and Belarusian President Stanislav Shushkevich
Stanislav Shushkevich
in Belovezha Forest, near Brest, Belarus, on 8 December and signed the Belavezha Accords, which declared the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
had ceased to exist and formed the Commonwealth of Independent States
Commonwealth of Independent States
(CIS) as its successor.[422] Gorbachev only learned of this development when Shushkevich phoned him; Gorbachev was furious.[423] He desperately looked for an opportunity to preserve the Soviet Union, hoping in vain that the media and intelligentsia might rally against the idea of its dissolution.[424] The Ukrainian, Belarussian, and Russian Supreme Soviets then ratified the establishment of the CIS.[425] On 10 December, he issued a statement calling the CIS agreement "illegal and dangerous".[426] On 20 December, the leaders of 11 of the 12 remaining republics–all except Georgia–met in Alma-Ata
and signed the Alma-Ata
Protocol, agreeing to dismantle the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and formally establish the CIS. They also provisionally accepted Gorbachev's resignation as president of what remained of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev revealed that he would resign as soon as he saw that the CIS was a reality.[427][428] Yeltsin was tasked with overseeing the transfer of power from Gorbachev to its successor states.[429] He and Gorbachev agreed that the latter would formally announce his resignation as Soviet President and Commander-in-Chief on 25 December, before vacating the Kremlin by 29 December.[429] Yakovlev, Chernyaev, and Shevardnadze joined Gorbachev to help him write a resignation speech.[427] Gorbachev then gave his speech in the Kremlin in front of television cameras, allowing for international broadcast.[430] In it, he announced, "I hereby discontinue my activities at the post of President of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics." He expressed regret for the breakup of the Soviet Union but cited what he saw as the achievements of his administration: political and religious freedom, the end of totalitarianism, the introduction of democracy and a market economy, and an end to the arms race and Cold War.[431] Gorbachev was only the second Soviet leader, after Khrushchev, not to die in office.[432][433] The Soviet Union
Soviet Union
officially ceased to exist at midnight on 31 December 1991.[434]

Post-presidency[edit] Initial years: 1991–1999[edit] Gorbachev visiting Reagan, both in western wear, at Rancho del Cielo in 1992 Out of office, Gorbachev had more time to spend with his wife and family.[435] He and Raisa initially lived in their dilapidated dacha on Rublevskoe Shosse, although were also allowed to privatise their small apartment on Kosygin Street.[435] He focused on establishing his International Foundation for Socio-Economic and Political Studies, or "Gorbachev Foundation", launched in March 1992;[436] Yakovlev and Grigory Revenko were its first Vice Presidents.[437] Its initial tasks were in analysing and publishing material on the history of perestroika, as well as defending the policy from what it called "slander and falsifications". The foundation also tasked itself with monitoring and critiquing life in post-Soviet Russia
and presenting alternate forms of development to those pursued by Yeltsin.[437] In 1993, Gorbachev launched Green Cross International, which focused on encouraging sustainable futures, and then the World Political Forum.[438] To finance his foundation, Gorbachev began lecturing internationally, charging large fees to do so.[437] On a visit to Japan, he was well received and given multiple honorary degrees.[439] In 1992, he toured the U.S. in a Forbes
private jet to raise money for his foundation. During the trip he met up with the Reagans for a social visit.[439] From there he went to Spain, where he attended the Expo '92 world fair in Seville
and also met with Prime Minister Felipe González, who had become a friend of his.[440] In March, he visited Germany, where he was received warmly by many politicians who praised his role in facilitating German reunification.[441] To supplement his lecture fees and book sales, Gorbachev appeared in print and television adverts for companies like Pizza Hut
Pizza Hut
and Louis Vuitton, enabling him to keep the foundation afloat.[442] With his wife's assistance, Gorbachev worked on his memoires, which were published in Russian in 1995 and in English the following year.[443] He also began writing a monthly syndicated column for The New York Times.[444] Gorbachev had promised to refrain from criticising Yeltsin while the latter pursued democratic reforms, but soon the two men were publicly criticising each other again.[445] After Yeltsin's decision to lift price caps generated massive inflation and plunged many Russians into poverty, Gorbachev openly criticised him, comparing the reform to Stalin's policy of forced collectivisation.[445] After pro-Yeltsin parties did poorly in the 1993 legislative election, Gorbachev called on him to resign.[446] In 1995 his foundation held a conference on "The Intelligentsia
and Perestroika". It was there that Gorbachev proposed to the Duma a law that would reduce many of the presidential powers established by Yeltsin's 1993 constitution.[447] Gorbachev continued to defend perestroika but acknowledged that he had made tactical errors as Soviet leader.[438] While he still believed that Russia
was undergoing a process of democratisation, he concluded that it would take decades rather than years, as he had previously thought.[448]

Gorbachev, daughter Irina and his wife's sister Lyudmila at the funeral of Raisa, 1999 The Russian presidential elections were scheduled for June 1996, and although his wife and most of his friends urged him not to run, Gorbachev decided to do so.[449] He hated the idea that the election would result in a run-off between Yeltsin and Gennady Zyuganov, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Communist Party of the Russian Federation
candidate whom Yeltsin saw as a Stalinist hardliner. He never expected to win outright but thought a centrist bloc could be formed around either himself or one of the other candidates with similar views, such as Grigory Yavlinsky, Svyatoslav Fyodorov, or Alexander Lebed.[450] After securing the necessary one million signatures of nomination, he announced his candidacy in March.[451] Launching his campaign, he travelled across Russia giving rallies in twenty cities.[451] He repeatedly faced anti-Gorbachev protesters, while some pro-Yeltsin local officials tried to hamper his campaign by banning local media from covering it or by refusing him access to venues.[452] In the election, Gorbachev came seventh with circa 386,000 votes, or around 0.5% of the total.[453] Yeltsin and Zyuganov went through to the second round, where the former was victorious.[453] In contrast to her husband's political efforts, Raisa had focused on campaigning for children's charities.[454] In 1997 she founded a sub-division of the Gorbachev Foundation known as Raisa Maksimovna's Club to focus on improving women's welfare in Russia.[455] The Foundation had initially been housed in the former Social Science Institute building, but Yeltsin introduced limits to the number of rooms it could use there;[456] the American philanthropist Ted Turner then donated over $1 million to enable the foundation to build a new premises on the Leningradsky Prospekt.[457] In 1999, Gorbachev made his first visit to Australia, where he gave a speech to the country's parliament.[458] Shortly after, in July, Raisa was diagnosed with leukaemia. With the assistance of German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, she was transferred to a cancer centre in Münster, Germany and there underwent chemotherapy.[459] In September she fell into a coma and died.[223] After Raisa's passing, Gorbachev's daughter Irina and his two granddaughters moved into his Moscow home to live with him.[460] When questioned by journalists, he said that he would never remarry.[444]

Promoting social-democracy in Putin's Russia: 1999–2008[edit] Gorbachev attended the Inauguration of Vladimir Putin
Vladimir Putin
in May 2000 In December 1999, Yeltsin resigned and was succeeded by his deputy, Vladimir Putin, who then won the March 2000 presidential election.[461] Gorbachev attended Putin's inauguration ceremony in May, the first time he had entered the Kremlin since 1991.[462] Gorbachev initially welcomed Putin's rise, seeing him as an anti-Yeltsin figure.[438] Although he spoke out against some of the Putin government's actions, Gorbachev also had praise for the new regime; in 2002 he said that "I've been in the same skin. That's what allows me to say what [Putin's] done is in the interest of the majority".[463] At the time, he believed Putin to be a committed democrat who nevertheless had to use "a certain dose of authoritarianism" to stabilize the economy and rebuild the state after the Yeltsin era.[462] At Putin's request, Gorbachev became co-chair of the "Petersburg Dialogue" project between high-ranking Russians
and Germans.[461] In 2000, Gorbachev helped form the Russian United Social Democratic Party.[464] In June 2002 he participated in a meeting with Putin, who praised the venture, suggesting that a centre-left party could be good for Russia
and that he would be open to working with it.[463] In 2003, Gorbachev's party merged with the Social Democratic Party to form the Social Democratic Party of Russia,[464] which faced much internal division and failed to gain traction with voters.[464] Gorbachev resigned as party leader in May 2004 following a disagreement with the party's chairman over the direction taken in the 2003 election campaign. The party was later banned in 2007 by the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation due to its failure to establish local offices with at least 500 members in the majority of Russian regions, which is required by Russian law for a political organization to be listed as a party.[465] Later that year, Gorbachev founded a new movement, the Union of Social Democrats. Stating that it would not contest the forthcoming elections, Gorbachev declared: "We are fighting for power, but only for power over people's minds".[466] Gorbachev was critical of U.S. hostility to Putin, arguing that the U.S. government "doesn't want Russia
to rise" again as a global power and wants "to continue as the sole superpower in charge of the world".[467] More broadly, Gorbachev was critical of U.S. policy following the Cold War, arguing that the West had attempted to "turn [Russia] into some kind of backwater".[468] He rejected the idea – expressed by Bush – that the U.S. had "won" the Cold War, arguing that both sides had cooperated to end the conflict.[468] He claimed that since the fall of the Soviet Union, the U.S., rather than cooperating with Russia, had conspired to build a "new empire headed by themselves".[469] He was critical of how the U.S. had expanded NATO
right up to Russia's borders despite their initial assurances that they would not do so, citing this as evidence that the U.S. government could not be trusted.[468][470] He spoke out against the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia because it lacked UN backing, as well as the 2003 invasion of Iraq
2003 invasion of Iraq
led by the U.S.[468] In June 2004 Gorbachev nevertheless attended Reagan's state funeral,[471] and in 2007 visited New Orleans
New Orleans
to see the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina.[472]

Growing criticism of Putin: 2008–[edit] Barred by the constitution from serving more than two consecutive terms as President, Putin stood down in 2008 and was succeeded by his Prime Minister, Dmitry Medvedev, who reached out to Gorbachev in ways that Putin had not.[467] In September 2008, Gorbachev and business oligarch Alexander Lebedev
Alexander Lebedev
announced they would form the Independent Democratic Party of Russia,[473] and in May 2009 Gorbachev announced that the launch was imminent.[474] After the outbreak of the 2008 South Ossetia war
2008 South Ossetia war
between Russia
and South Ossetian separatists on one side and Georgia on the other, Gorbachev spoke out against U.S. support for Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili and for moving to bring the Caucasus
into the sphere of its national interest.[475][476] Gorbachev nevertheless remained critical of Russia's government and criticised the 2011 parliamentary elections as being rigged in favour of the governing party, United Russia, and called for them to be re-held.[477] After protests broke out in Moscow over the election, Gorbachev praised the protesters.[477][478]

Gorbachev (right) being introduced to U.S. President Barack Obama
Barack Obama
by U.S. Vice President Joe Biden, March 2009 In 2009 Gorbachev released Songs for Raisa, an album of Russian romantic ballads, sung by him and accompanied by musician Andrei Makarevich, to raise money for a charity devoted to his late wife.[479] That year he also met with U.S. President Barack Obama in efforts to "reset" strained U.S.-Russian relations,[480] and attended an event in Berlin commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall.[481] In 2011, an eightieth birthday gala for him was held at London's Royal Albert Hall, featuring tributes from Simon Peres, Lech Wałęsa, Michel Rocard, and Arnold Schwarzenegger. Proceeds from the event went to the Raisa Gorbachev Foundation.[482] That year, Medvedev awarded him the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called.[477] In 2012, Putin announced that he was standing again as President, something Gorbachev was critical of.[483][484][485] He complained that Putin's new measures had "tightened the screws" on Russia
and that the president was trying to "completely subordinate society", adding that United Russia
United Russia
now "embodied the worst bureaucratic features of the Soviet Communist party".[483] In 2013, he noted that in Russia, "politics is increasingly turning into imitation democracy" with "all power in the hands of the executive branch".[486] Gorbachev was in increasingly poor health; in 2011 he had spinal operation and in 2014 oral surgery.[477] In 2015, Gorbachev ceased his pervasive international traveling.[487] He continued to speak out on issues affecting Russia
and the world. In 2014, he defended the Crimean status referendum that led to Russia's annexation of Crimea.[468] He noted that while Crimea
was transferred from Russia
to Ukraine in 1954, when both were part of the Soviet Union, the Crimean people had not been asked at the time, whereas in the 2014 referendum they had.[488] After sanctions were placed on Russia
as a result of the annexation, Gorbachev spoke out against them.[489] His comments led to Ukraine banning him from entering the country for five years.[490]

can succeed only through democracy. Russia
is ready for political competition, a real multiparty system, fair elections and regular rotation of government. This should define the role and responsibility of the president. — Gorbachev, 2017[491]

At a November 2014 event marking 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Gorbachev warned that the Ukraine conflict had brought the world to the brink of a new cold war, and he accused Western powers, particularly the U.S., of adopting an attitude of "triumphalism" towards Russia.[492][493][494] In July 2016, Gorbachev criticized NATO
for deploying more troops to Eastern Europe amid escalating tensions between the military alliance and Russia.[495] In a Russian video interview published in February 2016, Gorbachev said that Putin rules through "friends from school, with people with whom he played football on the same street. ... The supremacy of security structures, their excessive prerogatives in deciding political issues, and in interfering in peoples’ lives, is unacceptable, is over the top."[496] In June 2018, he welcomed the 2018 Russia– United States
United States
summit between Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump,[497] although in October criticised Trump's threat to withdraw from the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, saying the move "is not the work of a great mind." He added: "all agreements aimed at nuclear disarmament and the limitation of nuclear weapons must be preserved for the sake of life on Earth."[498]

Political ideology[edit]

Even before he left office, Gorbachev had become a kind of social democrat—believing in, as he later put it, equality of opportunity, publicly supported education and medical care, a guaranteed minimum of social welfare, and a "socially oriented market economy"—all within a democratic political framework. Exactly when this transformation occurred is hard to say, but surely by 1989 or 1990 it had taken place. — Gorbachev biographer William Taubman, 2017[464]

According to his university friend Zdeněk Mlynář, in the early 1950s "Gorbachev, like everyone else at the time, was a Stalinist."[499] Mlynář noted, however, that unlike most other Soviet students, Gorbachev did not view Marxism
simply as "a collection of axioms to be committed to memory."[500] Biographers Doder and Branson related that after Stalin's death, Gorbachev's "ideology would never be doctrinal again",[501] but noted that he remained "a true believer" in the Soviet system.[502] Doder and Branson noted that at the Twenty-Seventh Party Congress in 1986, Gorbachev was seen to be an orthodox Marxist-Leninist;[503] that year, the biographer Zhores Medvedev stated that "Gorbachev is neither a liberal nor a bold reformist".[504] By the mid-1980s, when Gorbachev took power, many analysts were arguing that the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
was declining to the status of a Third World country.[505] In this context, Gorbachev argued that the Communist Party had to adapt and engage in creative thinking much as Lenin had creatively interpreted and adapted the writings of Karl Marx
Karl Marx
and Friedrich Engels to the situation of early 20th century Russia.[506] For instance, he thought that rhetoric about global revolution and overthrowing the bourgeoise—which had been integral to Leninist politics—had become too dangerous in an era where nuclear warfare could obliterate humanity.[507] He began to move away from the Marxist-Leninist belief in class struggle as the engine of political change, instead viewing politics as a ways of co-ordinating the interests of all classes.[508] However, as Gooding noted, the changes that Gorbachev proposed were "expressed wholly within the terms of Marxist-Leninist ideology".[509] According to Doder and Branson, Gorbachev also wanted to "dismantle the hierarchical military society at home and abandon the grand-style, costly, imperialism abroad".[510] However, Jonathan Steele argued that Gorbachev failed to appreciate why the Baltic nations wanted independence and "at heart he was, and remains, a Russian imperialist."[511] Gooding thought that Gorbachev was "committed to democracy", something marking him out as different from his predecessors.[512] Gooding also suggested that when in power, Gorbachev came to see socialism not as a place on the path to communism, but a destination in itself.[513]

Gorbachev in 1987 Gorbachev's political outlook was shaped by the 23 years he served as a party official in Stavropol.[514] Doder and Branson thought that throughout most of his political career prior to becoming General Secretary, "his publicly expressed views almost certainly reflected a politician's understanding of what should be said, rather than his personal philosophy. Otherwise he could not have survived politically."[515] Like many Russians, Gorbachev sometimes thought of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
as being largely synonymous with Russia
and in various speeches described it as "Russia"; in one incident he had to correct himself after calling the USSR "Russia" while giving a speech in Kiev, Ukraine.[514] McCauley noted that perestroika was "an elusive concept", one which "evolved and eventually meant something radically different over time."[516] McCauley stated that the concept originally referred to "radical reform of the economic and political system" as part of Gorbachev's attempt to motivate the labour force and make management more effective.[517] It was only after initial measures to achieve this proved unsuccessful that Gorbachev began to consider market mechanisms and co-operatives, albeit with the state sector remaining dominant.[517] The political scientist John Gooding suggested that had the perestroika reforms succeeded, the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
would have "exchanged totalitarian controls for milder authoritarian ones" although not become "democratic in the Western sense".[512] With perestroika, Gorbachev had wanted to improve the existing Marxist-Leninist system but ultimately ended up destroying it.[518] In this, he brought an end to state socialism in the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and paved the way for a transition to liberal democracy.[519] Taubman nevertheless thought Gorbachev remained a socialist.[520] He described Gorbachev as "a true believer—not in the Soviet system as it functioned (or didn't) in 1985 but in its potential to live up to what he deemed its original ideals."[520] He added that "until the end, Gorbachev reiterated his belief in socialism, insisting that it wasn't worthy of the name unless it was truly democratic."[521] As Soviet leader, Gorbachev believed in incremental reform rather than a radical transformation;[522] he later referred to this as a "revolution by evolutionary means".[522] Doder and Branson noted that over the course of the 1980s, his thought underwent a "radical evolution".[523] Taubman noted that by 1989 or 1990, Gorbachev had transformed into a social democrat.[464] McCauley suggested that by at least June 1991 Gorbachev was a "post-Leninist", having "liberated himself" from Marxism-Leninism.[524] After the fall of the Soviet Union, the newly formed Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Communist Party of the Russian Federation
would have nothing to do with him.[525] However, in 2006, he expressed his continued belief in Lenin's ideas: "I trusted him then and I still do".[520] He claimed that "the essence of Lenin" was a desire to develop "the living creative activity of the masses".[520] Taubman believed that Gorbachev identified with Lenin on a psychological level.[526]

Personal life[edit] The official Soviet portrait of Gorbachev; many official photographs and visual depictions of Gorbachev removed the port-wine birthmark from his head[527] Reaching an adult height of 5 foot 9 inches (1.75 m),[528] Gorbachev has a distinctive port-wine stain on the top of his head.[529] By 1955 his hair was thinning,[530] and by the late 1960s he was bald.[531] Throughout the 1960s he struggled against obesity and dieted to control the issue;[87] Doder and Branson characterised him as "stocky but not fat".[528] He speaks in a southern Russian accent,[532] and is known to sing both folk and pop songs.[533] Throughout his life, he tried to dress fashionably.[534] Having an aversion to hard liquor,[535] he drank sparingly and did not smoke.[536] He was protective of his private life and avoided inviting people to his home.[115] Gorbachev cherished his wife,[537] who in turn was extremely protective of him.[106] He was an involved parent and grandparent.[538] He sent his daughter, his only child, to a local school in Stavropol
rather than to a school set aside for the children of party elites.[539] Unlike many of his contemporaries in the Soviet administration, he was not a womaniser and was known for treating women respectfully.[82] Gorbachev was baptized Russian Orthodox and when he was growing up, his grandparents had been practicing Christians.[540] In 2008, there was some press speculation that he was a practicing Christian, to which he publicly clarified that he was an atheist.[541] Since studying at university, Gorbachev considered himself an intellectual;[35] Doder and Branson thought that "his intellectualism was slightly self-conscious",[542] noting that unlike most Russian intelligentsia, Gorbachev was not closely connected "to the world of science, culture, the arts, or education".[543] When living in Stavropol
he and his wife collected hundreds of books.[544] Among his favourite authors were Arthur Miller, Dostoevsky, and Chingiz Aitmatov, while he also enjoyed reading detective fiction.[545] He enjoyed going for walks,[546] having a love of natural environments,[547] and was also a fan of association football.[548] He favoured small gatherings where the assembled discussed topics like art and philosophy rather than the large, alcohol-fuelled parties common among Soviet officials.[549]

Personality[edit] Gorbachev's university friend, Mlynář, described him as "loyal and personally honest".[550] He was self-confident,[551] polite,[536] and tactful;[536] he had a happy and optimistic temperament.[552] He used self-deprecating humour,[553] and sometimes profanities,[553] and often referred to himself in the third person.[554] He was a skilled manager,[82] and had a good memory.[555] A hard worker or workaholic,[556] as General Secretary, he would rise at 7 or 8 in the morning and not go to bed until 1 or 2.[557] Taubman called him "a remarkably decent man";[537] he thought Gorbachev to have "high moral standards".[558]

Gorbachev at the Western Wall
Western Wall
in Jerusalem, 16 June 1992 Zhores Medvedev thought him a talented orator, in 1986 stating that "Gorbachev is probably the best speaker there has been in the top Party echelons" since Leon Trotsky.[559] Medvedev also considered Gorbachev "a charismatic leader", something Brezhnev, Andropov, and Chernenko had not been.[560] Doder and Branson called him "a charmer capable of intellectually seducing doubters, always trying to co-opt them, or at least blunt the edge of their criticism".[561] McCauley thought Gorbachev displayed "great tactical skill" in manoeuvring successfully between hardline Marxist-Leninists and liberalisers for most of his time as leader, although added that he was "much more skilled at tactical, short-term policy than strategic, long-term thinking", in part because he was "given to making policy on the hoof".[562] Doder and Branson thought Gorbachev "a Russian to the core, intensely patriotic as only people living in the border regions can be."[514] Taubman also noted that the former Soviet leader has a "sense of self-importance and self-righteousness" as well as a "need for attention and admiration" which grated on some of his colleagues.[558] He was sensitive to personal criticism and easily took offense.[563] Colleagues were often frustrated that he would leave tasks unfinished,[564] and sometimes also felt underappreciated and discarded by him.[565] Biographers Doder and Branson thought that Gorbachev was "a puritan" with "a proclivity for order in his personal life".[566] Taubman noted that he was "capable of blowing up for calculated effect".[567] He also thought that by 1990, when his domestic popularity was waning, Gorbachev become "psychologically dependent on being lionized abroad", a trait for which he was criticised in the Soviet Union.[568] McCauley was of the view that "one of his weaknesses was an inability to foresee the consequences of his actions".[569]

Reception and legacy[edit] Opinions on Gorbachev are deeply divided.[554] Many, particularly in Western countries, see him as the greatest statesman of the second half of the twentieth century.[570] U.S. press referred to the presence of "Gorbymania" in Western countries during the late 1980s and early 1990s, as represented by large crowds that turned out to greet his visits,[571] with Time magazine naming him its "Man of the Decade" in the 1980s.[572] In the Soviet Union itself, opinion polls indicated that Gorbachev was the most popular politician from 1985 through to late 1989.[573] For his domestic supporters, Gorbachev was seen as a reformer trying to modernise the Soviet Union,[574] and to build a form of democratic socialism.[575] Taubman characterised Gorbachev as "a visionary who changed his country and the world—though neither as much as he wished."[576] Taubman regarded Gorbachev as being "exceptional... as a Russian ruler and a world statesman", highlighting that he avoided the "traditional, authoritarian, anti-Western norm" of both predecessors like Brezhnev and successors like Putin.[577] McCauley thought that in allowing the Soviet Union to move away from Marxism-Leninism, Gorbachev gave the Soviet people "something precious, the right to think and manage their lives for themselves", with all the uncertainty and risk that that entailed.[578]

Gorbachev succeeded in destroying what was left of totalitarianism in the Soviet Union; he brought freedom of speech, of assembly, and of conscience to people who had never known it, except perhaps for a few chaotic months in 1917. By introducing free elections and creating parliamentary institutions, he laid the groundwork for democracy. It is more the fault of the raw material he worked with than of his own real shortcomings and mistakes that Russian democracy will take much longer to build than he thought. — Gorbachev biographer William Taubman, 2017[576]

Gorbachev's negotiations with the U.S. helped bring an end to the Cold War and reduced the threat of nuclear conflict.[576] His decision to allow the Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
to break apart prevented significant bloodshed in Central and Eastern Europe; as Taubman noted, this meant that the "Soviet Empire" ended in a far more peaceful manner than the British Empire
British Empire
several decades before.[576] Similarly, under Gorbachev, the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
broke apart without falling into civil war, as happened during the breakup of Yugoslavia at the same time.[579] McCauley noted that in facilitating the merger of East and West Germany, Gorbachev was "a co-father of German unification", assuring him long-term popularity among the German people.[580] He also faced domestic criticism during his rule. During his career, Gorbachev attracted the admiration of some colleagues, but others came to hate him.[558] Across society more broadly, his inability to reverse the decline in the Soviet economy brought discontent.[581] Liberals thought he lacked the radicalism to really break from Marxism-Leninism
and establish a free market liberal democracy.[582] Conversely, many of his Communist Party critics thought his reforms were reckless and threatened the survival of Soviet socialism;[583] some believed he should have followed the example of China's Communist Party and restricted himself to economic rather than governmental reforms.[584] Many Russians
saw his emphasis on persuasion rather than force as a sign of weakness.[521] For much of the Communist Party nomenklatura, the Soviet Union's dissolution was disastrous as it resulted in their loss of power.[585] In Russia, he is widely despised for his role in the collapse of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and the ensuing economic collapse.[554] General Varennikov, one of those who orchestrated the 1991 coup attempt against Gorbachev, for instance called him "a renegade and traitor to your own people".[447] Many of his critics attacked him for allowing the Marxist-Leninist governments across Eastern Europe to fall,[586] and for allowing a reunited Germany to join NATO, something they deem to be contrary to Russia's national interest.[587] The historian Mark Galeotti stressed the connection between Gorbachev and his predecessor, Andropov. In Galeotti's view, Andropov was "the godfather of the Gorbachev revolution", because—as a former head of the KGB—he was able to put forward the case for reform without having his loyalty to the Soviet cause questioned, an approach that Gorbachev was able to build on and follow through with.[588] According to McCauley, Gorbachev "set reforms in motion without understanding where they could lead. Never in his worst nightmare could he have imagined that perestroika would lead to the destruction of the Soviet Union".[589]

Orders, decorations, monuments, and honours[edit] Former President of the United States
United States
Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
awards Gorbachev the first ever Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
Freedom Award at the Reagan Library, 4 May 1992 In 1988, India awarded Gorbachev the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development;[590] in 1990 he was given the Nobel Peace Prize
Nobel Peace Prize
for "his leading role in the peace process which today characterizes important parts of the international community".[591] Out of office he continued to receive honours. In 1992 he was the first recipient of the Ronald Reagan Freedom Award,[592] and in 1994 was given the Grawemeyer Award by the University of Louisville, Kentucky.[593] In 1995 he was awarded the Grand-Cross of the Order of Liberty
Order of Liberty
by Portuguese President Mário Soares,[594] and in 1998 the Freedom Award from the National Civil Rights Museum
National Civil Rights Museum
in Memphis, Tennessee.[595] In 2002, Gorbachev received the Freedom of the City of Dublin from Dublin City Council.[596] In 2002, Gorbachev was awarded the Charles V Prize by the European Academy of Yuste Foundation.[597] Gorbachev, together with Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
and Sophia Loren, were awarded the 2004 Grammy Award for Best Spoken Word Album for Children for their recording of Sergei Prokofiev's Peter and the Wolf
Peter and the Wolf
for Pentatone.[598] In 2005, Gorbachev was awarded the Point Alpha Prize for his role in supporting German reunification. He also received honorary doctorates from the University of Münster
and University of Alaska Southeast.[599] [600]


Year of publication








Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century: Gorbachev and Ikeda on Buddhism and Communism

Daisaku Ikeda

I. B. Tauris


The New Russia



In a Changing World

See also[edit] April 9 Tragedy
April 9 Tragedy
– Soviet crackdown on Georgian protests in 1989 Black January – Soviet crackdown on Azerbaijani protests in 1990 Index of Soviet Union-related articles List of peace activists Sergei M. Plekhanov – former Gorbachev advisor on the United States and Canada Ruhollah Khomeini's letter to Mikhail Gorbachev Notes[edit]

^ Himself as the Chairman of the United Social Democratic Party of Russia
until 24 November 2001, and the Chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Russia
until 20 October 2007

^ UK: /ˈɡɔːrbətʃɒf, ˌɡɔːrbəˈtʃɒf/, US: /-tʃɔːf, -tʃɛf/;[1][2][3] Russian: Михаи́л Серге́евич Горбачёв, IPA: [mʲɪxɐˈil sʲɪrˈɡʲejɪvʲɪtɕ ɡərbɐˈtɕɵf] (listen)

References[edit] Citations[edit]

^ "Gorbachev". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.

^ "Gorbachev, Mikhail", Oxford Dictionaries, accessed 4 February 2019

^ "Gorbachev". Merriam-Webster
Dictionary. Retrieved 4 February 2019..mw-parser-output cite.citation font-style:inherit .mw-parser-output .citation q quotes:"""""""'""'" .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-free a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/65/Lock-green.svg/9px-Lock-green.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-registration a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-gray-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-subscription a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-red-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration color:#555 .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription span,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration span border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help .mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg/12px-Wikisource-logo.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output code.cs1-code color:inherit;background:inherit;border:inherit;padding:inherit .mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error display:none;font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-maint display:none;color:#33aa33;margin-left:0.3em .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration,.mw-parser-output .cs1-format font-size:95% .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-left padding-left:0.2em .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-right padding-right:0.2em

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^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 4; McCauley 1998, p. 15; Taubman 2017, p. 7.

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^ McCauley 1998, p. 16; Taubman 2017, p. 7.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 15–16; Taubman 2017, pp. 7, 8.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 18–19.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 5–6; McCauley 1998, p. 17; Taubman 2017, pp. 7, 20–22.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 5; McCauley 1998, p. 17; Taubman 2017, pp. 8, 26–27.

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^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 42.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 6, 8; McCauley 1998, p. 18; Taubman 2017, pp. 40–41.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 35.

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^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 44.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 14; Taubman 2017, p. 48.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 53.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 52.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, pp. 45, 52.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 10; McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, p. 46.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 46.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, p. 46.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 47.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 36–37; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 11; McCauley 1998, p. 19; Taubman 2017, pp. 45, 53, 56–57.

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^ Taubman 2017, p. 95.

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^ Taubman 2017, p. 81.

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^ Medvedev 1986, p. 63; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 19; McCauley 1998, p. 29; Taubman 2017, pp. 111–113.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 86.

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^ a b c Taubman 2017, p. 102.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 149.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 50; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 24; McCauley 1998, p. 24.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 107.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 61; McCauley 1998, p. 26.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 116.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 63; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32; McCauley 1998, p. 28; Taubman 2017, p. 119.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 64.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 30.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 123–124.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 64–65; McCauley 1998, p. 30; Taubman 2017, p. 124.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 28–29; Taubman 2017, p. 125.

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^ McCauley 1998, p. 35; Taubman 2017, pp. 145–146.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 108, 113; McCauley 1998, p. 35.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 78; Taubman 2017, p. 149.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 149–150.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 30; Taubman 2017, pp. 150–151.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 151–152.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 152.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 153.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 153–154.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 156.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 77.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 92; McCauley 1998, p. 36; Taubman 2017, p. 157.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 161.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 164–175.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 165, 166.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 165.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 40; Taubman 2017, p. 166.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 95–96; Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 38–39.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 7, 102–103, 106–107; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 40; Galeotti 1997, p. 32; Taubman 2017, pp. 175–177.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 107; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 40.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 177–78.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 34.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 173.

^ a b Medvedev 1986, p. 107.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 118, 121–122; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 43; McCauley 1998, p. 41; Taubman 2017, pp. 179–180.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 180.

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^ Medvedev 1986, p. 123; Galeotti 1997, p. 32; Taubman 2017, p. 181.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 182.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 124; Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 46–47; McCauley 1998, p. 31; Taubman 2017, pp. 182–185.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 47; McCauley 1998, p. 31; Taubman 2017, p. 182.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50; Taubman 2017, pp. 190–191.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 138; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 56.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 138–139; Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 51–52; McCauley 1998, p. 43; Taubman 2017, p. 192.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 57; McCauley 1998, p. 43; Taubman 2017, p. 193.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 193.

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^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 194–195; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 101; McCauley 1998, p. 60; Taubman 2017, p. 237.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 228.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 76.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 20; Taubman 2017, pp. 224–226.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 54; Taubman 2017, p. 223.

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^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 100; Taubman 2017, pp. 219–220.

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^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 97; Taubman 2017, p. 221.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 177; McCauley 1998, p. 53; Taubman 2017, p. 222.

^ a b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 94.

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^ McCauley 1998, pp. 50–51.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 236.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 56.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 236–237.

^ Bialer, Seweryn, and Joan Afferica. "The Genesis of Gorbachev's World", Foreign Affairs
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^ McCauley 1998, p. 57.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 61–62.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 167; McCauley 1998, p. 58.

^ Chiesa, Giulietto (1991). Time of Change: An Insider's View of Russia's Transformation. I.B.Tauris. p. 30. ISBN 978-1-85043-305-7.

^ Hosking, Geoffrey Alan (1991). The Awakening of the Soviet Union. Harvard University Press. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-674-05551-3.

^ a b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 166.

^ Tarschys 1993, p. 16; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 236.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 232, 234.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 187–188; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 86; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 236.

^ Tarschys 1993, p. 19; Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, p. 236.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 232.

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^ Bhattacharya, Gathmann & Miller 2013, pp. 233, 238.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 120.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 75, 140, 142.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 142–143.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 93.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 172; Taubman 2017, pp. 250–251.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 143.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 148.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 251.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 146–147.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 322.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 324.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 71; Taubman 2017, pp. 323, 326–328.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 329.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 330.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 129; Taubman 2017, p. 240.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 240.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 241.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 134.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 137.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 242–243.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 266.

^ a b c d Taubman 2017, p. 271.

^ a b c Taubman 2017, p. 272.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 272–273.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 263.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 275.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 278.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 109; Taubman 2017, p. 278.

^ Medvedev 1986, pp. 237–238; McCauley 1998, p. 142; Taubman 2017, pp. 278–279.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 285.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 286.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 289–291.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 114.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 484.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 80; Taubman 2017, p. 291.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 159–162; McCauley 1998, p. 81; Taubman 2017, p. 294.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 80–81; Taubman 2017, pp. 297–301.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 304.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 267.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 154–155.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 222.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 191–192; Taubman 2017, pp. 307, 309.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 308.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 310.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 311.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 312.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 239; Taubman 2017, p. 313.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 115; Taubman 2017, pp. 434–435, 449–450.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 116; Taubman 2017, p. 450.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 314.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 338–339.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 317.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 315.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 151; Taubman 2017, p. 341.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 131.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 217; Taubman 2017, p. 397.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 74; Taubman 2017, p. 340.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 290; Taubman 2017, p. 340.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 186–187.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 195.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 246; Taubman 2017, p. 319.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 281; McCauley 1998, p. 92; Taubman 2017, pp. 320–321.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 282; Taubman 2017, p. 321.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 305–306; McCauley 1998, pp. 93–94; Taubman 2017, p. 342.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 345–346.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 94; Taubman 2017, pp. 346–349.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 349–350.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 192–193, 324; McCauley 1998, pp. 94–95; Taubman 2017, p. 351.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 336; Steele 1996, pp. 144–145; Taubman 2017, p. 353.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 105; Taubman 2017, pp. 353–354.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 352.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 359.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 100; Taubman 2017, p. 371.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 104–105; Taubman 2017, pp. 428–429.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 104–105; Taubman 2017, pp. 429–430.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 107; Taubman 2017, p. 444.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 106–107; Taubman 2017, pp. 431–432.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 433.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 434.

^ a b McCauley 1998, p. 108; Taubman 2017, p. 442.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 109; Taubman 2017, p. 444.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 445–448.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 456–457.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 387.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 386–387.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 231; McCauley 1998, pp. 83, 142; Taubman 2017, p. 387.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 217, 220; McCauley 1998, p. 84, 143; Taubman 2017, pp. 390–392.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 371; McCauley 1998, p. 143; Taubman 2017, pp. 475–476.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 387–388.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 43; Taubman 2017, pp. 388–389.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 476–478.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 144.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 392.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 364; Taubman 2017, pp. 478–479.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 479–480.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 208–209.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 215.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 393–394.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 394–396.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 234–237; Taubman 2017, pp. 396–397.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 284–285; McCauley 1998, p. 138; Taubman 2017, pp. 401–403.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 401.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 318; Taubman 2017, pp. 411, 413.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 414.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 415.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 320; Taubman 2017, pp. 416–417.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 419.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 356–357; McCauley 1998, p. 139; Taubman 2017, pp. 421–422.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 352; McCauley 1998, p. 139; Taubman 2017, pp. 422–426.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 467–470.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 140–141; Taubman 2017, pp. 494–496.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 496–497.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 498.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 142.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 74–75.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 268; McCauley 1998, p. 76; Taubman 2017, p. 367.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 302; Taubman 2017, p. 386.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 267–268, 299–300; McCauley 1998, p. 119; Taubman 2017, p. 368.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 368.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 301; Taubman 2017, p. 369.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 301; McCauley 1998, p. 119; Taubman 2017, pp. 369–370.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 370.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 413; McCauley 1998, p. 159; Taubman 2017, pp. 504–505.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 130; Taubman 2017, pp. 436–437.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 126–127; Taubman 2017, p. 435.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 128; Taubman 2017, p. 452.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 128.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 412; McCauley 1998, pp. 157–158; Taubman 2017, p. 503.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 212; McCauley 1998, p. 32.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 386.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 379.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 381, 382, 383.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 230.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 384–385.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 230; Taubman 2017, p. 385.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 465.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 465–466.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 133; Taubman 2017, p. 481.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 35–36; Taubman 2017, pp. 484–485.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 462–463.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 488–494.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 427.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 505.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 505–506.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 506–507.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 160–161; Taubman 2017, p. 507.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 165; Taubman 2017, pp. 508–509.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 509.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 164–165; Taubman 2017, p. 509.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 165–166; Taubman 2017, p. 511.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 408; McCauley 1998, p. 161; Taubman 2017, pp. 510–522.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 170; Taubman 2017, p. 513.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 169; Taubman 2017, pp. 513–514.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 515.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 172.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 174–175; Taubman 2017, pp. 500–501, 515–516.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 543.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 552.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 422; Taubman 2017, p. 550.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 546.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 547.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 558.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 564.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 565.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 540–541.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 213; Taubman 2017, pp. 540–541, 566–567.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 567–568.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 568.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 588–589.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 220; Taubman 2017, p. 572.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 572.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 214.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 568–569.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 218–219; Taubman 2017, p. 593.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 570.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 215; Taubman 2017, pp. 595–596.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 218–219; Taubman 2017, p. 595.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 214; Taubman 2017, p. 595.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 569.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 221; Taubman 2017, pp. 596–598.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 425; McCauley 1998, p. 178; Taubman 2017, pp. 519–520.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 183–185; Taubman 2017, pp. 521–524.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 525, 528.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 185–186; Taubman 2017, p. 529.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 530.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 529.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 530–531.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 532.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 533.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 188; Taubman 2017, p. 533.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 536.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 193–194; Taubman 2017, pp. 534–535.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 531.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 539.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 575.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 199–200; Taubman 2017, p. 575.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 575–576.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 576–577.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 208; Taubman 2017, pp. 577–578.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 209–210; Taubman 2017, p. 579.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 206–207; Taubman 2017, p. 580.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 580–582.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 233; Taubman 2017, pp. 602, 605.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 607–608.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 235; Taubman 2017, pp. 607–608.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 608.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 608–610.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 237; Taubman 2017, p. 610.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 237–238; Taubman 2017, p. 611.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 612.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 614–615.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 621.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 244; Taubman 2017, p. 621.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 239; Taubman 2017, p. 621.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 244; Taubman 2017, p. 622.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 248–249; Taubman 2017, pp. 631–632.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 249; Taubman 2017, p. 633.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 624.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 252; Taubman 2017, p. 627.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 628.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 253; Taubman 2017, pp. 628–629.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 254–255; Taubman 2017, pp. 629–630.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 255; Taubman 2017, p. 630.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 634–635.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 256; Taubman 2017, p. 625.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 636.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 637.

^ Francis X. Clines, "11 Soviet States Form Commonwealth Without Clearly Defining Its Powers", The New York Times, 22 December 1991.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 638.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 257; Taubman 2017, p. 645.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 646.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 651.

^ Text of Gorbachev's farewell address from Reuters
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^ McCauley 1998, p. 258.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 653.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 258; Taubman 2017, pp. 651, 654.

^ a b c Taubman 2017, p. 654.

^ a b c Taubman 2017, p. 652.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 656.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 656–657.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 657.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 654–655.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 258–259; Taubman 2017, p. 664.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 675.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 655.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 658.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 659.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 652–653.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 660.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 660–661.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 661.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 662.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 663.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 663–664.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 664–665.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 658–659.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 665.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 666–667.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 668.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 674.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 676.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 677.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 679.

^ a b c d e Taubman 2017, p. 678.

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^ Taubman 2017, pp. 685–686.

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^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 11.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 13.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 12.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 25.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 116.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 245.

^ Bunce 1992, p. 201.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, pp. 116–117.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 117.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 250.

^ Gooding 1990, p. 197.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 288.

^ Steele 1996, p. 151.

^ a b Gooding 1990, p. 195.

^ Gooding 1990, p. 202.

^ a b c Doder & Branson 1990, p. 22.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 9.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 262–263.

^ a b McCauley 1998, p. 264.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 265.

^ Bunce 1992, p. 205.

^ a b c d Taubman 2017, p. 215.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 690.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 218.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 386.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 220.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 259.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 216.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 160.

^ a b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50; Taubman 2017, p. 7.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 77.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32; Taubman 2017, p. 121.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 50; Taubman 2017, p. 44.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 94.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 179.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 18.

^ a b c Taubman 2017, p. 142.

^ a b Taubman 2017, p. 4.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 4–5.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 155.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 290.

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^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 16.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 150.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 114–115.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 17.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 137.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 163.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 347.

^ Taubman 2017, pp. 136–137.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 37; Doder & Branson 1990, p. 13.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 22; McCauley 1998, pp. 23, 273; Taubman 2017, pp. 5, 689.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 38; Taubman 2017, p. 8.

^ a b Doder & Branson 1990, p. 32.

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^ McCauley 1998, p. 51.

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^ Taubman 2017, p. 229.

^ a b c Taubman 2017, p. 134.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 43.

^ Medvedev 1986, p. 165.

^ Doder & Branson 1990, p. 287.

^ McCauley 1998, pp. 268–269.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 161; Taubman 2017, pp. 134, 135.

^ Taubman 2017, p. 117.

^ McCauley 1998, p. 273.

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Sources[edit] .mw-parser-output .refbegin font-size:90%;margin-bottom:0.5em .mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>ul list-style-type:none;margin-left:0 .mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>ul>li,.mw-parser-output .refbegin-hanging-indents>dl>dd margin-left:0;padding-left:3.2em;text-indent:-3.2em;list-style:none .mw-parser-output .refbegin-100 font-size:100% Bhattacharya, Jay; Gathmann, Christina; Miller, Grant (2013). "The Gorbachev Anti-Alcohol Campaign and Russia's Mortality Crisis". American Economic Journal: Applied Economics. 5 (2). pp. 232–260. JSTOR 43189436. Bunce, Valerie (1992). "On Gorbachev". The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review. 19 (1). pp. 199–206. Doder, Dusko; Branson, Louise (1990). Gorbachev: Heretic in the Kremlin. London: Futura. ISBN 978-0708849408. Galeotti, Mark (1997). Gorbachev and his Revolution. London: Palgrave. ISBN 978-0333638552. Gooding, John (1990). "Gorbachev and Democracy". Soviet Studies. 42 (2). pp. 195–231. JSTOR 152078. Steele, Jonathan (1996). "Why Gorbachev Failed". New Left Review. 216. pp. 141–152. Tarschys, Daniel (1993). "The Success of a Failure: Gorbachev's Alcohol Policy, 1985–88". Europe-Asia Studies. 45 (1). pp. 7–25. JSTOR 153247. Taubman, William (2017). Gorbachev: His Life and Times. New York City: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-1471147968. McCauley, Martin (1998). Gorbachev. Profiles in Power. London and New York: Longman. ISBN 978-0582215979. Medvedev, Zhores (1986). Gorbachev. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. ISBN 978-0393023084.

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Mikhail Gorbachev
collected news and commentary". The Guardian. " Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
collected news and commentary". The New York Times. Interviews and articles "Commanding Heights: Mikhail Gorbachev" (PBS interview), April 2001 Ubben Lecture at DePauw University – October 2005 "Gorbachev on 1989" – interview by The Nation, September 2009 "Gorbachev's Legacy Examined, 25 Years After His Rise to Power" – Russia
Beyond, March 2010 "Chernobyl 25 years later: Many lessons learned" – article by Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
published in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March 2011

Party political offices

Preceded byLeonid Yefremov

First Secretary of the Stavropol
CPSU Regional Committee1970–1978

Succeeded byVsevolod Murakhovsky

Preceded byKonstantin Chernenko

General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union1985–1991

Succeeded by Vladimir Ivashko
Vladimir Ivashko

Political offices

Preceded byAndrei Gromykoas Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet

Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet
Presidium of the Supreme Soviet
(1988–1989)Chairman of the Supreme Soviet
Supreme Soviet
(1989–1990)President of the Soviet Union (1990–1991)1988–1991

Succeeded byBoris Yeltsin(as President of Russia)

Awards and achievements

Preceded by14th Dalai Lama

Recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize1990

Succeeded byAung San Suu Kyi

Award established

Recipient of the Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
Freedom Award1992

Succeeded byColin Powell

vtePolitics of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
(1964–1985)Events (1964–1982) Collective leadership Glassboro Summit Conference Six-Day War Prague
Spring Invasion of Czechoslovakia 1968 Red Square
Red Square
demonstration Brezhnev Doctrine Brezhnev assassination attempt Sino-Soviet border conflict Détente 1973 oil crisis Fall of Saigon Vladivostok Summit Helsinki Accords 1977 Moscow bombings 1977 Soviet Constitution 1978 Georgian demonstrations Cambodian–Vietnamese War Soviet–Afghan War 1980 Summer Olympics Reaction to 1980–1981 Polish crisis Exercise Zapad Death and state funeral of Leonid Brezhnev Legacy of Leonid Brezhnev Events (1982–1985) RYAN Korean Air Lines Flight 007 1983 false nuclear alarm incident Able Archer 83 1984 Summer Olympics boycott Friendship Games Politburo members 22nd 23rd 24th 25th 26th Aliyev Andropov Brezhnev Chebrikov Chernenko Demichev Dolgikh Efremov Gorbachev Grechko Grishin Gromyko Kirilenko Kiselyov Kunaev Kosygin Kulakov Kuznetsov Masherov Mazurov Mikoyan Mzhavanadze Pelše Podgorny Polyansky Ponomarev Rashidov Romanov Shcherbytsky Shelepin Shelest Shevardnadze Shvernik Solomentsev Suslov Tikhonov Ustinov Voronov Vorotnikov Leaders The Troika (Brezhnev Kosygin Podgorny) Yuri Andropov Konstantin Chernenko Governments Kosygin's 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th Tikhonov's 1st 2nd National economyReforms OGAS 1965 1973 1979 Food Programme 1984 Five-year plans 8th plan 9th plan 10th plan 11th plan Brezhnev's family Churbanov (son-in-law) Galina (daughter) Lyubov (niece) Viktoria (wife) Yakov (brother) Yuri (son) Soviet Union
Soviet Union
portal vteHistory of the Communist Party of the Soviet UnionOrganization Congress Conference General Secretary Politburo Secretariat Central Committee Orgburo Control Commission Auditing Commission Komsomol Young Pioneers Pravda Congress 1st (1898) 2nd (1903) 3rd (1905) 4th (1906) 5th (1907) 6th (1917) 7th (1918) 8th (1919) 9th (1920) 10th (1921) 11th (1922) 12th (1923) 13th (1924) 14th (1925) 15th (1927) 16th (1930) 17th (1934) 18th (1939) 19th (1952) 20th (1956) 21st (1959) 22nd (1961) 23rd (1966) 24th (1971) 25th (1976) 26th (1981) 27th (1986) 28th (1990) Conference 1st (1905) 2nd (1906) 3rd (August 1907) 4th (November 1907) 5th (1908) 6th (1912) 7th (1917) 8th (1919) 9th (1920) 10th (May 1921) 11th (December 1921) 12th (1922) 13th (1924) 14th (1925) 15th (1926) 16th (1929) 17th (1932) 18th (1941) 19th (1988) Party leadershipParty leaders Vladimir Lenin
Vladimir Lenin
(1912–1924) Joseph Stalin
Joseph Stalin
(1929–1953) Nikita Khrushchev
Nikita Khrushchev
(1953–1964) Leonid Brezhnev
Leonid Brezhnev
(1964–1982) Yuri Andropov
Yuri Andropov
(1982–1984) Konstantin Chernenko
Konstantin Chernenko
(1984–1985) Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
(1985–1991) Politburo Aug.–Oct. 1917 Oct.–Dec. 1917 6th (1917–18) 7th (1918–19) 8th (1919–20) 9th (1920–21) 10th (1921–22) 11th (1922–23) 12th (1923–24) 13th (1924–25) 14th (1926–27) 15th (1927–30) 16th (1930–34) 17th (1934–39) 18th (1939–52) 19th (1952–56) 20th–21st (1956–61) 22nd (1961–66) 23rd (1966–71) 24th (1971–76) 25th (1976–81) 26th (1981–86) 27th (1986–90) 28th (1990–91) Secretariat 6th (1917–18) 7th (1918–19) 8th (1919–20) 9th (1920–21) 10th (1921–22) 11th (1922–23) 12th (1923–24) 13th (1924–25) 14th (1926–27) 15th (1927–30) 16th (1930–34) 17th (1934–39) 18th (1939–52) 19th (1952–56) 20th–21st (1956–61) 22nd (1961–66) 23rd (1966–71) 24th (1971–76) 25th (1976–81) 26th (1981–86) 27th (1986–90) 28th (1990–91) CentralCommittee 1st (1898–1903) 2nd (1903–05) 3rd (1905–06) 4th (1906–07) 5th (1907–12) 6th (1912–17) 7th (Apr.–Aug. 1917) 8th (1917–18) 9th (1918–19) 10th (1919–20) 11th (1920–21) 12th (1921–22) 13th (1922–23) 14th (1923–24) 15th (1924–25) 16th (1926–27) 17th (1927–30) 18th (1930–34) 19th (1934–39) 20th (1939–41) 21st (1941–52) 19th (1952–56) 20th (1956–61) 22nd (1961–66) 23rd (1966–71) 24th (1971–76) 25th (1976–81) 26th (1981–86) 27th (1986–90) 28th (1990–91) Orgburo 7th (Jan.–Mar. 1919) 8th (1919–20) 9th (1920–21) 10th (1921–22) 11th (1922–23) 12th (1923–24) 13th (1924–26) 14th (1926–27) 15th (1927–30) 16th (1930–34) 17th (1934–39) 18th (1939–52) Central ControlCommission 9th (1920–21) 10th (1921–22) 11th (1922–23) 12th (1923–24) 13th (1924–25) 14th (1926–27) 15th (1927–30) 16th (1930–34) 17th (1934–39) 18th (1939–52) 19th (1952–56) 20th–21st (1956–61) 22nd (1961–66) 23rd (1966–71) 24th (1971–76) 25th (1976–81) 26th (1981–86) 27th (1986–90) 28th (1990–91) Central AuditingCommission 8th–9th (1919–21) 10th–12th (1921–24) 13th (1924–25) 14th (1926–27) 15th (1927–30) 16th (1930–34) 17th (1934–39) 18th (1939–52) 19th (1952–56) 20th–21st (1956–61) 22nd (1961–66) 23rd (1966–71) 24th (1971–76) 25th (1976–81) 26th (1981–86) 27th (1986–90) Departments of theCentral Committee Administrative Organs Agriculture Chemical Industry Construction Culture Defence Industry Foreign Cadres General Heavy Industry Information International Light- and Food Industry Machine Industry Organisational-party Work Planning and Financial Organs Political Administration of the Ministry of Defence Propaganda Science and Education Trade and Consumers' Services Transportation-Communications Republican branches Armenia Azerbaijan Byelorussia Bukhara Estonia Georgia Karelo-Finland Kazakhstan Khorezm Kirghizia Latvia Lithuania Moldavia Russian SFSR Tajikistan Transcaucasia Turkestan Turkmenistan Ukraine Uzbekistan See also General Jewish Labour Bund in Lithuania, Poland and Russia League of Russian Revolutionary Social Democracy Abroad League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class Siberian Social-Democratic Union Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania Union of Russian Social Democrats Abroad

vteHeads of state of the Soviet UnionHeads of state Kalinin (1922–1946) Shvernik (1946–1953) Voroshilov (1953–1960) Brezhnev (1960–1964) Mikoyan (1964–1965) Podgorny (1965–1977) Brezhnev (1977–1982) Andropov (1983–1984) Chernenko (1984–1985) Gromyko (1985–1988) Gorbachev (1988–1991) Vice heads of state Kuznetsov (1977–1986) Demichev (1986–1988) Lukyanov (1988–1990) Yanayev (1990–1991)

Presidents of Russian SFSR Presidents of Russia

vteLeaders of the ruling Communist parties of the Eastern Bloc Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union

Vladimir Lenin Joseph Stalin Georgy Malenkov Nikita Khrushchev Leonid Brezhnev Yuri Andropov Konstantin Chernenko Mikhail Gorbachev

People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan Nur Taraki Babrak Karmal Najibullah Ahmadzai Party of Labour of Albania Enver Hoxha Ramiz Alia Bulgarian Communist Party Georgi Dimitrov Valko Chervenkov Todor Zhivkov Petar Mladenov Communist Party of Czechoslovakia Klement Gottwald Antonín Novotný Alexander Dubček Gustáv Husák Miloš Jakeš Karel Urbánek Socialist Unity Party of Germany Wilhelm Pieck Otto Grotewohl Walter Ulbricht Erich Honecker Egon Krenz

Hungarian Working People's PartyHungarian Socialist Workers' Party Mátyás Rákosi Ernő Gerő János Kádár Károly Grósz Polish United Workers' Party Bolesław Bierut Edward Ochab Władysław Gomułka Edward Gierek Stanisław Kania Wojciech Jaruzelski Mieczysław Rakowski Romanian Communist Party Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej Gheorghe Apostol Nicolae Ceaușescu
Nicolae Ceaușescu
League of Communists of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito (1980–1990, rotating leadership)

vteRevolutions of 1989Internalbackground Era of Stagnation Communism Anti-communism Criticism of communist party rule Eastern Bloc Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
economies Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
politics Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
media and propaganda Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
emigration and defection KGB Nomenklatura Shortage economy Totalitarianism Eastern European anti-Communist insurgencies Internationalbackground Active measures Cold War List of socialist states People Power Revolution Predictions of the dissolution of the Soviet Union Reagan Doctrine Soviet Empire Terrorism and the Soviet Union Vatican Opposition Warsaw Pact
Warsaw Pact
invasion of Czechoslovakia Reforms Uskoreniye Perestroika Democratization in the Soviet Union Khozraschyot 500 Days Sinatra Doctrine Glasnost Socialism
with Chinese characteristics Đổi mới Governmentleaders Ramiz Alia Nicolae Ceaușescu Mikhail Gorbachev Károly Grósz Erich Honecker Miloš Jakeš Egon Krenz Wojciech Jaruzelski Slobodan Milošević Mathieu Kérékou Mengistu Haile Mariam Ne Win Denis Sassou Nguesso Heng Samrin Deng Xiaoping Todor Zhivkov Siad Barre Oppositionmethods Civil resistance Demonstrations Human chains Magnitizdat Polish underground press Protests Samizdat Strike action Oppositionleaders Lech Wałęsa Václav Havel Alexander Dubček Ion Iliescu Liu Gang Wu'erkaixi Chai Ling Wang Dan Feng Congde Tank Man Joachim Gauck Sali Berisha Sanjaasürengiin Zorig Vladimir Bukovsky Boris Yeltsin Viacheslav Chornovil Vytautas Landsbergis Zianon Pazniak Zhelyu Zhelev Aung San Suu Kyi Meles Zenawi Isaias Afwerki Viktor Orbán Ronald Reagan George H. W. Bush Pope John Paul II Oppositionmovements Beijing
Students' Autonomous Federation Charter 77 New Forum Civic Forum Democratic Party of Albania Democratic Russia Initiative for Peace and Human Rights Sąjūdis Peaceful Revolution People's Movement of Ukraine Solidarity Popular Front of Latvia Popular Front of Estonia Public Against Violence Belarusian Popular Front National League for Democracy National Salvation Front Unification Church political activities Union of Democratic Forces Eventsby locationCentral and Eastern Europe Albania Bulgaria Czechoslovakia East Germany Hungary Poland Romania Soviet Union Yugoslavia Czechoslovakia Soviet Union Armenia Azerbaijan Belarus Chechnya Estonia Georgia Latvia Lithuania Kazakhstan Kyrgyzstan Moldova Russia Tajikstan Turkmenistan Ukraine Uzbekistan Elsewhere Afghanistan Angola Benin Burma Cambodia China Congo-Brazzaville Ethiopia Mongolia Mozambique Somalia South Yemen Individualevents 1987–89 Tibetan unrest 1988 Polish strikes Polish Round Table Agreement April 9 tragedy Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
protests of 1989 Removal of Hungary's border fence with Austria Hungarian Round Table Talks Pan-European Picnic Baltic Way Monday Demonstrations Alexanderplatz demonstration Fall of the Berlin Wall Fall of the inner German border Malta Summit Black January Helsinki Summit German reunification January Events in Lithuania January Events in Latvia 1991 protests in Belgrade Dissolution of the Warsaw Pact August Coup Dissolution of the Soviet Union Later events Colour revolution Decommunization Lustration Democratization Economic liberalization Post-Soviet conflicts Neo-Sovietism Neo-Stalinism Post-communism Yugoslav Wars Pink Tide

vteCold War USA USSR ANZUS NATO Non-Aligned Movement SEATO Warsaw Pact Cold War
Cold War
II 1940s Morgenthau Plan Hukbalahap Rebellion Jamaican conflict Dekemvriana Percentages agreement Yalta Conference Guerrilla war in the Baltic states Forest Brothers Operation Priboi Operation Jungle Occupation of the Baltic states Cursed soldiers Operation Unthinkable Operation Downfall Potsdam Conference Gouzenko Affair Division of Korea Operation Masterdom Operation Beleaguer Operation Blacklist Forty Iran crisis of 1946 Greek Civil War Baruch Plan Corfu Channel incident Turkish Straits crisis Restatement of Policy on Germany First Indochina War Truman Doctrine Asian Relations Conference May 1947 Crises Marshall Plan Comecon 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état Al-Wathbah uprising 1947–1949 Palestine war 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine 1948 Arab–Israeli War 1948 Palestinian exodus Tito–Stalin split Berlin Blockade Western betrayal Iron Curtain Eastern Bloc Western Bloc Chinese Civil War
Chinese Civil War
(Second round) Malayan Emergency Albanian Subversion 1950s Papua conflict Bamboo Curtain Korean War McCarthyism Algerian War Egyptian Revolution of 1952 1953 Iranian coup d'état Uprising of 1953 in East Germany Bricker Amendment 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état Partition of Vietnam Jebel Akhdar War Vietnam War First Taiwan Strait Crisis Cyprus Emergency Geneva Summit (1955) Bandung Conference Poznań 1956 protests Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Yemeni–Adenese clan violence Suez Crisis "We will bury you" Ifni War Operation Gladio Arab Cold War Syrian Crisis of 1957 1958 Lebanon crisis Iraqi 14 July Revolution Sputnik crisis Second Taiwan Strait Crisis 1959 Tibetan uprising 1959 Mosul uprising Cuban Revolution Kitchen Debate Sino-Soviet split 1960s Congo Crisis Simba rebellion 1960 U-2 incident Bay of Pigs Invasion 1960 Turkish coup d'état Soviet–Albanian split Iraqi–Kurdish conflict First Iraqi–Kurdish War Berlin Crisis of 1961 Berlin Wall Dirty War
Dirty War
(Mexico) Portuguese Colonial War Angolan War of Independence Guinea-Bissau War of Independence Mozambican War of Independence Cuban Missile Crisis El Porteñazo Sino-Indian War Communist insurgency in Sarawak Iraqi Ramadan Revolution Eritrean War of Independence Sand War North Yemen Civil War Aden Emergency 1963 Syrian coup d'état Assassination of John F. Kennedy Cyprus crisis of 1963–64 Vietnam War Shifta War Guatemalan Civil War Colombian conflict 1964 Brazilian coup d'état Dominican Civil War Rhodesian Bush War South African Border War Transition to the New Order
Transition to the New Order
(Indonesia) Domino theory ASEAN Declaration Laotian Civil War 1966 Syrian coup d'état Argentine Revolution Korean DMZ Conflict Greek military junta of 1967–1974 Years of Lead (Italy) USS Pueblo incident Six-Day War War of Attrition Dhofar Rebellion Al-Wadiah War Biafran War Protests of 1968 French May Tlatelolco massacre Cultural Revolution Prague
Spring 1968 Polish political crisis Communist insurgency in Malaysia Invasion of Czechoslovakia Iraqi Ba'athist Revolution 1969 Libyan coup d'état Football War Goulash Communism Sino-Soviet border conflict CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion Corrective Move 1970s Détente Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Black September
Black September
in Jordan Corrective Movement (Syria) Western Sahara conflict Nicaraguan Revolution Cambodian Civil War Vietnam War Koza riot Realpolitik Ping-pong diplomacy Corrective Revolution (Egypt) 1971 Turkish military memorandum 1971 Sudanese coup d'état Four Power Agreement on Berlin Bangladesh Liberation War 1972 Nixon visit to China North Yemen-South Yemen Border conflict of 1972 Yemenite War of 1972 Communist insurgency in Bangladesh Eritrean Civil Wars 1973 Uruguayan coup d'état 1973 Chilean coup d'état Yom Kippur War 1973 oil crisis Carnation Revolution Spanish transition Metapolitefsi Strategic Arms Limitation Talks Second Iraqi–Kurdish War Turkish invasion of Cyprus Angolan Civil War Mozambican Civil War Oromo conflict Ogaden War Western Sahara War Ethiopian Civil War Lebanese Civil War Sino-Albanian split Cambodian–Vietnamese War Operation Condor Dirty War
Dirty War
(Argentina) 1976 Argentine coup d'état Libyan–Egyptian War German Autumn Korean Air Lines Flight 902 Uganda–Tanzania War NDF Rebellion Chadian–Libyan conflict Yemenite War of 1979 Grand Mosque seizure Iranian Revolution Saur Revolution Sino-Vietnamese War New Jewel Movement 1979 Herat uprising Seven Days to the River Rhine Struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union 1980s Soviet–Afghan War 1980 and 1984 Summer Olympics boycotts Peruvian conflict 1980 Turkish coup d'état Gulf of Sidra incident Casamance conflict Ugandan Bush War Lord's Resistance Army insurgency Eritrean Civil Wars 1982 Ethiopian–Somali Border War Ndogboyosoi War United States
United States
invasion of Grenada Able Archer 83 Star Wars Iran–Iraq War Somali Rebellion 1986 Black Sea incident South Yemen Civil War Toyota War 1988 Black Sea bumping incident Bougainville Civil War 8888 Uprising Solidarity Soviet reaction Contras Central American crisis RYAN Korean Air Lines Flight 007 People Power Revolution Glasnost Perestroika Nagorno-Karabakh
War Afghan Civil War United States
United States
invasion of Panama 1988 Polish strikes Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
protests of 1989 Revolutions of 1989 Fall of the Berlin Wall Fall of the inner German border Velvet Revolution Romanian Revolution Peaceful Revolution 1990s Mongolian Revolution of 1990 Gulf War German reunification Yemeni unification Fall of communism in Albania Breakup of Yugoslavia Dissolution of Czechoslovakia Dissolution of the Soviet Union Frozen conflicts Abkhazia China-Taiwan Korea Puerto Rico Kosovo Nagorno-Karabakh South Ossetia Transnistria Sino-Indian border dispute North Borneo dispute Foreign policy Truman Doctrine Containment Eisenhower Doctrine Domino theory Hallstein Doctrine Kennedy Doctrine Peaceful coexistence Ostpolitik Johnson Doctrine Brezhnev Doctrine Nixon Doctrine Ulbricht Doctrine Carter Doctrine Reagan Doctrine Rollback Sovereignty of Puerto Rico during the Cold War IdeologiesCapitalism Liberalism Chicago school Keynesianism Libertarianism Monetarism Neoclassical economics Reaganomics Supply-side economics Thatcherism Communism Socialism Marxism–Leninism Castroism Eurocommunism Guevarism Hoxhaism Juche Maoism Trotskyism Naxalism Stalinism Titoism Other Imperialism Anti-imperialism Nationalism Ultranationalism Chauvinism Ethnic nationalism Racism Zionism Fascism Neo-Nazism Islamism Totalitarianism Authoritarianism Autocracy Liberal democracy Illiberal democracy Guided democracy Social democracy Third-Worldism White supremacy White nationalism White separatism Apartheid Organizations NATO Warsaw Pact Andean Community ASEAN CIA Comecon EEC KGB MI6 Non-Aligned Movement SAARC Safari Club Stasi Propaganda Active measures Crusade for Freedom Izvestia Pravda Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Red Scare TASS Voice of America Voice of Russia Races Arms race Nuclear arms race Space Race Historians Gar Alperovitz Thomas A. Bailey Michael Beschloss Archie Brown Warren H. Carroll Adrian Cioroianu John Costello Michael Cox Nicholas J. Cull Willem Drees Robert D. English Herbert Feis Robert Hugh Ferrell André Fontaine Anneli Ute Gabanyi John Lewis Gaddis Lloyd Gardner Timothy Garton Ash Gabriel Gorodetsky Fred Halliday Jussi Hanhimäki John Earl Haynes Patrick J. Hearden Tvrtko Jakovina Tony Judt Harvey Klehr Gabriel Kolko Walter LaFeber Walter Laqueur Melvyn Leffler Geir Lundestad Mary Elise Sarotte Vojtech Mastny Jack F. Matlock Jr. Thomas J. McCormick Timothy Naftali Marius Oprea David S. Painter William B. Pickett Ronald E. Powaski Yakov M. Rabkin Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. Ellen Schrecker Giles Scott-Smith Shen Zhihua Athan Theoharis Andrew Thorpe Vladimir Tismăneanu Patrick Vaughan Alex von Tunzelmann Odd Arne Westad William Appleman Williams Jonathan Reed Winkler Rudolph Winnacker Ken Young See also Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War List of Eastern Bloc
Eastern Bloc
agents in the United States Soviet espionage in the United States Soviet Union– United States
United States
relations USSR–USA summits Russian espionage in the United States American espionage in the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and Russian Federation Russia– NATO
relations Brinkmanship CIA and the Cultural Cold War Cold War
Cold War
II Russian Revolution

Category Commons Timeline List of conflicts

vteSoviet–Afghan War Part of the War in Afghanistan
and the Cold War BelligerentsAlliance Soviet Union Democratic Republic of Afghanistan Mujahideen Islamic Unity of Afghanistan
Mujahideen Jamiat-e Islami Shura-e Nazar Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin Maktab al-Khidamat Hezb-e Islami Khalis Hezb-e Wahdat Ittehad i-Islami LeadersAlliance Leonid Brezhnev Yuri Andropov Konstantin Chernenko Mikhail Gorbachev Babrak Karmal Mohammad Najibullah Abdul Rashid Dostum Mujahideen Ahmad Shah Massoud Abdul Ali Mazari Abdullah Yusuf Azzam Gulbuddin Hekmatyar Abdul Haq Abdul Rahim Wardak Burhanuddin Rabbani Events by year 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 Military operations Operation Storm-333 3 Hoot uprising Siege of Khost Panjshir offensives Siege of Urgun Battle of Maravar Pass Badaber uprising Battles of Zhawar Battle of Jaji Battle of Arghandab (1987) Operation Magistral Battle for Hill 3234 Operation Arrow Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan Related topics Soviet aircraft losses War in popular culture Military equipment used by Mujahideen Afghanistan
War Memorial, Kiev Films about war The 9th Company Afghan Breakdown Afghantsi All Costs Paid The Beast Cargo 200 Charlie Wilson's War The Kite Runner The Living Daylights The Magic Mountain Peshavar Waltz Rambo III

Afghanistan portal Category Multimedia

vte Nagorno-Karabakh
conflictBackground Nagorno-Karabakh History Deportation of Azerbaijanis from Armenia Dissolution of the Soviet Union Karabakh movement Miatsum Armenians in Azerbaijan Armenians in Baku Azerbaijanis in Armenia Anti-Armenian sentiment in Azerbaijan Anti-Azerbaijani sentiment in Armenia Armenia– Azerbaijan
relations Nagorno-Karabakh
War Askeran clash Sumgait
pogrom Kirovabad pogrom Baku
pogrom Battle of Kalbajar Capture of Shusha Black January Zvartnots Airport clash Siege of Stepanakert Khojaly Massacre Maraga massacre Mardakert and Martuni Offensives Law on Abolishment of Nagorno-Karabakh
Autonomous Oblast 1990 Tbilisi–Agdam bus bombing 1991 Azerbaijani Mil Mi-8 shootdown 1992 Azerbaijani Mil Mi-8 shootdown Operation Goranboy Operation Ring 1993 Summer Offensives 1994 Bagratashen bombing 1994 Baku
Metro bombings Post-war clashes 2008 Mardakert skirmishes February 2010 Nagorno-Karabakh
skirmish 2010 Mardakert skirmishes 2012 Armenian–Azerbaijani border clashes 2014 Armenian–Azerbaijani clashes 2014 Armenian Mil Mi-24 shootdown 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh
clashes 2018 Armenian–Azerbaijani clashes Main locations Administrative divisions of the Republic of Artsakh Stepanakert Askeran Province Hadrut Province Kashatagh Province Martakert Province Martuni Province Shahumyan Province Shushi Province Armenian-controlled territories Agdam District Fuzuli District Jabrayil District Kalbajar District Lachin District Qubadli District Zangilan District Political leaders  Armenia Levon Ter-Petrosyan Robert Kocharyan Serzh Sargsyan Nikol Pashinyan  Republic of Artsakh Artur Mkrtchyan Robert Kocharyan Leonard Petrosyan Arkadi Ghukasyan Bako Sahakyan  Azerbaijan Ayaz Mutallibov Abulfaz Elchibey Heydar Aliyev Ilham Aliyev Azerbaijani Community of Nagorno-Karabakh Bayram Safarov Nizami Bahmanov  Russia Boris Yeltsin  Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev  Turkey Turgut Özal Military leaders  Armenia Vazgen Sargsyan Gurgen Dalibaltayan Norat Ter-Grigoryants Jirair Sefilian  Republic of Artsakh Samvel Babayan Kristapor Ivanyan Arkady Ter-Tadevosyan Monte Melkonian  Azerbaijan Isgandar Hamidov Rahim Gaziyev Surat Huseynov Valeh Barshadly  Russia Pavel Grachev  Soviet Union Viktor Polyanichko  Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Shamil Basayev  Afghanistan Gulbuddin Hekmatyar Peace process Baker rules Bishkek Protocol Tehran Communiqué Zheleznovodsk Communiqué OSCE Minsk Group Prague
Process Madrid
Principles International documents Astrakhan Declaration Nagorno-Karabakh
Declaration NATO
Lisbon Summit Declaration OIC Resolution 10/11 OIC Resolution 10/37 PACE Resolution 1416 UNGA Resolution 62/243 UNSC Resolutions 822 853 874 884

vteTime Persons of the Year1927–1950 Charles Lindbergh
Charles Lindbergh
(1927) Walter Chrysler
Walter Chrysler
(1928) Owen D. Young
Owen D. Young
(1929) Mohandas Gandhi (1930) Pierre Laval
Pierre Laval
(1931) Franklin D. Roosevelt
Franklin D. Roosevelt
(1932) Hugh S. Johnson
Hugh S. Johnson
(1933) Franklin D. Roosevelt
Franklin D. Roosevelt
(1934) Haile Selassie
Haile Selassie
(1935) Wallis Simpson
Wallis Simpson
(1936) Chiang Kai-shek
Chiang Kai-shek
/ Soong Mei-ling
Soong Mei-ling
(1937) Adolf Hitler
Adolf Hitler
(1938) Joseph Stalin
Joseph Stalin
(1939) Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
(1940) Franklin D. Roosevelt
Franklin D. Roosevelt
(1941) Joseph Stalin
Joseph Stalin
(1942) George Marshall
George Marshall
(1943) Dwight D. Eisenhower
Dwight D. Eisenhower
(1944) Harry S. Truman
Harry S. Truman
(1945) James F. Byrnes
James F. Byrnes
(1946) George Marshall
George Marshall
(1947) Harry S. Truman
Harry S. Truman
(1948) Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
(1949) The American Fighting-Man (1950) 1951–1975 Mohammed Mosaddeq (1951) Elizabeth II
Elizabeth II
(1952) Konrad Adenauer
Konrad Adenauer
(1953) John Foster Dulles
John Foster Dulles
(1954) Harlow Curtice
Harlow Curtice
(1955) Hungarian Freedom Fighters (1956) Nikita Khrushchev
Nikita Khrushchev
(1957) Charles de Gaulle
Charles de Gaulle
(1958) Dwight D. Eisenhower
Dwight D. Eisenhower
(1959) U.S. Scientists: George Beadle / Charles Draper / John Enders / Donald A. Glaser
Donald A. Glaser
/ Joshua Lederberg
Joshua Lederberg
/ Willard Libby
Willard Libby
/ Linus Pauling
Linus Pauling
/ Edward Purcell / Isidor Rabi / Emilio Segrè
Emilio Segrè
/ William Shockley
William Shockley
/ Edward Teller
Edward Teller
/ Charles Townes / James Van Allen
James Van Allen
/ Robert Woodward (1960) John F. Kennedy
John F. Kennedy
(1961) Pope John XXIII
Pope John XXIII
(1962) Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr.
(1963) Lyndon B. Johnson
Lyndon B. Johnson
(1964) William Westmoreland
William Westmoreland
(1965) The Generation Twenty-Five and Under (1966) Lyndon B. Johnson
Lyndon B. Johnson
(1967) The Apollo 8
Apollo 8
Astronauts: William Anders
William Anders
/ Frank Borman
Frank Borman
/ Jim Lovell
Jim Lovell
(1968) The Middle Americans (1969) Willy Brandt
Willy Brandt
(1970) Richard Nixon
Richard Nixon
(1971) Henry Kissinger
Henry Kissinger
/ Richard Nixon
Richard Nixon
(1972) John Sirica
John Sirica
(1973) King Faisal (1974) American Women: Susan Brownmiller / Kathleen Byerly
Kathleen Byerly
/ Alison Cheek / Jill Conway / Betty Ford
Betty Ford
/ Ella Grasso
Ella Grasso
/ Carla Hills / Barbara Jordan / Billie Jean King
Billie Jean King
/ Susie Sharp / Carol Sutton / Addie Wyatt (1975) 1976–2000 Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
(1976) Anwar Sadat
Anwar Sadat
(1977) Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
(1978) Ayatollah Khomeini (1979) Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
(1980) Lech Wałęsa
Lech Wałęsa
(1981) The Computer (1982) Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
/ Yuri Andropov
Yuri Andropov
(1983) Peter Ueberroth
Peter Ueberroth
(1984) Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
(1985) Corazon Aquino
Corazon Aquino
(1986) Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
(1987) The Endangered Earth (1988) Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
(1989) George H. W. Bush
George H. W. Bush
(1990) Ted Turner
Ted Turner
(1991) Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
(1992) The Peacemakers: Yasser Arafat
Yasser Arafat
/ F. W. de Klerk
F. W. de Klerk
/ Nelson Mandela
Nelson Mandela
/ Yitzhak Rabin
Yitzhak Rabin
(1993) Pope John Paul II
Pope John Paul II
(1994) Newt Gingrich
Newt Gingrich
(1995) David Ho
David Ho
(1996) Andrew Grove
Andrew Grove
(1997) Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
/ Ken Starr
Ken Starr
(1998) Jeff Bezos
Jeff Bezos
(1999) George W. Bush
George W. Bush
(2000) 2001–present Rudolph Giuliani (2001) The Whistleblowers: Cynthia Cooper / Coleen Rowley
Coleen Rowley
/ Sherron Watkins (2002) The American Soldier (2003) George W. Bush
George W. Bush
(2004) The Good Samaritans: Bono
/ Bill Gates
Bill Gates
/ Melinda Gates
Melinda Gates
(2005) You (2006) Vladimir Putin
Vladimir Putin
(2007) Barack Obama
Barack Obama
(2008) Ben Bernanke
Ben Bernanke
(2009) Mark Zuckerberg
Mark Zuckerberg
(2010) The Protester (2011) Barack Obama
Barack Obama
(2012) Pope Francis
Pope Francis
(2013) Ebola Fighters: Dr. Jerry Brown / Dr. Kent Brantly
Kent Brantly
/ Ella Watson-Stryker / Foday Gollah / Salome Karwah
Salome Karwah
(2014) Angela Merkel
Angela Merkel
(2015) Donald Trump
Donald Trump
(2016) The Silence Breakers (2017) The Guardians: Jamal Khashoggi
Jamal Khashoggi
/ Maria Ressa
Maria Ressa
/ Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo / Staff of The Capital (2018) Book vteLaureates of the Nobel Peace Prize1901–1925 1901: Henry Dunant / Frédéric Passy 1902: Élie Ducommun / Charles Gobat 1903: Randal Cremer 1904: Institut de Droit International 1905: Bertha von Suttner 1906: Theodore Roosevelt 1907: Ernesto Moneta / Louis Renault 1908: Klas Arnoldson / Fredrik Bajer 1909: A. M. F. Beernaert / Paul Estournelles de Constant 1910: International Peace Bureau 1911: Tobias Asser / Alfred Fried 1912: Elihu Root 1913: Henri La Fontaine 1914 1915 1916 1917: International Committee of the Red Cross 1918 1919: Woodrow Wilson 1920: Léon Bourgeois 1921: Hjalmar Branting / Christian Lange 1922: Fridtjof Nansen 1923 1924 1925: Austen Chamberlain / Charles Dawes 1926–1950 1926: Aristide Briand / Gustav Stresemann 1927: Ferdinand Buisson / Ludwig Quidde 1928 1929: Frank B. Kellogg 1930: Nathan Söderblom 1931: Jane Addams / Nicholas Butler 1932 1933: Norman Angell 1934: Arthur Henderson 1935: Carl von Ossietzky 1936: Carlos Saavedra Lamas 1937: Robert Cecil 1938: Nansen International Office for Refugees 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944: International Committee of the Red Cross 1945: Cordell Hull 1946: Emily Balch / John Mott 1947: Friends Service Council / American Friends Service Committee 1948 1949: John Boyd Orr 1950: Ralph Bunche 1951–1975 1951: Léon Jouhaux 1952: Albert Schweitzer 1953: George Marshall 1954: United Nations
United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees 1955 1956 1957: Lester B. Pearson 1958: Georges Pire 1959: Philip Noel-Baker 1960: Albert Lutuli 1961: Dag Hammarskjöld 1962: Linus Pauling 1963: International Committee of the Red Cross / League of Red Cross Societies 1964: Martin Luther King Jr. 1965: UNICEF 1966 1967 1968: René Cassin 1969: International Labour Organization 1970: Norman Borlaug 1971: Willy Brandt 1972 1973: Lê Đức Thọ (declined award) / Henry Kissinger 1974: Seán MacBride / Eisaku Satō 1975: Andrei Sakharov 1976–2000 1976: Betty Williams / Mairead Corrigan 1977: Amnesty International 1978: Anwar Sadat / Menachem Begin 1979: Mother Teresa 1980: Adolfo Pérez Esquivel 1981: United Nations
United Nations
High Commissioner for Refugees 1982: Alva Myrdal / Alfonso García Robles 1983: Lech Wałęsa 1984: Desmond Tutu 1985: International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War 1986: Elie Wiesel 1987: Óscar Arias 1988: UN Peacekeeping Forces 1989: Tenzin Gyatso (14th Dalai Lama) 1990: Mikhail Gorbachev 1991: Aung San Suu Kyi 1992: Rigoberta Menchú 1993: Nelson Mandela / F. W. de Klerk 1994: Shimon Peres / Yitzhak Rabin / Yasser Arafat 1995: Pugwash Conferences / Joseph Rotblat 1996: Carlos Belo / José Ramos-Horta 1997: International Campaign to Ban Landmines / Jody Williams 1998: John Hume / David Trimble 1999: Médecins Sans Frontières 2000: Kim Dae-jung 2001–present 2001: United Nations / Kofi Annan 2002: Jimmy Carter 2003: Shirin Ebadi 2004: Wangari Maathai 2005: International Atomic Energy Agency / Mohamed ElBaradei 2006: Grameen Bank / Muhammad Yunus 2007: Al Gore / Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
2008: Martti Ahtisaari 2009: Barack Obama 2010: Liu Xiaobo 2011: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf / Leymah Gbowee / Tawakkol Karman 2012: European Union 2013: Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 2014: Kailash Satyarthi / Malala Yousafzai 2015: Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet 2016: Juan Manuel Santos 2017: International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons 2018: Denis Mukwege / Nadia Murad 2019: Abiy Ahmed

vte1990 Nobel Prize
Nobel Prize
laureatesChemistry Elias James Corey
Elias James Corey
(United States)Literature Octavio Paz
Octavio Paz
(Mexico)Peace Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
(Soviet Union)Physics Jerome I. Friedman (United States) Henry Way Kendall
Henry Way Kendall
(United States) Richard E. Taylor
Richard E. Taylor
(Canada) Physiology or Medicine Joseph E. Murray (United States) E. Donnall Thomas
E. Donnall Thomas
(United States) Economic Sciences Harry Markowitz
Harry Markowitz
(United States) Merton Miller
Merton Miller
(United States) William F. Sharpe
William F. Sharpe
(United States)

.mw-parser-output .nobold font-weight:normal Nobel Prize
Nobel Prize
recipients 1990 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 2000 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

vteCandidates in the 1996 Russian presidential electionWinner Boris Yeltsin
Boris Yeltsin
Independent campaign Lost in runoff Gennady Zyuganov
Gennady Zyuganov
Communist Party campaign Other candidates Alexander Lebed
Alexander Lebed
KRO (campaign) Grigory Yavlinsky
Grigory Yavlinsky
(campaign) Vladimir Zhirinovsky
Vladimir Zhirinovsky
LDPR (campaign) Svyatoslav Fyodorov PST Mikhail Gorbachev
Mikhail Gorbachev
Independent (campaign) Martin Shakkum Independent Yury Vlasov
Yury Vlasov
Independent Vladimir Bryntsalov Independent Withdrew Aman Tuleyev
Aman Tuleyev
Independent Viktor Chechevatov
Viktor Chechevatov

Authority control BIBSYS: 90559488 BNE: XX882424 BNF: cb12002384m (data) CANTIC: a10233696 GND: 11874660X ISNI: 0000 0001 2096 6951 LCCN: n85050740 LNB: 000027559 NDL: 00441310 NKC: jn19990210249 NLA: 35782074 NLI: 000055226 NSK: 000006473 NTA: 070821631 SELIBR: 56647 SNAC: w60p14b7 SUDOC: 028127625 Trove: 1084885 VIAF: 97859168 WorldCat Identities
WorldCat Identities