The psychology of eating meat is a complex area of study illustrating the confluence of morality, emotions, cognition, and personality characteristics. Research into the psychological and cultural factors of meat eating suggests correlations with masculinity; support for hierarchical values; and reduced openness to experience. Because meat eating is widely practiced but is sometimes associated with ambivalence, it has been used as a case study in moral psychology to illustrate theories of cognitive dissonance and moral disengagement.[n 1] Research into the consumer psychology of meat is relevant both to meat industry marketing and to advocates of reduced meat consumption.
Many factors affect consumer choices about meat, including price, appearance, and source information
Meat is an important and highly preferred human food. Individuals' attitudes towards meat are of interest to consumer psychologists, to the meat industry, and to advocates of reduced meat consumption. These attitudes can be affected by issues of price, health, taste, and ethics. The perception of meat in relation to these issues affects meat consumption.
Meat is traditionally a high-status food. It may be associated with cultural traditions and has strong positive associations in most of the world. However, it sometimes has a negative image among consumers, partly due to its associations with slaughter, death, and blood. Holding these associations more strongly may decrease feelings of pleasure from eating meat and increase disgust, leading to lowered meat consumption. In the West, these effects have been found to be particularly true among young women. Negative associations may only cause consumers to make meat less noticeable in their diets rather than reducing or eliminating it, for example making meat an ingredient in a more-processed dish. It has been suggested that this is the result of a disconnect between individuals' roles as consumers and as citizens.[n 2]
Implicit attitudes towards meat have been reported to vary significantly between omnivores and vegetarians, with omnivores holding much more positive views. Vegetarians may express either revulsion or nostalgia at the thought of eating meat.[n 3]
Consumer behavior towards meat may be modeled by distinguishing the effects of intrinsic factors (properties of the physical product itself, such as color) and extrinsic factors (everything else, including price and brand).
Taste and texture are self-reported to be important factors in food choice, although this may not accurately reflect consumer behavior. Consumers describe meat as "chewy", "tender", and "rich". In the United Kingdom, meat is traditionally considered to taste good. People experience the taste and texture of meat in significantly different ways, with variations across ages, genders, and cultures. Tenderness is perhaps the most important of all factors impacting meat eating quality, with others being flavor, juiciness, and succulence.
Visual appearance is one of the primary cues consumers use to assess meat quality at the point of sale, and to select meats. Color is one of the most important characteristics in this context. Different cultural traditions lead consumers to prefer different colors: some countries prefer relatively dark pork overall, some light, and some have no clear preference.
Visible fat content and marbling are also important intrinsic quality cues. Consumers as a whole tend to prefer leaner beef and pork, although significant variations exist across geographical regions. Marbling is important to some consumers but not others, and, as for fat content more generally, preference for marbling varies by region.
Price is an important extrinsic factor which can affect consumer choices about meat. Price concerns may induce consumers to choose among different meats, or avoid meat altogether.
Health concerns are also relevant to consumer choices about meat. The perceived risk of food contamination can affect consumer attitudes towards meat, as after meat-related scares such as those associated with mad cow disease or bird flu. Safety-related product recalls can impact demand for meat. People may reduce or eliminate meat from their diets for perceived health benefits. Health considerations may motivate both meat-eaters and vegetarians. Meatless diets in adolescents can be a way to conceal eating disorders, although vegetarianism does not necessarily increase the risk of disordered eating.
Research suggests consumers tend to prefer meats whose origin lies in their own country over imported products, partly due to the fact that domestic meats are perceived to be of higher quality. This effect may also reflect consumers' ethnocentrism or patriotism. The importance of meat's country of origin varies from country to country.
Beliefs and attitudes about environmental and animal welfare concerns can affect meat consumption. Consumers in the developed world may be willing to pay slightly more for meat produced according to higher animal welfare standards, although welfare and environmental concerns are usually considered less important than attributes more directly related to meat quality, such as appearance. A 2001 study in Scotland found that, although participants cared about animal welfare in general, they considered price and appearance more important than welfare when buying meat. A study of Dutch consumers found that both rational and emotional responses to environmental and other concerns affected purchasing of organic meat.
Meat consumption patterns can also be influenced by individuals' family, friends, and traditions. A study of British eating patterns found that meat was associated with positive food traditions, such as the Sunday roast. Some consumers only purchase meat conforming with religious prescriptions, such as halal meat. These consumers' trust in quality assurance organizations, and individual relationships with meat providers, have been reported to significantly affect their purchasing behavior.
Recent trends in animal husbandry, such as biotechnology, factory farming, and breeding animals for faster growth, are expected to have a continuing effect on the evolution of consumer attitudes towards meat.
One question examined in the psychology of eating meat has been termed the meat paradox: how can individuals care about animals, but also eat them? Internal dissonance can be created if people's beliefs and emotions about animal treatment do not match their eating behavior, although it may not always be subjectively perceived as a conflict. This apparent conflict associated with a near-universal dietary practice provides a useful case study for investigating the ways people may change their moral thinking to minimize discomfort associated with ethical conflicts.
Recent studies in this area suggest that people can facilitate their practices of meat eating by attributing lower intelligence and capacity for suffering to meat animals, by thinking of these animals as more dissimilar to humans, by caring less about animal welfare and social inequality, and by dissociating meat products from the animals they come from.
Perceptions of meat animals
Pastured meat rabbits
. Studies suggest that classifying animals as food can affect their perceived intelligence and moral standing.
Ethical conflicts arise when eating animals if they are considered to have moral status. Perceptions of animals' moral status vary greatly, but are determined in part by perceptions of animals as having conscious minds and able to experience pain, and their perceived similarity to humans. Some social psychologists hypothesize that meat eaters can reduce discomfort associated with the meat paradox by minimizing their perception of these morally relevant qualities in animals, particularly animals they regard as food, and several recent studies provide support for this hypothesis.
A 2010 study randomly assigned college students to eat beef jerky or cashews, then judge the moral importance and cognitive abilities of a variety of animals. Compared with students who were given cashews, those who ate beef jerky expressed less moral concern for animals, and assigned cows a diminished ability to have mental states that entail the capacity to experience suffering.
Subsequent studies similarly found that people were more inclined to feel it was appropriate to kill animals for food when they perceived the animals as having diminished mental capacities, a finding replicated in samples from the U.S., Canada, Hong Kong, and India; that, conversely, they perceived unfamiliar animals as having lesser mental capacities when told they were used as food; and, again, that eating meat caused participants to ascribe fewer mental abilities to animals over both the short and long term.
A 2014 review suggested that these phenomena could be explained as a set of dissonance reduction techniques used to reduce negative emotions associated with the meat paradox, but noted that the existence of such emotions had not been demonstrated. A 2016 review drew an analogy between work on the meat paradox and on sexual objectification, writing that both practices involve strategically changing perceptions of others when thinking of them as a potential "resources" (i.e., for meat or sex), and citing recent studies suggesting that sexually objectifying people prompts a reduction in their perceived humanness and moral importance.
Dissociation and avoidance
Several proposed strategies for resolving the meat paradox dissociate meat as a food product from the animals which produce it, or psychologically distance themselves from the processes of meat production. Although concern for animal welfare has recently increased in several countries, a trend towards dissociating meat from its animal origins has tended to prevent such concerns from influencing consumer behavior.
People in many cultures do not like to be reminded of the connection between animals and meat, and tend to "de-animalize" meat when necessary to reduce feelings of guilt or of disgust. Meat in Western countries is often packaged and served so as to minimize its resemblance to live animals, without eyes, faces, or tails, and the market share of such products has increased in recent decades; however, meat in many other cultures is sold with these body parts.
Some authors have suggested that the use of non-animal words such as "sirloin" and "hamburger" for meat can reduce the salience of meat's origins in animals, and in turn reduce perceived consumption of animals. Similarly, farmers and hunters use terms such as "processing" and "managing" rather than "killing", a choice which can be interpreted as a way to provide psychological distance and facilitate animal use.
The importance of dissociation processes was supported by a 2016 Norwegian study which, in a series of experiments, directly tested the effects of making live animals more salient.
In addition to dissociation, people who experience discomfort relating to the meat paradox may simply avoid confrontation of the issue. Cultural socialization mechanisms may also discourage people from thinking of their food choices as harmful; for example, children's books and meat advertisements usually portray farm animals as leading happy lives, or even desiring to be eaten. Compartmentalizing animals in different categories (such as pets, pests, predators, and food animals) may help avoid dissonance associated with differential treatment of different species.
factors, such as positive memories, influence meat consumption.
Ethical conflicts between enjoying meat and caring for animals may be made less problematic by holding positive attitudes towards meat. People who think of meat as safe, nutritious, and sustainable tend to experience less ambivalence about eating it. Religious belief in God-given dominion over animals can also justify eating meat.
A series of studies published in 2015 asked meat-eating American and Australian undergraduates to "list three reasons why you think it is OK to eat meat." Over 90% of participants offered reasons which the researchers classified among the "four N's":
- Appeals to human evolution or to carnivory in nature ("natural")
- Appeals to societal or historical norms ("normal")
- Appeals to nutritive or environmental necessity ("necessary")
- Appeals to the tastiness of meat ("nice")
The researchers found that these justifications were effective in reducing moral tension associated with the meat paradox.
Studies in personality trait psychology have suggested that individuals' values and attitudes affect the frequency and comfort with which they eat meat.
Those who value power more highly have been found in several studies to eat more meat, while those who prefer self-transcendence values tend to eat less. In particular, studies have found that the personality trait of openness to experience is negatively correlated with meat consumption, and that vegetarians and pesco-vegetarians have more open personalities.
Other research has indicated that meat consumption is correlated with support for hierarchy and inequality values. Those with a social dominance orientation, who more strongly support inequality and hierarchical structures, have been found in some studies to eat more meat; it has been suggested that this is consistent with their preference for having certain groups dominate others (in this case, having humans dominate animals). In addition, research suggests people self-identifying as greater meat eaters have greater right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation. Dhont & Hodson (2014) suggested that this subconsciously indicates their acceptance of cultural tradition, and their rejection of nonconformist animal rights movements.
Many of these personality characteristics have been shown to relate with moral disengagement in meat consumption. In particular, individuals with higher levels of moral disengagement in meat consumption also tend to show lower levels of general empathy, experience less self-evaluative emotional reactions (i.e. guilt and shame) when considering the impact of meat consumption, endorse group-based discrimination within humans (social dominance orientation), and display power motives of dominance and support of hierarchy of humans over other species (speciesism, human supremacy beliefs). Additionally, they also tend to display higher general propensity to morally disengage, attribute less importance to moral traits in how they view themselves (moral identity), and eat meat more often.
A detailed study of personality characteristics and diet in Americans characterized the self-descriptions of increased meat consumers as "pragmatic" and "business- and action-oriented", after correcting for gender differences.
The idea that "you are what you eat", related to superstitions about sympathetic magic and common in many cultures, may create the perception that eating meat confers animal-like personality attributes.
In recent years, a considerable amount of social psychology research has investigated the relevance of meat consumption to perceptions of masculinity.
The participants in a series of 2012 studies rated mammalian muscle such as steak and hamburgers as more "male" than other foods, and responded more quickly in an implicit-association test when meat words were paired with typically male names than with female names. In a different study, perceptions of masculinity among a sample of American undergraduates were positively linked to beef consumption and negatively linked to vegetarianism. A 2011 Canadian study found that both omnivores and vegetarians perceived vegetarians as less masculine. A 2016 review found that male Germans eat more meat than females, linking the discrepancy to the finding that meat in Western culture has symbolic connections to strength and power, which are associated with male gender roles.
Studies have also examined meat eating in the context of attempts to manage others' impressions of the eater, finding that men whose masculinity had been challenged chose to eat more meat pizza instead of vegetable pizza.
These results indicate that it is possible for dietary choices to influence perceptions of the eater's masculinity or femininity, with meat strongly correlated with perceived masculinity. It has been suggested that meat consumption makes men feel more masculine, but it remains unclear whether this is the case and whether it is affected by social context.
Cultural associations between meat and masculinity are reflected in individuals' attitudes and choices. Across Western societies, women eat significantly less meat than men on average and are more likely to be vegetarian. Women are also more likely to adopt meatless diets for animal welfare reasons.
In the course of human evolution, the pressures associated with obtaining meat required early hominids to cooperate in hunting, and in distributing the spoils afterwards. In a 2003 paper, psychologist Matteo Marneli proposed that these pressures created the basic principles of human moral judgements: put simply, he argued, "meat made us moral."
Several studies have found that both omnivores and vegetarians tend to consider vegetarians slightly more moral and virtuous than omnivores. Ethical principles are often cited among reasons to stop eating meat. Some evidence suggests meat-eaters may consider vegetarianism an implicit moral reproach, and respond defensively to vegetarian ideas.
A 2015 study found that Belgian omnivores, semi-vegetarians (flexitarians), and vegetarians have fundamentally different moral outlooks on animal welfare concerns. However, the three groups were found to donate equally to human-focused charities.
Other research has shown how moral disengagement operates in the deactivation of moral self-regulatory processes when considering the impact of meat consumption. In particular, a 2016 study offered an interpretation of moral disengagement as a motivated reasoning process which is triggered by loss aversion and dissonance avoidance.
Moral perspectives can have a strong influence on meat consumption, but are not uniform across cultures. In the West, choices about meat eating are known to be associated with moral concerns about animal welfare. In contrast, the psychology of diet in non-Western cultures has been poorly studied, even though important variations exist from region to region; for example, approximately one third of Indians are vegetarian. Research has indicated that, relative to Western vegetarians, Indian vegetarians are more likely to endorse the moral values of purity, legitimate authority, and respect for ingroup and tradition.
- ^ Rozin (2004): "Meat should be a subject of special interest to psychologists, because it is a quintessential example of the interesting and important state of ambivalence."
Loughnan et al. (2010): "Amongst omnivores, evaluations of meat are ambivalent, with negative attitudes partially the result of moral concerns regarding the treatment of animals."
Graça et al. (2014): "Results indicate that although participants affirmed personal duties towards preserving the environment, promoting public health, and safeguarding animals from harm, they showed patterns that resemble moral disengagement strategies when discussing impacts associated with current meat production and consumption patterns, and the possibility of change— reconstrual of the harmful conduct; obscuring personal responsibility; disregard for the negative consequences; and active avoidance and dissociation."
Loughnan et al. (2014): "The tension omnivores experience when reminded that their behavior may not match their beliefs and values, and the resolution of this tension by changing those beliefs, fits with the theory of cognitive dissonance."
- ^ Font-i-Furnols (2014): "Meat and meat products have an important role in many Western and non-Western countries from a social and cultural perspective, and they are a central constituent of our meals and diet despite the overall negative beliefs and attitudes toward them. According to Grunert (2006), this apparent contradiction may partially be explained by the distinction between the roles of individuals as consumers and citizens: we may hold a negative attitude toward meat production and consumption as citizens, but it may be weakly displayed in our behavior as consumers."
- ^ A British study found that vegetarians expressed nostalgia specifically for the taste and smell of bacon with “curious regularity”.
- ^ a b c d Loughnan, Steve; Bastian, Brock; Haslam, Nick (2014). "The Psychology of Eating Animals" (PDF). Current Directions in Psychological Science. 23 (2): 104–108. doi:10.1177/0963721414525781. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
- ^ a b c Rozin, Paul; Hormes, Julia M.; Faith, Myles S.; Wansink, Brian (October 2012). "Is Meat Male? A Quantitative Multimethod Framework to Establish Metaphoric Relationships". Journal of Consumer Research. 39 (3): 629–643. doi:10.1086/664970.
- ^ a b c Allen, Michael W.; Ng, Sik Hung (January 2003). "Human values, utilitarian benefits and identification: the case of meat". European Journal of Social Psychology. 33 (1): 37–56. doi:10.1002/ejsp.128.
- ^ a b Keller, Carmen; Seigrist, Michael (January 2015). "Does personality influence eating styles and food choices? Direct and indirect effects". Appetite. 84: 128–138. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2014.10.003.
- ^ Rozin, Paul (2004). "Meat," in Solomon H. Katz (ed.), Encyclopedia of Food and Culture, New York, NY: Scribner, pp. 466–471.
- ^ Loughnan, Steve; et al. (2010). "The role of meat consumption in the denial of moral status and mind to meat animals". Appetite. 55 (1): 156–159. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.05.043. PMID 20488214.
- ^ Graça, João; Calheiros, Maria Manuela; Oliveira, Abílio (Oct 2014). "Moral Disengagement in Harmful but Cherished Food Practices? An Exploration into the Case of Meat" (PDF). Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics. 27 (5): 749–765. doi:10.1007/s10806-014-9488-9. Retrieved 18 August 2015.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Richardson, N. J.; et al. (1994). "Consumer Perceptions of Meat" (PDF). Meat Science. 36: 57–65. doi:10.1016/0309-1740(94)90033-7. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Zur, Ifat; Klöckner, Christian A. (2014). "Individual motivations for limiting meat consumption". British Food Journal. Emerald. 116 (4): 629–642. doi:10.1108/bfj-08-2012-0193. Retrieved 2016-01-03.
- ^ Schösler, Hanna; Boer, Joop de; Boersema, Jan J. (2012). "Can we cut out the meat of the dish? Constructing consumer-oriented pathways towards meat substitution". Appetite. Elsevier BV. 58 (1): 39–47. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2011.09.009. Retrieved 2015-12-29.
- ^ Wyker, Brett A.; Davison, Kirsten K. (May 2010). "Behavioral Change Theories Can Inform the Prediction of Young Adults' Adoption of a Plant-based Diet". Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior. 42 (3): 168–177. doi:10.1016/j.jneb.2009.03.124.
- ^ Povey, R.; Wellens, B.; Conner, M. (2001). "Attitudes towards following meat, vegetarian and vegan diets: an examination of the role of ambivalence" (PDF). Appetite. 37: 15–26. doi:10.1006/appe.2001.0406. Retrieved 12 August 2015.
- ^ Joyce, Andrew; et al. (2012). "Reducing the Environmental Impact of Dietary Choice: Perspectives from a Behavioural and Social Change Approach". Journal of Environmental and Public Health. 2012: 1–7. doi:10.1155/2012/978672.
- ^ Woodward, Judith (1988). "Consumer attitudes towards meat and meat products". British Food Journal. 90 (3): 101–104. doi:10.1108/eb011814.
- ^ Worsley, Anthony; Skrzypiec, Grace (1998). "Do attitudes predict red meat consumption among young people?". Ecology of Food and Nutrition. 32 (2): 163–195. doi:10.1080/03670244.1998.9991543.
- ^ a b c d e Font-i-Furnols, Maria; Guerrero, Luis (2014). "Consumer preference, behavior and perception about meat and meat products: An overview" (PDF). Meat Science. 98: 361–371. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2014.06.025. Retrieved 11 August 2015.
- ^ a b Nickie Charles; Marion Kerr (1988). Women, Food, and Families. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-1874-9.
- ^ Frank, Joshua (2007). "Meat as a bad habit: A case for positive feedback in consumption preferences leading to lock-in". Review of Social Economy. Informa. 65 (3): 319–348. doi:10.1080/00346760701635833. Retrieved 2016-02-04.
Given its historical value and association with privilege, its association with good nutrition and health, and its central position in our diet, it is not surprising that the consumption of meat has strong ingrained positive associations in much of the world.
- ^ Guzman, M. A., & Kjaernes, U. (1998). "Human and animals—a qualitative study". SIFO report no. 6. Lysaker, Norway: The National Institute for Consumer Research.
- ^ Deborah Lupton (11 March 1996). Food, the Body and the Self. SAGE Publications. pp. 117–125. ISBN 978-1-4462-6415-7.
- ^ a b c Troy, D.J.; Kerry, J.P. (2010). "Consumer perception and the role of science in the meat industry". Meat Science. Elsevier. 86 (1): 214–226. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2010.05.009. Retrieved 17 Aug 2015.
- ^ Audebert, Olivier; Deiss, Véronique; Rousset, Sylvie (May 2006). "Hedonism as a predictor of attitudes of young French women towards meat" (PDF). Appetite. 46 (3): 239–247. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2006.01.005. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Kubberød, Elin; et al. (2002). "Gender specific preferences and attitudes towards meat". Food Quality and Preference. 13 (5): 285–294. doi:10.1016/S0950-3293(02)00041-1.
- ^ a b Kenyon, P.M.; Barker, M.E. (1998). "Attitudes Towards Meat-eating in Vegetarian and Non-vegetarian Teenage Girls in England—an Ethnographic Approach" (PDF). Appetite. 30: 185–198. doi:10.1006/appe.1997.0129. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Rousset, S.; Deiss, V.; Juillard, E.; Schlich, P.; Droit-Volet, S. (2005). "Emotions generated by meat and other food products in women". BJN. Cambridge University Press (CUP). 94 (04): 609. doi:10.1079/bjn20051538. Retrieved 2016-01-05.
- ^ a b c d Grunert, Klaus G. (2006). "Future trends and consumer lifestyles with regard to meat consumption". Meat Science. Elsevier. 74 (1): 149–160. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2006.04.016. Retrieved 17 Aug 2015.
- ^ De Houwer, Jan; De Bruycker, Els (2007). "Implicit attitudes towards meat and vegetables in vegetarians and nonvegetarians". International Journal of Psychology. 42 (3): 158–165. doi:10.1080/00207590601067060.
- ^ Shepherd, Richard (2001). "Does Taste Determine Consumption? Understanding the Psychology of Food Choice". In Frewer, Lynn J.; Risvik, Einar; Schifferstein, Hendrik. Food, People and Society. pp. 117–130. doi:10.1007/978-3-662-04601-2_8.
- ^ Fiddes, Nick (1989). Meat: A Natural Symbol (Ph. D.). University of Edinburgh. Retrieved 5 August 2015.
- ^ a b Issanchou, S. (1996). "Consumer expectations and perceptions of meat and meat product quality". Meat Science. 43 (Supplement 1): 5–19. doi:10.1016/0309-1740(96)00051-4.
- ^ Ngapo, T.M.; Martin, J.-F.; Dransfield, E. (2007). "International preferences for pork appearance: I. Consumer choices". Food Quality and Preference. Elsevier. 18 (1): 26–36. doi:10.1016/j.foodqual.2005.07.001. Retrieved 17 Aug 2015.
- ^ a b Font-i-Furnols, Maria; et al. (2011). "Consumer's purchasing intention for lamb meat affected by country of origin, feeding system and meat price: A conjoint study in Spain, France and United Kingdom" (PDF). Food Quality and Preference. 22: 443–451. doi:10.1016/j.foodqual.2011.02.007. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Resurrección, A.V.A. (2003). "Sensory aspects of consumer choices for meat and meat products" (PDF). Meat Science. 66: 11–20. doi:10.1016/S0309-1740(03)00021-4. Retrieved 11 August 2015.
- ^ Hoek, Annet C.; et al. (2004). "Food-related lifestyle and health attitudes of Dutch vegetarians, non-vegetarian consumers of meat substitutes, and meat consumers" (PDF). Appetite. 42: 265–272. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2003.12.003. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ a b Verbeke, Wim; Vackier, Isabelle (2004). "Profile and effects of consumer involvement in fresh meat" (PDF). Meat Science. 67: 159–168. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2003.09.017. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Marsh, Thomas L.; Schroeder, Ted C.; Mintert, James (2004). "Impacts of meat product recalls on consumer demand in the USA". Applied Economics. Informa UK. 36 (9): 897–909. doi:10.1080/0003684042000233113. Retrieved 2016-01-06.
- ^ David Allenby Booth (1994). The Psychology of Nutrition. Taylor & Francis. p. 78. ISBN 978-0-7484-0158-1. Retrieved 28 August 2015.
- ^ Winckel, Myriam Van; Velde, Saskia Vande; Bruyne, Ruth De; Biervliet, Stephanie Van (2011). "Clinical practice: Vegetarian infant and child nutrition". European Journal of Pediatrics. Springer Science. 170 (12): 1489–1494. doi:10.1007/s00431-011-1547-x. Retrieved 2016-02-04.
- ^ Dransfield, E.; et al. (2005). "Consumer choice and suggested price for pork as influenced by its appearance, taste and information concerning country of origin and organic pig production" (PDF). Meat Science. 69: 61–70. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2004.06.006. Retrieved 11 August 2015.
- ^ a b Schnettler, Berta; et al. (2009). "Consumer willingness to pay for beef meat in a developing country: The effect of information regarding country of origin, price and animal handling prior to slaughter" (PDF). Food Quality and Preference. 20: 156–165. doi:10.1016/j.foodqual.2008.07.006. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ McEachern, Morven. G.; Schroder, M. J. A. (2002). "The Role of Livestock Production Ethics in Consumer Values Towards Meat" (PDF). Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics. 15 (2): 221–237. doi:10.1023/A:1015052816477. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Verhoef, P. C. (2005). "Explaining purchases of organic meat by Dutch consumers". European Review of Agricultural Economics. Oxford University Press (OUP). 32 (2): 245–267. doi:10.1093/eurrag/jbi008. Retrieved 2015-12-30.
- ^ Ahmed, Allam (2008). "Marketing of halal meat in the United Kingdom". British Food Journal. Emerald. 110 (7): 655–670. doi:10.1108/00070700810887149. Retrieved 2015-12-30.
- ^ Bonne, Karijn; Verbeke, Wim (2008). "Muslim consumer trust in halal meat status and control in Belgium". Meat Science. Elsevier BV. 79 (1): 113–123. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2007.08.007. Retrieved 2015-12-30.
- ^ Garnier, Jean-Pierre; et al. (2003). "The potential impact of current animal research on the meat industry and consumer attitudes towards meat" (PDF). Meat Science. 63 (1): 79–88. doi:10.1016/S0309-1740(02)00059-1. Retrieved 10 August 2015.
- ^ Hoogland, de Boer & Boersema 2005.
- ^ Kubberød et al. 2002.
- ^ a b c Berndsen, Mariëtte; van der Pligt, Joop (March 2004). "Ambivalence towards meat" (PDF). Appetite. 42: 71–78. doi:10.1016/S0195-6663(03)00119-3. Retrieved 9 August 2015.
- ^ Rothgerber, Hank (November 2012). "Real Men Don't Eat (Vegetable) Quiche: Masculinity and the Justification of Meat Consumption" (PDF). Psychology of Men & Masculinity. 14: 363–375. doi:10.1037/a0030379. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
- ^ Piazza, Jared; et al. (August 2015). "Rationalizing meat consumption. The 4Ns". Appetite. 91: 114–128. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2015.04.011. PMID 25865663.
- ^ a b Hayley, Alexa; Zincklewicz, Lucy; Hardiman, Kate (October 2014). "Values, attitudes, and frequency of meat consumption. Predicting meat-reduced diet in Australians" (PDF). Appetite. 84: 98–106. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2014.10.002. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
- ^ a b c Graça, João; Calheiros, Maria Manuela; Oliveira, Abílio (2016-02-01). "Situating moral disengagement: Motivated reasoning in meat consumption and substitution". Personality and Individual Differences. 90: 353–364. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2015.11.042.
- ^ Tiainen, A.M.K.; et al. (2013). "Personality and dietary intake. Findings in the Helsinki birth cohort study". PLoS ONE. 8 (7): e68284. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0068284. PMC 3715473 . PMID 23874573. Retrieved 9 August 2015.
- ^ Forestell, C.A.; et al. (2012). "To eat or not to eat red meat. A closer look at the relationship between restrained eating and vegetarianism in college females" (PDF). Appetite. 58: 319–325. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2011.10.015. Retrieved 9 August 2015.
- ^ Mõttus, René; et al. (January 2012). "Personality Traits and Eating Habits in a Large Sample of Estonians" (PDF). Health Psychology. 31: 806–814. doi:10.1037/a0027041. Retrieved 9 August 2015.
- ^ Wilson, Mark Stuart; Allen, Michael (2007). "Social psychological motivations and foundations of dietary preference". In Brown, Lois W. Psychology of Motivation. Nova Science Publishers. pp. 65–82. ISBN 9781600215988.
- ^ Dhont, Kristof; Hodson, Gordon; Costello, Kimberly; MacInnis, Cara C. (April 2014). "Social dominance orientation connects prejudicial human–human and human–animal relations". Personality and Individual Differences. 61: 104–108. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2013.12.020.
- ^ Allen, Michael W.; Torres, Claudio V. (2006). "Food Symbolism and Consumer Choice in Brazil" (PDF). Latin American Advances in Consumer Research. 1. Retrieved 17 August 2015.
- ^ Dhont, Kristof; Hodson, Gordon (2014). "Why do right-wing adherents engage in more animal exploitation and meat consumption?" (PDF). Personality and Individual Differences. 64: 12–17. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2014.02.002. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
- ^ Goldberg, Lewis R.; Strycker, Lisa (2002). "Personality traits and eating habits: the assessment of food preferences in a large community sample" (PDF). Personality and Individual Differences. 32: 49–65. doi:10.1016/s0191-8869(01)00005-8. Retrieved 9 August 2015.
- ^ Nemeroff, Carol; Rozin, Paul (1989). ""You Are What You Eat": Applying the Demand‐Free "Impressions" Technique to an Unacknowledged Belief". Ethos. Wiley-Blackwell. 17 (1): 50–69. doi:10.1525/eth.1989.17.1.02a00030.
- ^ Arganini, C; Comitato, R; Saba, A; Turrini, A; Virgili, F (2012). "Gender Differences in Food Choice and Dietary Intake in Modern Western Societies". In Maddock, Jay. Public Health - Social and Behavioral Health. INTECH. ISBN 978-953-51-0620-3.
- ^ Rose, Lisa; Marshall, Fiona (April 1996). "Meat Eating, Hominid Sociality, and Home Bases Revisited". Current Anthropology. 37 (2): 307–338. doi:10.1086/204494. JSTOR 2744352.
- ^ Stiner, M. C.; Barkai, R.; Gopher, A. (2009). "Cooperative hunting and meat sharing 400–200 kya at Qesem Cave, Israel". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 106 (32): 13207–13212. doi:10.1073/pnas.0900564106. PMC 2726383 . PMID 19666542. Retrieved 2015-12-30.
- ^ Hill, K (2002). "Altruistic cooperation during foraging by the Ache, and the evolved human predisposition to cooperate". Human Nature—An Interdisciplinary Biosocial Perspective. 13 (1): 105–128. doi:10.1007/s12110-002-1016-3.
- ^ Mameli, Matteo (November 2013). "Meat made us moral: a hypothesis on the nature and evolution of moral judgment". Biology & Philosophy. 28 (6): 903–931. doi:10.1007/s10539-013-9401-3. Retrieved 8 August 2015.
- ^ Ruby, Matthew B.; Heine, Steven J. (2011). "Meat, morals, and masculinity" (PDF). Appetite. 56 (2): 447–450. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2011.01.018. Retrieved 8 August 2015.
- ^ a b De Backer, Charlotte J.S.; Hudders, Liselot (Jan 2015). "Meat morals: relationship between meat consumption consumer attitudes towards human and animal welfare and moral behavior" (PDF). Meat Science. 99: 68–74. doi:10.1016/j.meatsci.2014.08.011. Retrieved 8 August 2015.
- ^ Santos-Merx, Lourdes; Booth, David A. (1997). "Influences on meat avoidance among British students". Appetite. 27 (3): 197–205. doi:10.1006/appe.1996.0046. Retrieved 14 August 2015.
- ^ Trew, Karen; et al. (2006). "Adolescents, Food Choice, and Vegetarianism". In Richard Shepherd; Monique Raats. The Psychology of Food Choice. CABI. pp. 254–256. ISBN 978-1-84593-086-8.
- ^ Minson, Julia A.; Monin, Benoît (2012). "Do-Gooder Derogation: Disparaging Morally Motivated Minorities to Defuse Anticipated Reproach" (PDF). Social Psychological and Personality Science. 3 (2): 200–207. doi:10.1177/1948550611415695. Retrieved 9 August 2015.
- ^ a b c Ruby, Matthew B.; Heine, Steven J.; Kamble, Shanmukh; Cheng, Tessa K.; Waddar, Mahadevi (December 2013). "Compassion and contamination: Cultural differences in vegetarianism". Appetite. 71 (1): 340–348. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2013.09.004. Retrieved 8 August 2015.
- ^ a b Rozin, Paul; Markwith, Maureen; Stoess, Caryn (March 1997). "Moralization and Becoming a Vegetarian: The Transformation of Preferences Into Values and the Recruitment of Disgust" (PDF). Psychological Science. 8 (2): 67–73. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.1997.tb00685.x. Retrieved 3 January 2016.
- ^ Berndsen, Mariëtte; van der Pligt, Joop (April 2005). "Risks of meat: the relative impact of cognitive, affective and moral concerns". Appetite. 44 (2): 195–205. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2004.10.003. Retrieved 8 August 2015.
- Amiot, Catherine E.; Bastian, Brock (2015). "Toward a psychology of human-animal relations". Psychological Bulletin. 141 (1): 6–47. doi:10.1037/a0038147. PMID 25365760.
- Blidaru, Ligia; Opre, Adrian (2015). "The Moralization of Eating Behavior. Gendered Cognitive and Behavioral Strategies" (PDF). Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. 187: 547–552. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.03.102.
- Büning-Fesel, Margareta; Rückert-John, Jana (2016). "Warum essen Männer wie sie essen?". Bundesgesundheitsblatt (in German). 59: 1–7. doi:10.1007/s00103-016-2379-7.
- Leroy, Frédéric; Praet, Istvan (2015). "Meat traditions. The co-evolution of humans and meat" (PDF). Appetite. 90: 200–211. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2015.03.014. PMID 25794684.
- Loughnan, S.; Bastian, B.; Haslam, N. (2014). "The Psychology of Eating Animals". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 23 (2): 104–108. doi:10.1177/0963721414525781.
- Plous, Scott (1993). "Psychological Mechanisms in the Human Use of Animals". The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues. 49 (1): 11–52. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1993.tb00907.x.
- Ruby, Matthew B. (2012). "Vegetarianism. A blossoming field of study" (PDF). Appetite. 58 (1): 141–150. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2011.09.019. PMID 22001025.
- Vanhonacker, Filiep; Verbeke, Wim (2013). "Public and Consumer Policies for Higher Welfare Food Products: Challenges and Opportunities". Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics. 27 (1): 153–171. doi:10.1007/s10806-013-9479-2.
- Vartanian, Lenny R. (2015). "Impression management and food intake" (PDF). Appetite. 86: 74–80. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2014.08.021.
- Bilewicz, Michal; Imhoff, Roland; Drogosz, Marek (2011). "The humanity of what we eat: Conceptions of human uniqueness among vegetarians and omnivores" (PDF). European Journal of Social Psychology. 41: 201–209. doi:10.1002/ejsp.766.
- Bratanova, Boyka; Bastian, Brock; Loughnan, Steve; et al. (2011). "The effect of categorization as food on the perceived moral standing of animals". Appetite. 57 (1): 193–196. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2011.04.020. PMID 21569805.
- Eastwood, Pamela Janet (1995). "Farm animal welfare, Europe and the meat manufacturer". British Food Journal. 97 (9): 4–11. doi:10.1108/00070709510100127.
- Hoogland, Carolien T.; Boer, Joop de; Boersema, Jan J. (2005). "Transparency of the meat chain in the light of food culture and history". Appetite. 45 (1): 15–23. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2005.01.010.
- Kubberød, Elin; et al. (2002). "Gender specific preferences and attitudes towards meat". Food Quality and Preference. 13 (5): 285–294. doi:10.1016/S0950-3293(02)00041-1.
- Kunst, Jonas R.; Hohle, Sigrid M. (2016). "Meat eaters by dissociation: How we present, prepare and talk about meat increases willingness to eat meat by reducing empathy and disgust". Appetite. Elsevier BV. 105: 758–774. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2016.07.009. ISSN 0195-6663.
- Loughnan, Steve; Haslam, Nick; Bastian, Brock; et al. (2010). "The role of meat consumption in the denial of moral status and mind to meat animals". Appetite. 55 (1): 156–159. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2010.05.043. PMID 20488214.
- Perez, Catalina; Castro, Rodolfo de; Furnols, Maria Font i (2009). "The pork industry: a supply chain perspective". British Food Journal. 111 (3): 257–274. doi:10.1108/00070700910941462.
- Phan-Huy, Sibyl Anwander; Fawaz, Ruth Badertscher (2003). "Swiss market for meat from animal-friendly production - responses of public and private actors in Switzerland". Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics. 16 (2): 119–136. doi:10.1023/a:1022992200547.
- Rothgerber, Hank (2013). "Real men don't eat (vegetable) quiche: Masculinity and the justification of meat consumption" (PDF). Psychology of Men & Masculinity. 14 (4): 363–375. doi:10.1037/a0030379.
- Rozin, Paul; Hormes, Julia M.; Faith, Myles S.; Wansink, Brian (2012). "Is Meat Male? A Quantitative Multimethod Framework to Establish Metaphoric Relationships" (PDF). Journal of Consumer Research. 39 (3): 629–643. doi:10.1086/664970.
- Ruby, Matthew B.; Heine, Steven J. (2011). "Meat, morals, and masculinity" (PDF). Appetite. 56 (2): 447–450. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2011.01.018.
- Ruby, Matthew B.; Heine, Steven J. (March 2012). "Too close to home. Factors predicting meat avoidance" (PDF). Appetite. 59: 47–52. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2012.03.020.
- Serpell, James A. (2009). "Having Our Dogs and Eating Them Too: Why Animals Are a Social Issue". Journal of Social Issues. 65 (3): 633–644. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.2009.01617.x.
- Te Velde, Hein; Aarts, Noelle; Woerkum, Cees Van (2002). "Dealing with Ambivalence: Farmers' and Consumers' Perceptions of Animal Welfare in Livestock Breeding". Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics. 15 (2): 203–219. doi:10.1023/a:1015012403331.
- Vaes, Jeroen; Paladino, Paola; Puvia, Elisa (2011). "Are sexualized women complete human beings? Why men and women dehumanize sexually objectified women". European Journal of Social Psychology. Wiley-Blackwell. 41 (6): 774–785. doi:10.1002/ejsp.824.
- Waytz, Adam; Gray, Kurt; Epley, Nicholas; Wegner, Daniel M. (2010). "Causes and consequences of mind perception" (PDF). Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 14 (8): 383–388. doi:10.1016/j.tics.2010.05.006.
- White, Katherine; Dahl, Darren W. (2006). "To Be or Not Be? The Influence of Dissociative Reference Groups on Consumer Preferences" (PDF). Journal of Consumer Psychology. 16 (4): 404–414. doi:10.1207/s15327663jcp1604_11.