1 Early life and education 2 Early political career
2.1 Albany regency 2.2 Entry into national politics 2.3 1828 elections
3 Jackson administration
3.1 Secretary of State 3.2 Vice-presidency 3.3 Presidential election of 1836
4 Presidency, 1837–1841
4.2 Panic of 1837
4.3 Indian removal
4.6 Amistad case
4.7 Judicial appointments
White House hostess 4.9 Presidential election of 1840
5 Later life
5.1 Election of 1844 5.2 Election of 1848 5.3 Retirement
6.1 Historical reputation 6.2 Memorials and popular culture
7 See also 8 References
8.1 Notes 8.2 Footnotes 8.3 Works cited
9 Further reading
9.1 Books by Van Buren 9.2 Books about Van Buren
10 External links
Early life and education
Further information: Family of Martin Van Buren
Van Buren was born as Maarten Van Buren on December 5, 1782, in the
village of Kinderhook, New York, about 20 miles (32 km) south of
Albany on the Hudson River. By American law, he was the first U.S.
president not born a British subject, nor of British
ancestry. However, because he was born during the American
Revolution and before the Peace of Paris, he was for the purposes of
British law a British subject at birth.
His father, Abraham Van Buren, was a descendant of Cornelis Maessen of
the village of
Buurmalsen in Netherlands, who had come to North America in 1631, and purchased a plot of land on Manhattan Island. Abraham Van Buren had been a Patriot during the American Revolution, and he later joined the Democratic-Republican Party. He owned an inn and tavern in Kinderhook and served as Kinderhook's town clerk for several years. In 1776, he married Maria Hoes Van Alen (sometimes spelled "Goes"), also of Dutch extraction and the widow of Johannes Van Alen. She had three children from her first marriage, including future U.S. Representative James I. Van Alen. Her second marriage produced five children, including Martin. Van Buren spoke English as a second language, unlike any other president; his primary language in his youth was Dutch. Van Buren received a basic education at the village schoolhouse and briefly studied Latin at the Kinderhook Academy
Kinderhook Academy and at Washington Seminary in Claverack. His formal education ended in 1796, when he began reading law at the office of Peter Silvester and his son Francis, prominent Federalist Party
Federalist Party attorneys in Kinderhook. At his father's inn, Van Buren learned early to interact with people from varied ethnic, income, and societal groups, which he used to his advantage as a political organizer. Van Buren was small in stature at 5 feet 6 inches (1.68 m) tall, and some referred to him as "Little Van". When he first began his legal studies, he often presented an unkempt appearance in rough, homespun clothing, and the Silvesters admonished him about how crucial a lawyer's clothing and personal appearance were to the success of his practice. He accepted their advice and patterned his clothing, appearance, bearing, and conduct after theirs.
Hannah Van Buren
Van Buren adopted the Democratic-Republican political leanings of his
father, despite his association with the Silvesters and Kinderhook's
strong affiliation with the Federalist Party. The
Silvesters and Democratic-Republican political figure John Peter Van
Ness suggested that Van Buren's political leanings constrained him to
complete his education with a Democratic-Republican attorney, so he
spent a final year of apprenticeship in the New York City office of
John Van Ness's brother William P. Van Ness, a political lieutenant of
Aaron Burr. Van Ness introduced Van Buren to the
intricacies of New York state politics, and Van Buren observed Burr's
battles for control of the state Democratic-Republican party against
George Clinton and Robert R. Livingston. He returned to
Kinderhook in 1803, after being admitted to the New York
Van Buren married Hannah Hoes in Catskill, New York, on
February 21, 1807, his childhood sweetheart and a daughter of his
first cousin. Like Van Buren, she was raised in a Dutch
home; she spoke primarily Dutch, and spoke English with a distinct
accent. The couple had five children, four of whom lived
to adulthood: Abraham (1807–1873), John (1810–1866), Martin Jr.
Winfield Scott (born and died in 1814), and Smith Thompson (1817–1876). Hannah contracted tuberculosis and died on February 5, 1819, at age 35, and Van Buren never remarried.
Early political career
Upon returning to Kinderhook in 1803, Van Buren formed a law
partnership with his half-brother, James Van Alen, and became
financially secure enough to increase his focus on
politics. Van Buren had been active in politics from
age 18, if not before. In 1801, he attended a
Democratic-Republican Party convention in Troy, New York
Troy, New York where he worked successfully to secure for John Peter Van Ness
John Peter Van Ness the party nomination in a special election for the 6th Congressional District seat. Upon returning to Kinderhook, Van Buren broke with the Burr faction, becoming an ally of both DeWitt Clinton
DeWitt Clinton and Daniel D. Tompkins. After the faction led by Clinton and Tompkins dominated the 1807 elections, Van Buren was appointed Surrogate of Columbia County, New York. Seeking to find a better base for his political and legal career, Van Buren and his family moved to the town of Hudson, the seat of Columbia County, in 1808. Van Buren's legal practice continued to flourish, and he traveled all over the state to represent various clients. In 1812, Van Buren won his party's nomination for a seat in the New York State Senate. Though several Democratic-Republicans, including John Peter Van Ness, joined with the Federalists to oppose his candidacy, Van Buren won election to the state senate in mid-1812. Later in the year, the United States entered the War of 1812
War of 1812 against Great Britain, while Clinton launched an unsuccessful bid to defeat President James Madison
James Madison in the 1812 presidential election. After the election, Van Buren became suspicious that Clinton was working with the Federalist Party, and he broke from his former political ally. During the War of 1812, Van Buren worked with Clinton, Governor Tompkins, and Ambrose Spencer
Ambrose Spencer to support the Madison administration's prosecution of the war. In addition, he was a special judge advocate appointed to serve as a prosecutor of William Hull during Hull's court-martial following the surrender of Detroit. In the winter of 1814–1815, he collaborated with Winfield Scott
Winfield Scott on ways to reorganize the New York Militia in anticipation of another military campaign, but their work was halted by the end of the war in early 1815. Van Buren was so favorably impressed by Scott that he named his fourth son after him. Van Buren's strong support for the war boosted his standing, and in 1815, he was elected to the position of New York Attorney General. Van Buren moved from Hudson to the state capital of Albany, where he established a legal partnership with Benjamin Butler, and shared a house with political ally Roger Skinner. In 1816, Van Buren won re-election to the state senate, and he would continue to simultaneously serve as both state senator and as the state's attorney general.
After Tompkins was elected as vice president in the 1816 presidential
election, Clinton defeated Van Buren's preferred candidate, Peter
Buell Porter, in the 1817 New York gubernatorial election.
Clinton threw his influence behind the construction of the Erie Canal,
an ambitious project designed to connect
Lake Erie to the Atlantic Ocean. Though many of Van Buren's allies urged him to block Clinton's Erie Canal
Erie Canal bill, Van Buren believed that the canal would benefit the state. His support for the bill helped it win approval from the New York legislature. Despite his support for the Erie Canal, Van Buren became the leader of an anti-Clintonian faction in New York known as the "Bucktails". The Bucktails succeeded in emphasizing party loyalty and used it to capture and control many patronage posts throughout New York. Through his use of patronage, loyal newspapers, and connections with local party officials and leaders, Van Buren established what became known as the "Albany Regency", a political machine that emerged as an important factor in New York politics. The Regency relied on a coalition of small farmers, but also enjoyed support from the Tammany Hall
Tammany Hall machine in New York City. Van Buren largely determined Tammany Hall's political policy for the Democratic-Republicans in this era. A New York state referendum that expanded state voting rights to all white men in 1821, and which further increased the power of Tammany Hall, was guided by Van Buren. Although Governor Clinton remained in office until late 1822, Van Buren emerged as the leader of the state's Democratic-Republicans after the 1820 elections. Van Buren was a member of the 1820 state constitutional convention, where he favored expanded voting rights, but opposed universal suffrage and tried to maintain property requirements for voting.
Entry into national politics
Gubernatorial portrait of
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren by Daniel Huntington in The Civil War In February 1821, the state legislature elected Van Buren to represent New York in the United States Senate. Van Buren arrived in Washington during the "Era of Good Feelings", a period in which partisan distinctions at the national level had faded. Van Buren quickly became a prominent figure in Washington, D.C., befriending Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford, among others. Though not an exceptional orator, Van Buren frequently engaged in debate on the Senate floor, usually after extensively researching the subject at hand. Despite his commitments as a father and state party leader, Van Buren remained closely engaged in his legislative duties, and during his time in the Senate he served as the chairman of the Senate Finance Committee and the Senate Judiciary Committee. As he gained renown, Van Buren earned monikers like "Little Magician" and "Sly Fox". Van Buren chose to back Crawford over John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, and Henry Clay
Henry Clay in the presidential election of 1824. Crawford shared Van Buren's affinity for Jeffersonian principles of states' rights and limited government, and Van Buren believed that Crawford was the ideal figure to lead a coalition of New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia's "Richmond Junto". Van Buren's support for Crawford aroused strong opposition in New York in the form of the People's party, which drew support from Clintonians, Federalists, and others opposed to Van Buren. Nonetheless, Van Buren helped Crawford win the Democratic-Republican party's presidential nomination at the February 1824 congressional nominating caucus. The other Democratic-Republican candidates in the race refused to accept the poorly-attended caucus's decision, and as the Federalist Party
Federalist Party had virtually ceased to function as a national party, the 1824 campaign became a competition among four candidates of the same party. Though Crawford suffered a severe stroke that left him in poor health, Van Buren continued to support his chosen candidate. Van Buren met with Thomas Jefferson
Thomas Jefferson in May 1824 an attempt to bolster Crawford's candidacy, and though he was unsuccessful in gaining a public endorsement for Crawford, he nonetheless cherished the chance to meet with his political hero. The 1824 elections dealt a severe blow to the Albany Regency, as Clinton returned to the governorship with the support of the People's party. By the time the state legislature convened to choose the state's presidential electors, results from other states had made it clear that no individual would win a majority of the electoral vote, necessitating a contingent election in the United States House of Representatives. While Adams and Jackson were assured of finishing in the top three, and thus being eligible for selection in the contingent election, New York's electors would help determine whether Clay or Crawford would finish third. Though most of the state's electoral votes went to Adams, Crawford won one more electoral vote than Clay in the state, and Clay's defeat in Louisiana left Crawford in third place. With Crawford still in the running, Van Buren lobbied members of the House to support him. He hoped to engineer a Crawford victory on the second ballot of the contingent election, but Adams won on the first ballot with the help of Clay and Stephen Van Rensselaer, a Congressman from New York. Despite his close ties with Van Buren, Van Rensselaer cast his vote for Adams, thus giving Adams a narrow majority of New York's delegation and a victory in the contingent election. After the House contest, Van Buren shrewdly kept out of the controversy which followed, and began looking forward to 1828. Jackson was angered to see the presidency go to Adams despite having won more popular votes than he had, and he eagerly looked forward to a rematch. Jackson's supporters accused Adams and Clay of having engaged in a "corrupt bargain" in which Clay helped Adams win the contingent election in return for Clay's appointment as Secretary of State. Always notably courteous in his treatment of opponents, Van Buren showed no bitterness toward either Adams or Clay, and he voted to confirm Clay's nomination to the cabinet. At the same time, Van Buren opposed the Adams-Clay plans for internal improvements like roads and canals and declined to support U.S. participation in the Congress of Panama. Van Buren considered Adams's proposals to represent a return to the Hamiltonian economic model favored by Federalists, which he strongly opposed. Despite his opposition to Adams's public policies, Van Buren was able to easily secure re-election in his own divided home state in 1827.
Van Buren's overarching goal at the national level was to restore a
two-party system with party cleavages based on philosophical
differences, and he viewed the old divide between Federalists and
Democratic-Republicans as the best state of affairs for the
nation. Van Buren believed that these national parties
helped ensure that elections were decided on national, rather than
sectional or local, issues; as he put it, "party attachment in former
times furnished a complete antidote for sectional prejudices". After
the 1824 election, Van Buren was initially somewhat skeptical of
Jackson, who had not taken strong positions on most policy issues.
Nonetheless, he settled on Jackson as the one candidate who could beat
Adams in the 1828 presidential election, and he worked to bring
Crawford's former backers into line behind Jackson.
He also forged alliances with other members of Congress opposed to
Adams, including Vice President John C. Calhoun, Senator Thomas Hart
Benton, and Senator John Randolph. Seeking to solidify his
own standing in New York and bolster Jackson's campaign, Van Buren
helped arrange the passage of the Tariff of 1828, which opponents
labeled as the "Tariff of Abominations". The tariff satisfied many who
sought protection from foreign competition, but angered Southern
cotton interests and New Englanders. Because Van Buren
believed that the South would never support Adams, and New England
would never support Jackson, he was willing to alienate both regions
through passage of the tariff.
Meanwhile, Clinton's death from a heart attack in 1828 dramatically
shook up the politics of Van Buren's home state, while the
Anti-Masonic Party emerged as an increasingly important factor. After some initial reluctance, Van Buren chose to run for Governor of New York
Governor of New York in the 1828 election. Hoping that a Jackson victory would lead to his own elevation to Secretary of State or Secretary of the Treasury, Van Buren chose Enos T. Throop
Enos T. Throop as his running mate and preferred successor. Van Buren's candidacy was aided by the split between supporters of Adams, who had adopted the label of National Republicans, and the Anti-Masonic Party. Reflecting his public association with Jackson, Van Buren accepted the gubernatorial nomination on a ticket that called itself "Jacksonian-Democrat". He campaigned on local as well as national issues, emphasizing his opposition to the policies of the Adams administration. Van Buren ran ahead of Jackson, winning the state by 30,000 votes compared to a margin of 5,000 for Jackson. Nationally, Jackson defeated Adams by a wide margin, winning nearly every state outside of New England. After the election, Van Buren resigned from the Senate to start his term as governor, which began on January 1, 1829. While his term as governor was short, he did manage to pass the Bank Safety Fund Law, an early form of deposit insurance, through the legislature. He also appointed several key supporters, including William L. Marcy
William L. Marcy and Silas Wright, to important state positions.
Secretary of State
Petticoat affair and Presidency of Andrew Jackson Mrs Floride Calhoun, a leader of the "petticoats" In February 1829, Jackson wrote to Van Buren to ask him to become Secretary of State. Van Buren quickly agreed, and he resigned as governor the following month; his tenure of forty-three days is the shortest amount of time served by any Governor of New York. No serious diplomatic crises arose during Van Buren's tenure as Secretary of State, but he achieved several notable successes, such as settling long-standing claims against France and winning reparations for property that had been seized during the Napoleonic Wars. He reached an agreement with the British to open trade with the British West Indies
British West Indies colonies and concluded a treaty with the Ottoman Empire
Ottoman Empire that gained American merchants access to the Black Sea. Items on which he did not achieve success included settling the Maine- New Brunswick
New Brunswick boundary dispute with Great Britain, gaining settlement of the U.S. claim to the Oregon Country, concluding a commercial treaty with Russia, and persuading Mexico
Mexico to sell Texas. In addition to his foreign policy duties, Van Buren quickly emerged as an important adviser to Jackson on major domestic issues like the tariff and internal improvements. The Secretary of State was instrumental in convincing Jackson to issue the Maysville Road veto, which both reaffirmed limited government principles and also helped prevent the construction of infrastructure projects that could potentially compete with New York's Erie Canal. He also became involved in a power struggle with Calhoun over appointments and other issues, including the Petticoat Affair. The Petticoat Affair
Petticoat Affair arose because Peggy Eaton, wife of Secretary of War John H. Eaton, was ostracized by the other cabinet wives due to circumstances surrounding her marriage. Led by Floride Calhoun, wife of Vice President Calhoun, the other cabinet wives refused to pay courtesy calls to the Eatons, receive them as visitors, or invite them to social events. As a widower, Van Buren was unaffected by the position of the cabinet wives. Van Buren at first sought to conciliate the divide in the cabinet, but most of the leading citizens in Washington continued to snub the Eatons. Jackson was personally close to Eaton, and he came to the conclusion that the allegations against Eaton arose from a plot against his administration led by Henry Clay. The Petticoat Affair, combined with a contentious debate over the tariff and Calhoun's decade-old criticisms of Jackson's actions in the First Seminole
Seminole War, contributed to a split between Jackson and Calhoun. As the debate over the tariff and the proposed ability of South Carolina to nullify federal law consumed Washington, Van Buren increasingly emerged as Jackson's likely successor. The Petticoat affair
Petticoat affair was finally resolved when Van Buren offered to resign; in April 1831, Jackson accepted, and took the opportunity to reorganize his cabinet by asking for the resignations of the cabinet members. Postmaster General William T. Barry, who had sided with the Eatons in the Petticoat Affair, was the lone cabinet member to remain in office. The cabinet reorganization removed Calhoun's allies from the Jackson administration, and Van Buren had a major role in shaping the new cabinet. After leaving office, Van Buren continued to play a part in the Kitchen Cabinet, Jackson's informal circle of advisers.
Vice-presidency In August 1831, Jackson gave Van Buren a recess appointment as the ambassador to Britain, and Van Buren arrived in London in September. He was cordially received, but in February 1832, he learned his nomination had been rejected by the Senate. The rejection of Van Buren was essentially the work of Calhoun. When the vote on Van Buren's nomination was taken, enough pro-Calhoun Jacksonians refrained from voting to produce a tie, thus giving Calhoun, in his role as presiding officer, the ability to cast the deciding vote against Van Buren. Calhoun was elated, convinced that he had ended Van Buren's career. "It will kill him dead, sir, kill him dead. He will never kick, sir, never kick", Calhoun exclaimed to a friend. Calhoun's move backfired; by making Van Buren appear the victim of petty politics, Calhoun raised Van Buren in both Jackson's regard and the esteem of others in the Democratic Party. Far from ending Van Buren's career, Calhoun's action gave greater impetus to Van Buren's candidacy for vice president.
A painting of Van Buren by Francis Alexander, c. 1830
Seeking to ensure that Van Buren would replace Calhoun as his running
mate, Jackson had arranged for a national convention of his
supporters. The May 1832 Democratic National
Convention subsequently nominated Van Buren to serve as the party's
vice presidential nominee. Van Buren won the nomination
Philip Pendleton Barbour
Philip Pendleton Barbour (Calhoun's favored candidate) and Richard Mentor Johnson
Richard Mentor Johnson due to the support of Jackson and the strength of the Albany Regency. Upon Van Buren's return from Europe in July 1832, he became involved in the Bank War, a struggle over the re-charter of the Second Bank of the United States. Van Buren had long been distrustful of banks, and he viewed the Bank as an extension of the Hamiltonian economic program, so he supported Jackson's veto of the Bank's re-charter. Henry Clay, the presidential nominee of the National Republicans, made the struggle over the Bank the key issue of the presidential election of 1832. The Jackson–Van Buren ticket won the 1832 election by a landslide, and Van Buren took office as vice president in March 1833. During the Nullification Crisis, Van Buren counseled Jackson to pursue a policy of conciliation with South Carolina leaders. He played little direct role in the passage of the Tariff of 1833, but he quietly hoped that the tariff would help bring an end to the Nullification Crisis, which it did. During his time in office, Van Buren continued to be one of Jackson's primary advisors and confidants, and accompanied Jackson on his tour of the northeastern United States in 1833. Jackson's struggle with the Second Bank of the United States
Second Bank of the United States continued, as the president sought to remove federal funds from the Bank. Though at first apprehensive of the removal due to congressional support for the Bank, Van Buren eventually came to support Jackson's policy. He also helped undermine a fledgling alliance between Jackson and Daniel Webster, a senator from Massachusetts who could have potentially threatened Van Buren's project to create two parties separated by policy differences rather than personalities. During Jackson's second term, the president's supporters began to refer to themselves as members of the Democratic Party. Meanwhile, those opposed to Jackson, including Clay's National Republicans, followers of Calhoun, and many members of the Anti-Masonic Party, coalesced into the Whig Party.
Presidential election of 1836
Main article: United States presidential election, 1836
Andrew Jackson declined to seek another term in the 1836 presidential election, but he remained influential within the Democratic Party as his second term came to an end. Jackson was determined to help elect Van Buren in 1836 so that the latter could continue the Jackson administration's policies. With Jackson's support, Van Buren won the presidential nomination of the 1835 Democratic National Convention without opposition. Two names were put forward for the vice-presidential nomination: Representative Richard M. Johnson
Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, and former Senator William Cabell Rives
William Cabell Rives of Virginia. Southern Democrats, and Van Buren himself, strongly preferred Rives. Jackson, on the other hand, strongly preferred Johnson. Again, Jackson's considerable influence prevailed, and Johnson received the required two-thirds vote after New York Senator Silas Wright
Silas Wright prevailed upon non-delegate Edward Rucker to cast the 15 votes of the absent Tennessee delegation in Johnson's favor.
1836 electoral vote results
Van Buren's competitors in the election of 1836 were three members of
the Whig Party, which remained a loose coalition bound by mutual
opposition to Jackson's anti-bank policies. Lacking the party unity or
organizational strength to field a single ticket or define a single
platform, the Whigs ran several regional candidates in
hopes of sending the election to the House of
Representatives. The three candidates were: Hugh Lawson
White of Tennessee,
Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, and William Henry Harrison of Indiana. Besides endorsing internal improvements and a national bank, the Whigs tried to tie Democrats to abolitionism and sectional tension, and attacked Jackson for "acts of aggression and usurpation of power". Southern voters represented the biggest potential impediment in Van Buren's quest for the presidency, as many were suspicious of a Northern president. Van Buren moved to obtain the support of southerners by assuring them that he opposed abolitionism and supported the maintaining of slavery in states where it had already existed. To demonstrate consistency regarding his opinions on slavery, Van Buren cast the tie-breaking Senate vote in favor of a bill to subject abolitionist mail to state laws, thus ensuring that its circulation would be prohibited in the South. Van Buren personally considered slavery to be immoral, but sanctioned by the Constitution. Van Buren won the election with 764,198 popular votes, 50.9% of the total, and 170 electoral votes. Harrison led the Whigs with 73 electoral votes, White receiving 26, and Webster 14. Willie Person Mangum
Willie Person Mangum received South Carolina's 11 electoral votes, which were awarded by the state legislature. Van Buren's victory resulted from a combination of his own attractive political and personal qualities, Jackson's popularity and endorsement, the organizational power of the Democratic party, and the inability of the Whig Party to muster an effective candidate and campaign. Virginia's presidential electors voted for Van Buren for president, but voted for William Smith for vice president, leaving Johnson one electoral vote short of election. In accordance with the Twelfth Amendment, the Senate elected Johnson vice president in a contingent vote. The election of 1836 marked an important turning point in American political history because it saw the establishment of the Second Party System. In the early 1830s, the political party structure was still changing, rapidly, and factional and personal leaders continued to play a major role in politics. By the end of the campaign of 1836, the new party system was almost complete, as nearly every faction had been absorbed by either the Democrats or the Whigs.
Main article: Presidency of Martin Van Buren
The Van Buren CabinetOfficeNameTermPresidentMartin Van
Buren1837–1841Vice PresidentRichard Mentor
Johnson1837–1841Secretary of StateJohn
Forsyth1837–1841Secretary of TreasuryLevi
Woodbury1837–1841Secretary of WarJoel R.
Butler1837–1838Felix Grundy1838–1840Henry D.
Gilpin1840–1841Postmaster GeneralAmos Kendall1837–1840John
M. Niles1840–1841Secretary of the NavyMahlon
Dickerson1837–1838James K. Paulding1838–1841
Van Buren retained much of Jackson's cabinet and lower-level
appointees, as he hoped that the retention of Jackson's appointees
would stop Whig momentum in the South and restore confidence in the
Democrats as a party of sectional unity. The cabinet
holdovers represented the different regions of the country: Secretary
of the Treasury
Levi Woodbury came from New England, Attorney General
Benjamin F. Butler
Benjamin F. Butler and Secretary of the Navy Mahlon Dickerson
Mahlon Dickerson hailed from mid-Atlantic states, Secretary of State John Forsyth represented the South, and Postmaster General Amos Kendall
Amos Kendall of Kentucky represented the West. For the lone open position of Secretary of War, Van Buren first approached William Cabell Rives, who had sought the vice presidency in 1836. After Rives declined to join the cabinet, Van Buren appointed Joel Roberts Poinsett, a South Carolinian who had opposed secession during the Nullification Crisis. Van Buren's cabinet choices were criticized by Pennsylvanians such as James Buchanan, who argued that their state deserved a cabinet position as well as some Democrats who argued that Van Buren should have used his patronage powers to augment his own power. However, Van Buren saw value in avoiding contentious patronage battles, and his decision to retain Jackson's cabinet made it clear that he intended to continue the policies of his predecessor. Additionally, Van Buren had helped select Jackson's cabinet appointees and enjoyed strong working relationships with them. Van Buren held regular formal cabinet meetings and discontinued the informal gatherings of advisers that had attracted so much attention during Jackson's presidency. He solicited advice from department heads, tolerated open and even frank exchanges between cabinet members, perceiving himself as "a mediator, and to some extent an umpire between the conflicting opinions" of his counselors. Such detachment allowed the president to reserve judgment and protect his own prerogative for making final decisions. These open discussions gave cabinet members a sense of participation and made them feel part of a functioning entity, rather than isolated executive agents. Van Buren was closely involved in foreign affairs and matters pertaining to the Treasury Department, but the Post Office, War Department, and Navy Department all had possessed high levels of autonomy under their respective cabinet secretaries.
Panic of 1837
Main article: Panic of 1837
The modern balaam and his ass, an 1837 caricature placing the blame
Panic of 1837
Panic of 1837 and the perilous state of the banking system on outgoing President Andrew Jackson, shown riding a donkey, while President Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren comments approvingly When Van Buren entered office, the nation's economic health had taken a turn for the worse and the prosperity of the early 1830s was over. Two months into his presidency, on May 10, 1837, some important state banks in New York, running out of hard currency reserves, refused to convert paper money into gold or silver, and other financial institutions throughout the nation quickly followed suit. This financial crisis would become known as the Panic of 1837. The Panic was followed by a five-year depression in which banks failed and unemployment reached record highs. Van Buren blamed the economic collapse on greedy American and foreign business and financial institutions, as well as the over-extension of credit by U.S. banks. Whig leaders in Congress blamed the Democrats, along with Andrew Jackson's economic policies, specifically his 1836 Specie Circular. Cries of "rescind the circular!" went up and former president Jackson sent word to Van Buren asking him not to rescind the order, believing that it had to be given enough time to work. Others, like Nicholas Biddle, believed that Jackson's dismantling of the Bank of the United States was directly responsible for the irresponsible creation of paper money by the state banks which had precipitated this panic. The Panic of 1837 loomed large over the 1838 election cycle, as the carryover effects of the economic downturn led to Whig gains in both the U.S. House and Senate. The state elections in 1837 and 1838 were also disastrous for the Democrats, and the partial economic recovery in 1838 was offset by a second commercial crisis later that year. To deal with the crisis, the Whigs proposed rechartering the national bank. The president countered by proposing the establishment of an independent U.S. treasury, which he contended would take the politics out of the nation's money supply. Under the plan, the government would hold all of its money balances in the form of gold or silver, and would be restricted from printing paper money at will; both measures were designed to prevent inflation. The plan would permanently separate the government from private banks by storing government funds in government vaults rather than in private banks. Van Buren announced his proposal in September 1837, but an alliance of conservative Democrats and Whigs prevented it from becoming law until 1840. As the debate continued, conservative Democrats like Rives defected to the Whig Party, which itself grew more unified in its opposition to Van Buren. The Whigs would abolish the Independent Treasury system in 1841, but it was revived in 1846, and remained in place until the passage of the Federal Reserve Act
Federal Reserve Act in 1913. More important for Van Buren's immediate future, the depression would be a major issue in his upcoming re-election campaign.
Federal policy under Jackson had sought to move Indian tribes to lands
west of the
Mississippi River through the Indian Removal Act of 1830, and the federal government negotiated 19 treaties with Indian tribes in the course of Van Buren's presidency. The 1835 Treaty of New Echota
Treaty of New Echota signed by government officials and representatives of the Cherokee
Cherokee tribe had established terms under which the Cherokees ceded their territory in the southeast and agreed to move west to Oklahoma. In 1838, Van Buren directed General Winfield Scott to forcibly move all those who had not yet complied with the treaty. The Cherokees were herded violently into internment camps where they were kept for the summer of 1838. The actual transportation west was delayed by intense heat and drought, but they were forcibly marched west in the fall. Under the treaty, the government was supposed to provide wagons, rations, and even medical doctors, but it did not. Some 20,000 people were relocated against their will during the Cherokee
Cherokee removal, part of the Trail of Tears. Notably, Ralph Waldo Emerson, who would go on to become America's foremost man of letters, wrote Van Buren a letter protesting his treatment of the Cherokee.
A United States Marine Corps boat expedition searching the
Everglades during the Second Seminole
Seminole War The administration also contended with the Seminole
Seminole Indians, who engaged the army in a prolonged conflict known as the Second Seminole War. Prior to leaving office, Jackson put General Thomas Jesup in command of all military troops in Florida to force Seminole emigration to the West. Forts were established throughout the Indian territory, and mobile columns of soldiers scoured the countryside, and many Seminoles offered to surrender, including Chief Micanopy. The Seminoles slowly gathered for emigration near Tampa, but in June they fled the detention camps, driven off by disease and the presence of slave catchers who were hoping to capture Black Seminoles. In December 1837, Jesup began a massive offensive, culminating in the Battle of Lake Okeechobee, and the war entered a new phase of attrition. During this time, the government realized that it would be almost impossible to drive the remaining Seminoles from Florida, so Van Buren sent General Alexander Macomb to negotiate peace with them. It was the only time that an Indian tribe had forced the government to sue for peace. An agreement was reached allowing the Seminoles to remain in southwest Florida, but the peace was shattered in July 1839 and was not restored until 1842, after Van Buren had left office.
Just before leaving office in March 1837,
Andrew Jackson extended diplomatic recognition to the Republic of Texas, which had gained de facto independence from Mexico
Mexico in the Texas
Texas Revolution. By suggesting the prospect of quick annexation, Jackson raised the danger of war with Mexico
Mexico and heightened sectional tensions at home. New England abolitionists charged that there was a "slaveholding conspiracy to acquire Texas", and Daniel Webster
Daniel Webster eloquently denounced annexation. Many Southern leaders, meanwhile, strongly desired the expansion of slave-holding territory in the United States. Boldly reversing Jackson's policies, Van Buren sought peace abroad and harmony at home. He proposed a diplomatic solution to a long-standing financial dispute between American citizens and the Mexican government, rejecting Jackson's threat to settle it by force. Likewise, when the Texas
Texas minister at Washington, D.C., proposed annexation to the administration in August 1837, he was told that the proposition could not be entertained. Constitutional scruples and fear of war with Mexico
Mexico were the reasons given for the rejection, but concern that it would precipitate a clash over the extension of slavery undoubtedly influenced Van Buren and continued to be the chief obstacle to annexation. Northern and Southern Democrats followed an unspoken rule in which Northerners helped quash anti-slavery proposals and Southerners refrained from agitating for the annexation of Texas. Texas
Texas withdrew the annexation offer in 1838.
British subjects in
Lower Canada (now Quebec) and Upper Canada
Upper Canada (now Ontario) rose in rebellion in 1837 and 1838, protesting their lack of responsible government. While the initial insurrection in Upper Canada ended quickly (following the December 1837 Battle of Montgomery's Tavern), many of the rebels fled across the Niagara River
Niagara River into New York, and Canadian leader William Lyon Mackenzie
William Lyon Mackenzie began recruiting volunteers in Buffalo. Mackenzie declared the establishment of the Republic of Canada
Republic of Canada and put into motion a plan whereby volunteers would invade Upper Canada
Upper Canada from Navy Island
Navy Island on the Canadian side of the Niagara River. Several hundred volunteers traveled to Navy Island
Navy Island in the weeks that followed. They procured the steamboat Caroline to deliver supplies to Navy Island
Navy Island from Fort Schlosser. Seeking to deter an imminent invasion, British forces crossed to the American bank of the river in late December 1837, and they burned and sank the Caroline. In the melee, one American was killed and others were wounded. Considerable sentiment arose within the United States to declare war, and a British ship was burned in revenge. Van Buren, looking to avoid a war with Great Britain, sent General Winfield Scott to the Canada–United States border
Canada–United States border with large discretionary powers for its protection and its peace. Scott impressed upon American citizens the need for a peaceful resolution to the crisis, and made it clear that the U.S. government would not support adventuresome Americans attacking the British. Also, in early January 1838, the president proclaimed U.S. neutrality with regard to the Canadian independence issue, a declaration which Congress endorsed by passing a neutrality law designed to discourage the participation of American citizens in foreign conflicts.
"Destruction of the Caroline", illustration by John Charles Dent
During the Canadian rebellions, Charles Duncombe and Robert Nelson
helped foment a largely American militia, the Hunters' Lodge/Frères
chasseurs. This militia carried out several attacks in Upper Canada
between December 1837 and December 1838, collectively known as the
Patriot War. The administration followed through on its enforcement of
the Neutrality Act, encouraged the prosecution of filibusters, and
actively deterred U.S. citizens from subversive activities abroad. In
the long term, Van Buren's opposition to the
Patriot War contributed to the construction of healthy Anglo-American and Canada–United States relations in the 20th century; it also led, more immediately, to a backlash among citizens regarding the seeming overreach of federal authority, which hurt congressional Democrats in the 1838 midterm elections. A new crisis surfaced in late 1838, in the disputed territory on the Maine– New Brunswick
New Brunswick frontier, where Americans were settling on long-disputed land claimed by the United States and Great Britain. Jackson had been willing to drop American claims to the region in return for other concessions, but Maine
Maine was unwilling to drop its claims to the disputed territory. For their part, the British considered possession of the area vital to the defense of Canada. Both American and New Brunswick
New Brunswick lumberjacks cut timber in the disputed territory during the winter of 1838–1839. On December 29, New Brunswick
New Brunswick lumbermen were spotted cutting down trees on an American estate near the Aroostook River. After American woodcutters rushed to stand guard, a shouting match, known as the Battle of Caribou, ensued. Tensions quickly boiled over into a near war with both Maine
Maine and New Brunswick
New Brunswick arresting each other's citizens. The crisis seemed ready to turn into an armed conflict. British troops began to gather along the Saint John River. Governor John Fairfield
John Fairfield mobilized the state militia to confront the British in the disputed territory and several forts were constructed. The American press clamored for war; " Maine
Maine and her soil, or BLOOD!" screamed one editorial. "Let the sword be drawn and the scabbard thrown away!" In June, Congress authorized 50,000 troops and a $10 million budget in the event foreign military troops crossed into United States territory. Van Buren was unwilling to go to war over the disputed territory, though he assured Maine
Maine that he would respond to any attacks by the British. To settle the crisis, Van Buren met with the British minister to the United States, and Van Buren and the minister agreed to resolve the border issue diplomatically. Van Buren also sent General Scott to the northern border area, both to show military resolve, and more importantly, to lower the tensions. Scott successfully convinced all sides to submit the border issue to arbitration. The border dispute was put to rest a few years later, with the signing of the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty.
The Amistad case was a freedom suit that involved international issues
and parties, as well as United States law, resulting from the
rebellion of Africans on board the Spanish schooner
La Amistad in 1839. Van Buren viewed abolitionism as the greatest threat to the nation's unity, and he resisted the slightest interference with slavery in the states where it existed. His administration supported the Spanish government's demand that the ship and its cargo (including the Africans) be turned over to them. A federal district court judge ruled that the Africans were legally free and should be transported home, but Van Buren's administration appealed the case to the Supreme Court. In February 1840, former president John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams argued passionately for the Africans' right to freedom, and Attorney General Henry D. Gilpin
Henry D. Gilpin presented the government's case. In March 1841, the Supreme Court issued its final verdict: the Amistad Africans were free people and should be allowed to return home. The unique nature of the case heightened public interest in the saga, including the participation of former president Adams, Africans testifying in federal court, and their being represented by prominent lawyers. The Amistad case drew attention to the personal tragedies of slavery and attracted new support for the growing abolition movement in the North. It also transformed the courts into the principal forum for a national debate on the legal foundations of slavery.
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren judicial appointments Van Buren appointed two Associate Justices to the Supreme Court: John McKinley, confirmed September 25, 1837, and Peter Vivian Daniel, confirmed March 2, 1841. He also appointed eight other federal judges, all to United States district courts.
White House hostess For the first half of his presidency, Van Buren, who had been a widower for many years, did not have a specific person fill the role of White House
White House hostess at administration social events, but tried to assume such duties himself. When his eldest son Abraham Van Buren married Angelica Singleton in 1838, he quickly acted to install his daughter-in-law as his hostess. She solicited the advice of her distant relative, Dolley Madison, who had moved back to Washington after her husband's death, and soon the president's parties livened up. After the 1839 New Year's Eve reception, the Boston Post raved: "[Angelica Van Buren is a] lady of rare accomplishments, very modest yet perfectly easy and graceful in her manners and free and vivacious in her conversation ... universally admired." As the nation endured a deep economic depression, Angelica Van Buren's receiving style at receptions was influenced by her heavy reading on European court life (and her naive delight in being received as the Queen of the United States when she visited the royal courts of England and France after her marriage). Newspaper coverage of this, in addition to the claim that she intended to re-landscape the White House grounds to resemble the royal gardens of Europe, was used in a political attack on her father-in-law by a Pennsylvania Whig Congressman Charles Ogle. He referred obliquely to her as part of the presidential "household" in his famous Gold Spoon Oration. The attack was delivered in Congress and the depiction of the president as living a royal lifestyle was a primary factor in his defeat for re-election.
Presidential election of 1840
Main article: United States presidential election, 1840
1840 electoral vote results
Van Buren easily won renomination for a second term at the 1840
Democratic National Convention, but he and his party faced a difficult
election in 1840. Van Buren's presidency had been a difficult affair,
with the U.S. economy mired in a severe downturn, and other divisive
issues, such as slavery, western expansion, and tensions with Great
Britain, providing opportunities for Van Buren's political
opponents—including some of his fellow Democrats—to criticize his
actions. Although Van Buren's renomination was never in
doubt, Democratic strategists began to question the wisdom of keeping
Johnson on the ticket. Even former president Jackson conceded that
Johnson was a liability and insisted on former House Speaker James K.
Polk of Tennessee as Van Buren's new running mate. Van Buren was
reluctant to drop Johnson, who was popular with workers and radicals
in the North and added military experience to the ticket,
which might prove important against likely Whig nominee William Henry
Harrison. Rather than re-nominating Johnson, the
Democratic convention decided to allow state Democratic Party leaders
to select the vice-presidential candidates for their
Van Buren hoped that the Whigs would nominate Clay for president,
which would allow Van Buren to cast the 1840 campaign as a clash
between Van Buren's
Independent Treasury system and Clay's support for
a national bank. However, rather than nominating longtime party
spokesmen like Clay and Daniel Webster, the 1839 Whig National
Convention nominated Harrison, who had served in various governmental
positions during his career and had earned notoriety for his military
leadership in the
Battle of Tippecanoe
Battle of Tippecanoe and the War of 1812. Whig leaders like William Seward
William Seward and Thaddeus Stevens
Thaddeus Stevens believed that Harrison's war record would effectively counter the popular appeals of the Democratic Party. For vice president, the Whigs nominated former Senator John Tyler
John Tyler of Virginia. Clay was deeply disappointed by his defeat at the convention, but he nonetheless threw his support behind Harrison. Whigs presented Harrison as the antithesis of the president, whom they derided as ineffective, corrupt, and effete. Whigs also depicted Van Buren as an aristocrat living in high style in the White House, while they used images of Harrison in a log cabin sipping cider to convince voters that he was a man of the people. They threw such jabs as "Van, Van, is a used-up man" and "Martin Van Ruin" and ridiculed him in newspapers and cartoons. Issues of policy were not absent from the campaign; the Whigs derided the alleged executive overreaches of Jackson and Van Buren, while also calling for a national bank and higher tariffs. Democrats attempted to campaign on the Independent Treasury system, but the onset of deflation undercut these arguments. The enthusiasm for "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too", coupled with the country's severe economic crisis, made it impossible for Van Buren to win a second term. Harrison won by a popular vote of 1,275,612 to 1,130,033, and an electoral vote margin of 234 to 60. An astonishing 80% of eligible voters went to the polls on election day. Van Buren actually won more votes than he had in 1836, but the Whig success in attracting new voters more than canceled out Democratic gains. Additionally, Whigs won majorities for the first time in both the House of Representatives and the Senate.
Election of 1844
On the expiration of his term, Van Buren returned to his estate of
Lindenwald in Kinderhook. He continued to closely watch political developments, including the battle between Clay and President Tyler, who took office after Harrison's death in April 1841. Though undecided on another presidential run, Van Buren made several moves calculated to maintain his support, including a trip to the South and West during which he met with Jackson, former Speaker of the House James K. Polk, and others. President Tyler, James Buchanan, Levi Woodbury, and others loomed as potential challengers for the 1844 Democratic nomination, but it was Calhoun who posed the most formidable obstacle. Van Buren remained silent on major public issues like the debate over the Tariff of 1842, hoping to arrange for the appearance of a draft movement for his presidential candidacy. President John Tyler made annexation of Texas
Texas his chief foreign policy goal, and many Democrats, particularly in the South, were anxious to quickly complete the annexation of Texas. After an explosion on the USS Princeton killed Secretary of State Abel P. Upshur
Abel P. Upshur in February 1844, Tyler brought Calhoun into his cabinet to direct foreign affairs. Like Tyler, Calhoun pursued the annexation of Texas
Texas to upend the presidential race and to extend slavery into new territories. Shortly after taking office, Secretary of State Calhoun negotiated an annexation treaty between the United States and Texas. Van Buren had hoped he would not have to take a public stand on annexation, but as the Texas
Texas question came to dominate U.S. politics, he decided to make his views on the issue public. Though he believed that his public acceptance of annexation would likely help him win the 1844 Democratic nomination, Van Buren thought that annexation would inevitably lead to an unjust war with Mexico. In a public letter published shortly after Henry Clay also announced his opposition to the annexation treaty, Van Buren articulated his views on the Texas
Texas question. Van Buren's opposition to immediate annexation cost him the support of many pro-slavery Democrats. In the weeks before the 1844 Democratic National Convention, Van Buren's supporters anticipated that he would win a majority of the delegates on the first presidential ballot, but would not be able to win the support of the required two-thirds of delegates. Van Buren's supporters attempted to prevent the adoption of the two-thirds rule, but several Northern delegates joined with Southern delegates in implementing the two-thirds rule for the 1844 convention. Van Buren won 146 of the 266 votes on the first presidential ballot, with only 12 of his votes coming from Southern states. Senator Lewis Cass
Lewis Cass won much of the remaining vote, and he gradually picked up support on subsequent ballots until the convention adjourned for the day. When the convention reconvened and held another ballot, James K. Polk, who shared many of Van Buren's views but favored immediate annexation, won 44 votes. On the ninth and final ballot of the convention, Van Buren's supporters withdrew the former president's name from consideration, and Polk won the Democratic presidential nomination. Though angered at the way in which his opponents had denied him in the Democratic nomination, Van Buren endorsed Polk in the interest of party unity. He also convinced Silas Wright
Silas Wright to run for Governor of New York so that the popular Wright could help boost Polk in the state. Wright narrowly defeated Whig nominee Millard Fillmore in the 1844 gubernatorial election, and Wright's victory in the state helped Polk narrowly defeat Henry Clay
Henry Clay in the 1844 presidential election. After taking office, Polk used George Bancroft
George Bancroft as an intermediary to offer Van Buren the ambassadorship to London. Van Buren declined, partly because he was upset with Polk over the treatment the Van Buren delegates had received at the 1844 convention, and partly because he was content in his retirement. Polk also consulted Van Buren in the formation of his cabinet, but offended Van Buren by offering to appoint a New Yorker only to the lesser post of Secretary of War, rather than as Secretary of State or Secretary of the Treasury. Other patronage decisions also angered Van Buren and Wright, and they became permanently alienated from the Polk administration.
Election of 1848
1858 portrait by GPA Healy, on display at the White House
Though he had previously helped maintain a balance between the
Barnburners and Hunkers, the two factions of the New York Democratic
Party, Van Buren moved closer to the Barnburners after the 1844
Democratic National Convention. The split in the state
party worsened during the Polk's presidency, as his administration
lavished patronage on the Hunkers. In his retirement, Van
Buren also grew increasingly opposed to slavery.
Mexican–American War brought the debate over slavery in the territories to the forefront of American politics, Van Buren published an anti-slavery manifesto. In it, he refuted the notion that Congress did not have the power to regulate slavery in the territories, and argued the Founding Fathers
Founding Fathers had favored the eventual abolition of slavery. The document, which became known as the "Barnburner Manifesto," was edited at Van Buren's request by John Van Buren and Samuel Tilden, both of whom were leaders of the Barnburner faction. After the publication of the Barnburner Manifesto, many Barnburners urged the former president to seek his old office in the 1848 presidential election. The 1848 Democratic National Convention
Democratic National Convention seated competing Barnburner and Hunker delegations from New York, but the Barnburners walked out of the convention when Lewis Cass, who opposed congressional regulation of slavery in the territories, was nominated on the fourth ballot. In response to the nomination of Cass, the Barnburners began to organize as a third party. At a convention held in June 1848, in Utica, New York, the Barnburners nominated Van Buren for president. Though reluctant to bolt from the Democratic Party, Van Buren accepted the nomination to show the power of the anti-slavery movement, help defeat Cass, and weaken the Hunkers. At a convention held in Buffalo, New York
Buffalo, New York in August 1848, a group of anti-slavery Democrats, Whigs, and members of the abolitionist Liberty Party met in the first national convention of what became known as the Free Soil Party. The convention unanimously nominated Van Buren, and chose Charles Francis Adams as Van Buren's running mate. In a public message accepting the nomination, Van Buren gave his full support for the Wilmot Proviso, a proposed law that would ban slavery in all territories acquired from Mexico
Mexico in the Mexican–American War. Van Buren won no electoral votes, but finished second to Whig nominee Zachary Taylor
Zachary Taylor in New York, taking enough votes from Cass to give the state—and perhaps the election—to Taylor. Nationwide, Van Buren won 10.1% of the popular vote, the strongest showing by a third party presidential nominee up to that point in U.S. history.
Daguerreotype of Martin Van Buren, circa 1855 Van Buren never sought public office again after the 1848 election, but he continued to closely follow national politics. He was deeply troubled by the stirrings of secessionism in the South and welcomed the Compromise of 1850
Compromise of 1850 as a necessary conciliatory measure despite his opposition to the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. Van Buren also worked on a history of American political parties and embarked on a tour of Europe, becoming the first former American head of state to visit Britain. Though still concerned about slavery, Van Buren and his followers returned to the Democratic fold, partly out of the fear that a continuing Democratic split would help the Whig Party. He also attempted to reconcile the Barnburners and the Hunkers, with mixed results. Van Buren supported Franklin Pierce
Franklin Pierce for president in 1852, James Buchanan
James Buchanan in 1856, and Stephen A. Douglas in 1860. Van Buren viewed the fledgling Know Nothing movement with contempt and felt that the anti-slavery Republican Party exacerbated sectional tensions. He considered Chief Justice Roger Taney's decision in the 1857 case of Dred Scott v. Sandford
Dred Scott v. Sandford to be a "grievous mistake" since it overturned the Missouri Compromise. He believed that the Buchanan administration handled the issue of Bleeding Kansas
Bleeding Kansas poorly, and saw the Lecompton Constitution
Lecompton Constitution as a sop to Southern extremists. After the election of Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln and the secession of several Southern states in 1860, Van Buren unsuccessfully sought to call a constitutional convention. In April 1861, former president Pierce wrote to the other living former presidents and asked them to consider meeting to use their stature and influence to propose a negotiated end to the war. Pierce asked Van Buren to use his role as the senior living ex-president to issue a formal call. Van Buren's reply suggested that Buchanan should be the one to call the meeting, since he was the former president who had served most recently, or that Pierce should issue the call himself if he strongly believed in the merit of his proposal. Neither Buchanan nor Pierce was willing to make Pierce's proposal public, and nothing more resulted from it. Once the American Civil War
American Civil War began, Van Buren made public his support for the Union. Van Buren's health began to fail later in 1861, and he was bedridden with pneumonia during the fall and winter of 1861–1862. He died of bronchial asthma and heart failure at his Lindenwald
Lindenwald estate at 2:00 a.m. on July 24, 1862, at the age of 79. He is buried in the Kinderhook Reformed Dutch Church Cemetery, as are his wife Hannah, his parents, and his son Martin Van Buren Jr. Van Buren outlived all four of his immediate successors: Harrison, Tyler, Polk, and Taylor. Despite this, he is not one of the longest lived presidents.
Legacy Historical reputation Van Buren's most lasting achievement was as a political organizer who built the Democratic Party and guided it to dominance in the Second Party System, and historians have come to regard Van Buren as integral to the development of the American political system. His presidency is considered to be average, at best, by historians. His time in office was dominated by the economic disaster of the Panic of 1837, and historians have split on the adequacy of the Independent Treasury as a response to that issue. Several writers have portrayed Van Buren as among the nation's most obscure presidents. As noted in a 2014 Time Magazine article on the "Top 10 Forgettable Presidents":
.mw-parser-output .templatequote overflow:hidden;margin:1em
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Making himself nearly disappear completely from the history books was
probably not the trick the "Little Magician"
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren had in mind, but his was the first truly forgettable American presidency.
Memorials and popular culture
Main article: List of memorials to Martin Van Buren
Van Buren's home in Kinderhook, New York, which he called Lindenwald,
is now the
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren National Historic Site. Counties are named for Van Buren in Michigan, Iowa, Arkansas, and Tennessee. Mount Van Buren, USS Van Buren, three state parks and numerous towns were named after him. During the 1988 presidential campaign, George H. W. Bush, a Yale University graduate and member of the Skull and Bones
Skull and Bones secret society, was attempting to become the first incumbent vice president to win election to the presidency since Van Buren. In the comic strip Doonesbury, artist Garry Trudeau
Garry Trudeau depicted members of Skull and Bones as attempting to rob Van Buren's grave, apparently intending to use the relics in a ritual that would aid Bush in the election. Van Buren is portrayed by Nigel Hawthorne in the 1997 film Amistad. The film depicts the controversy and legal battle surrounding the status of slaves who in 1839 rebelled against their transporters on La Amistad slave ship. On the television show Seinfeld, the episode "The Van Buren Boys" is about a fictional street gang that admires Van Buren and bases its rituals and symbols on him, including the hand sign of eight fingers pointing up. Eight fingers signifies Van Buren, the eighth president. Also, in an episode of The Monkees, about the pre-formed pop band of the same name (the episode was titled "Dance, Monkee, Dance"), a dance instruction studio offers free lessons to anyone who can answer the question, "Who was the eighth president of the United States?" Martin Van Buren shows up at the studio to begin his free dance lessons.
Book: Presidents of the United States (1789–1860)
American election campaigns in the 19th century
Charlotte Dupuy, slave who worked for Van Buren at Decatur House,
while her suit for freedom against
Henry Clay proceeded List of Presidents of the United States List of Presidents of the United States, sortable by previous experience List of Presidents of the United States
List of Presidents of the United States who owned slaves U.S. Presidents on U.S. postage stamps Papers of Martin Van Buren Andrew Jackson, President when Van Buren was Vice President References Notes
^ The "mistletoe" nickname was inspired by the fact that mistletoe is a parasitic plant which attaches itself to a host tree to survive. Comparing Van Buren to mistletoe implied that he advanced politically only through his connection to the "Old Hickory" tree, which represented Andrew Jackson. This idea was common in Whig propaganda pieces, and also seen in political comics such as The Rejected Minister, where Van Buren is shown being carried into office by Jackson.
^ "The Wise Guide : The Red Fox of Kinderhook". Library of Congress. December 2011. Retrieved June 15, 2018..mw-parser-output cite.citation font-style:inherit .mw-parser-output .citation q quotes:"""""""'""'" .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-free a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/65/Lock-green.svg/9px-Lock-green.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-registration a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-gray-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-subscription a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg/9px-Lock-red-alt-2.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration color:#555 .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription span,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration span border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help .mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a background:url("//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg/12px-Wikisource-logo.svg.png")no-repeat;background-position:right .1em center .mw-parser-output code.cs1-code color:inherit;background:inherit;border:inherit;padding:inherit .mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error display:none;font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error font-size:100% .mw-parser-output .cs1-maint display:none;color:#33aa33;margin-left:0.3em .mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration,.mw-parser-output .cs1-format font-size:95% .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-left padding-left:0.2em .mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-right padding-right:0.2em
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^ Hatfield, Mark O. (1997). "
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren (1833–1837)" (PDF). Vice Presidents of the United States, 1789–1993 (PDF). Senate Historical Office. Washington: US Government Printing Office. pp. 105–118. OCLC 606133503. Retrieved June 15, 2018.
^ a b "Martin Van Buren: Life in Brief". Miller Center of Public Affairs University of Virginia. Retrieved March 6, 2017.
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Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren in "Dance, Monkee, Dance" pictures". Sunshine Factory - A Monkees Fan Site.
.mw-parser-output .refbegin font-size:90%;margin-bottom:0.5em
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Brooke, J. L. (2010). Columbia rising: civil life on the Upper Hudson.
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Cole, D. B. (1984).
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren and the American political system. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691047157. Howe, D. W. (2007). What hath God wrought: the transformation of America, 1815–1848. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195078947. Niven, J. (1983). Martin Van Buren: the romantic age of American politics. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195032383. Nowlan, R. A. (2012). The American presidents, from Washington to Tyler. Jefferson: McFarland. ISBN 9780786463367. Remini, R. V. (1959). Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren and the making of the Democratic Party. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231022880. Shepard, E. M. (1899). Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren and the emergence of American popular politics. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Co. OCLC 396967. Silbey, J. H. (2002). Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren and the emergence of American popular politics. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 9780742522435. Widmer, E. L. (2005). Martin Van Buren: the 8th president, 1837–1841. New York: Times Books. ISBN 9780805069228. Wilson, L. (1984). The presidency of Martin Van Buren. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700602384.
Further reading Books by Van Buren
Van Buren, Martin (1867). Van Buren, Abraham; Van Buren, John (eds.). Inquiry into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States. New York: Hurd and Houghton. ISBN 1-4181-2924-0. Van Buren, Martin (1920). Fitzpatrick, John Clement (ed.). The Autobiography of Martin Van Buren. Annual Report Of The American Historical Association For The Year 1918. II. Washington: Govt. Print. Off. ISBN 0-678-00531-1.
Books about Van Buren
Alexander, Holmes (1935). The American Talleyrand: Martin Van Buren.
Curtis, James C. (1970). The Fox at Bay:
Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren and the Presidency, 1837–1841. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 9780813112145. Derthick, Martha (June 13, 1999). Dilemmas of Scale in America's Federal Democracy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521640398. Retrieved March 2, 2015. Gammon, Samuel Rhea (1922). The Presidential Campaign of 1832. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press. Henretta, James A. (2004). "Martin Van Buren". In Brinkley, Alan; Dyer, Davis (eds.). The American Presidency. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. pp. 103–114. ISBN 0-618-38273-9. Holt, Michael F. (1999). The Rise and Fall of the American Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195055443. Lynch, Denis Tilden (1929). An Epoch and a Man: Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren and His Times. New York: H. Liveright. Schouler, James (1889). History of the United States of America, 1831–1847. Democrats and Whigs. 4. Washington: W. H. Morrison. Silbey, Joel H. (2009). Party Over Section: The Rough and Ready Presidential Election of 1848. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700616404. Silbey, Joel H. (2014). A Companion to the Antebellum Presidents, 1837–1861. Wiley. pp. 109–154. ISBN 9781118609293.
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LibriVox (public domain audiobooks) Offices and distinctions
Preceded byAbraham Van Vechten
Attorney General of New York1815–1819
Succeeded byThomas J. Oakley
Preceded byNathan Sanford
U.S. Senator (Class 1) from New York1821–1828 Served alongside: Rufus King, Nathan Sanford
Succeeded byCharles E. Dudley
Preceded byWilliam Smith
Chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee1823–1828
Succeeded byJohn Macpherson Berrien
Party political offices
New political party
Democratic nominee for Governor of New York1828
Succeeded byEnos T. Throop
Preceded byJohn C. Calhoun
Democratic nominee for Vice President of the United States1832
Succeeded byRichard Mentor Johnson
Preceded byAndrew Jackson
Democratic nominee for President of the United States1836, 1840
Succeeded byJames K. Polk
New political party
Free Soil nominee for President of the United States1848
Succeeded byJohn P. Hale
Preceded byNathaniel Pitcher
Governor of New York1829
Succeeded byEnos T. Throop
Preceded byHenry Clay
United States Secretary of State1829–1831
Succeeded byEdward Livingston
Preceded byJohn C. Calhoun
Vice President of the United States1833–1837
Succeeded byRichard Mentor Johnson
Preceded byAndrew Jackson
President of the United States1837–1841
Succeeded byWilliam Henry Harrison
Preceded byLouis McLane
United States Minister to the United Kingdom1831–1832
Succeeded by Aaron Vail (acting)
Preceded byJohn Quincy Adams
Oldest living President of the United States1848–1862
Succeeded byJames Buchanan
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Hubert Humphrey (1965–1969) Spiro Agnew
Spiro Agnew (1969–1973) Gerald Ford
Gerald Ford (1973–1974) Nelson Rockefeller
Nelson Rockefeller (1974–1977) Walter Mondale
Walter Mondale (1977–1981) George H. W. Bush
George H. W. Bush (1981–1989) Dan Quayle
Dan Quayle (1989–1993) Al Gore
Al Gore (1993–2001) Dick Cheney
Dick Cheney (2001–2009) Joe Biden
Joe Biden (2009–2017) Mike Pence
Mike Pence (2017–present)
vteGovernors and lieutenant governors of New YorkGovernors G. Clinton Jay G. Clinton Lewis Tompkins Tayler D. Clinton Yates D. Clinton Pitcher Van Buren Throop Marcy Seward Bouck Wright Young Fish Hunt Seymour Clark King Morgan Seymour Fenton Hoffman J. Adams Dix Tilden Robinson Cornell Cleveland Hill Flower Morton Black T. Roosevelt Odell Higgins Hughes White J. Alden Dix Sulzer Glynn Whitman Smith Miller Smith F. Roosevelt Lehman Poletti Dewey Harriman Rockefeller Wilson Carey M. Cuomo Pataki Spitzer Paterson A. Cuomo Lieutenantgovernors Van Cortlandt S. Van Rensselaer J. Van Rensselaer Broome Tayler Clinton Tayler Swift Tayler Root Tallmadge Pitcher P. Livingston Dayan Throop Stebbins Oliver E. Livingston Tracy Bradish Dickinson Gardiner Lester Fish Patterson Church Raymond Selden Campbell Floyd-Jones Alvord Woodford Beach Robinson Dorsheimer Hoskins Hill McCarthy Jones Sheehan Saxton Woodruff Higgins Bruce Raines Chanler White Cobb Conway Glynn Wagner Schoeneck Walker Wood Lusk Lunn Lowman Corning Lehman Bray Poletti Hanley Wallace Hanley Moore Wicks Mahoney DeLuca Wilson Anderson Krupsak M. Cuomo DelBello Anderson Lundine McCaughey Donohue Paterson Bruno Skelos Smith Espada Ravitch Duffy Hochul
Italics indicate acting officeholders
vteUnited States senators from New YorkClass 1 Schuyler Burr Schuyler Hobart North Watson Morris Bailey Armstrong Mitchill German Sanford Van Buren Dudley Tallmadge Dickinson Fish P. King Morgan Fenton Kernan Platt Miller Hiscock Murphy Depew O'Gorman Calder Copeland Mead Ives Keating Kennedy Goodell Buckley Moynihan H. Clinton Gillibrand Class 3 R. King Laurance Armstrong D. Clinton Armstrong Smith R. King Sanford Marcy Wright Foster Dix Seward Harris Conkling Lapham Evarts Hill Platt Root Wadsworth Wagner Dulles Lehman Javits D'Amato Schumer
vteAttorneys General of New York Benson Varick Burr M. Lewis Lawrence J. Hoffman Spencer Woodworth Hildreth Van Vechten Hildreth Emmet Van Vechten M. Van Buren Oakley Talcott Bronson Beardsley Hall Barker J. Van Buren Jordan Chatfield Stow O Hoffman Cushing Tremain Myers Dickinson Cochrane Martindale Champlain Barlow Pratt Fairchild Schoonmaker Ward Sr. Russell O'Brien Tabor Rosendale Hancock Davies Cunneen Mayer Jackson O'Malley Carmody Parsons Woodbury M. E. Lewis Newton Sherman Ottinger Ward Jr. Bennett Goldstein Javits Lefkowitz Abrams Koppell Vacco Spitzer Cuomo Schneiderman Underwood James *Acting Attorney General vteUnited States Secretaries of StateSecretary of Foreign Affairs1781–89 R. Livingston Jay Secretary of State1789–present Jefferson Randolph Pickering J. Marshall Madison Smith Monroe Adams Clay Van Buren E. Livingston McLane Forsyth Webster Upshur Calhoun Buchanan Clayton Webster Everett Marcy Cass Black Seward Washburne Fish Evarts Blaine Frelinghuysen Bayard Blaine Foster Gresham Olney Sherman Day Hay Root Bacon Knox Bryan Lansing Colby Hughes Kellogg Stimson Hull Stettinius Byrnes G. Marshall Acheson Dulles Herter Rusk Rogers Kissinger Vance Muskie Haig Shultz Baker Eagleburger Christopher Albright Powell Rice (tenure) Clinton (tenure) Kerry (tenure) Tillerson Pompeo
vteAmbassadors of the United States of America to the Court of St. JamesMinisters Plenipotentiary tothe Court of St. James's(1785–1811) J. Adams Pickney King Monroe Pinkney Russell (chargé d'affaires) Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary tothe Court of St. James's(1815–1893) J. Q. Adams Rush King Gallatin Barbour McLane Van Buren Vail (chargé d'affaires) Stevenson Everett McLane Bancroft Lawrence Ingersoll Buchanan Dallas C. Adams R. Johnson Motley Schenck Pierrepont Welsh Lowell Phelps Lincoln Ambassadors Extraordinaryand Plenipotentiary to the Court of St. James's(1893–present) Bayard Hay Choate Reid Page Davis Harvey Kellogg Houghton Dawes Mellon Bingham Kennedy Winant Harriman Douglas Gifford Aldrich Whitney Bruce Annenberg Richardson Armstrong Brewster Louis Price Catto Seitz Crowe Lader Farish Tuttle Susman Barzun W. Johnson
vteChairmen of the
United States Senate
United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary Chase Crittenden Burrill Smith Van Buren Berrien Rowan Marcy Wilkins Clayton Grundy Wall Berrien Ashley Butler Bayard Trumbull Wright Edmunds Thurman Edmunds Hoar Pugh Hoar Platt Clark Culberson Nelson Brandegee Cummins Norris Ashurst Van Nuys McCarran Wiley McCarran Langer Kilgore Eastland Kennedy Thurmond Biden Hatch Leahy Hatch Leahy Hatch Specter Leahy Grassley Graham
vteUnited States Democratic PartyPresidentialtickets
1828 (None): Jackson/Calhoun
1832 (Baltimore): Jackson/Van Buren
1835 (Baltimore): Van Buren/R. Johnson
1840 (Baltimore): Van Buren/None
1844 (Baltimore): Polk/Dallas
1848 (Baltimore): Cass/Butler
1852 (Baltimore): Pierce/King
1856 (Cincinnati): Buchanan/Breckinridge
1860 (Baltimore): Douglas/H. Johnson (Breckinridge/Lane, SD)
1864 (Chicago): McClellan/Pendleton
1868 (New York): Seymour/Blair
1872 (Baltimore): Greeley/Brown
1876 (Saint Louis): Tilden/Hendricks
1880 (Cincinnati): Hancock/English
1884 (Chicago): Cleveland/Hendricks
1888 (Saint Louis): Cleveland/Thurman
1892 (Chicago): Cleveland/Stevenson I
1896 (Chicago): W. Bryan/Sewall
1900 (Kansas City): W. Bryan/Stevenson I
1904 (Saint Louis): Parker/H. Davis
1908 (Denver): W. Bryan/Kern
1912 (Baltimore): Wilson/Marshall
1916 (Saint Louis): Wilson/Marshall
1920 (San Francisco): Cox/Roosevelt
1924 (New York): J. Davis/C. Bryan
1928 (Houston): Smith/Robinson
1932 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Garner
1936 (Philadelphia): Roosevelt/Garner
1940 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Wallace
1944 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Truman
1948 (Philadelphia): Truman/Barkley
1952 (Chicago): Stevenson II/Sparkman
1956 (Chicago): Stevenson II/Kefauver
1960 (Los Angeles): Kennedy/L. Johnson
1964 (Atlantic City): L. Johnson/Humphrey
1968 (Chicago): Humphrey/Muskie
1972 (Miami Beach): McGovern/(Eagleton, Shriver)
1976 (New York): Carter/Mondale
1980 (New York): Carter/Mondale
1984 (San Francisco): Mondale/Ferraro
1988 (Atlanta): Dukakis/Bentsen
1992 (New York): B. Clinton/Gore
1996 (Chicago): B. Clinton/Gore
2000 (Los Angeles): Gore/Lieberman
2004 (Boston): Kerry/Edwards
2008 (Denver): Obama/Biden
2012 (Charlotte): Obama/Biden
2016 (Philadelphia): H. Clinton/Kaine
A. Stevenson (1827–1834)
J. W. Jones (1843–1845)
G. W. Jones (1855–1857)
D. B. Culberson (1895–1897)
J. W. Stevenson (1873–1877)
J. K. Jones (1899–1903)
C. A. Culberson (1907–1909)
Chairs ofthe DNC
District of Columbia
Northern Mariana Islands
Steering and Outreach Committee
United States Senate
United States Senate Democratic Conference Secretary House Caucus Fundraising Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Democratic Governors Association Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee National Conference of Democratic Mayors Sectional College Democrats of America Democrats Abroad National Federation of Democratic Women Stonewall Democrats Stonewall Young Democrats Young Democrats of America High School Democrats of America Relatedarticles History Primaries Debates Party factions Superdelegate 2005 chairmanship election 2017 chairmanship election 2006 House Caucus leadership election 2018 House Caucus leadership election Weekly Democratic Address
vteHistorical anti-slavery parties in the United StatesPresidential
James G. Birney/
Thomas Earle (1840)
James G. Birney/Thomas Morris (1844)
Free Soil Party
Martin Van Buren/Charles F. Adams (1848)
John P. Hale/George W. Julian (1852)
John C. Frémont/
William L. Dayton
William L. Dayton (1856) Abraham Lincoln/ Hannibal Hamlin
Hannibal Hamlin (1860) National Union Party Abraham Lincoln/ Andrew Johnson
Andrew Johnson (1864) National conventions 1848 Free Soil 1856 Republican 1860 Republican 1864 National Union Other party leaders Gerrit Smith Salmon P. Chase Charles Sumner William H. Seward Simon Cameron Edward Bates Francis P. Blair Related groups American Anti-Slavery Society Anti-Nebraska movement Barnburners Conscience Whigs North American Party Radical Democracy Party
vteUnsuccessful major party candidates for President of the United
Thomas Jefferson (1796) John Adams
John Adams (1800) Charles C. Pinckney (1804, 1808) DeWitt Clinton
DeWitt Clinton (1812) Rufus King
Rufus King (1816) Andrew Jackson
Andrew Jackson (1824) William H. Crawford
William H. Crawford (1824) Henry Clay
Henry Clay (1824, 1832, 1844) John Quincy Adams
John Quincy Adams (1828) William Henry Harrison
William Henry Harrison (1836) Hugh Lawson White
Hugh Lawson White (1836) Martin Van Buren
Martin Van Buren (1840) Lewis Cass
Lewis Cass (1848) Winfield Scott
Winfield Scott (1852) John C. Frémont
John C. Frémont (1856) Stephen A. Douglas
Stephen A. Douglas (1860) George B. McClellan
George B. McClellan (1864) Horatio Seymour
Horatio Seymour (1868) Horace Greeley
Horace Greeley (1872) Samuel J. Tilden
Samuel J. Tilden (1876) Winfield Scott
Winfield Scott Hancock (1880) James G. Blaine
James G. Blaine (1884) Grover Cleveland
Grover Cleveland (1888) Benjamin Harrison
Benjamin Harrison (1892) William J. Bryan (1896, 1900, 1908) Alton B. Parker
Alton B. Parker (1904) William Howard Taft
William Howard Taft (1912) Charles Evans Hughes
Charles Evans Hughes (1916) James M. Cox
James M. Cox (1920) John W. Davis
John W. Davis (1924) Al Smith
Al Smith (1928) Herbert Hoover
Herbert Hoover (1932) Alf Landon
Alf Landon (1936) Wendell Willkie
Wendell Willkie (1940) Thomas E. Dewey
Thomas E. Dewey (1944, 1948) Adlai Stevenson (1952, 1956) Richard Nixon
Richard Nixon (1960) Barry Goldwater
Barry Goldwater (1964) Hubert Humphrey
Hubert Humphrey (1968) George McGovern
George McGovern (1972) Gerald Ford
Gerald Ford (1976) Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter (1980) Walter Mondale
Walter Mondale (1984) Michael Dukakis
Michael Dukakis (1988) George H. W. Bush
George H. W. Bush (1992) Bob Dole
Bob Dole (1996) Al Gore
Al Gore (2000) John Kerry
John Kerry (2004) John McCain
John McCain (2008) Mitt Romney
Mitt Romney (2012) Hillary Clinton
Hillary Clinton (2016)
All presidential candidates Presidents Third party candidates
1836 United States presidential election
1836 United States presidential election (1840 →)Democratic PartyConventionNominee Martin Van Buren VP nominee Richard M. Johnson Whig PartyNominees William H. Harrison Hugh L. White Daniel Webster Willie P. Mangum VP nominees Francis Granger John Tyler
Other 1836 elections: House Senate
1840 United States presidential election
1840 United States presidential election (1844 →)Whig PartyConventionNominee William H. Harrison (campaign) VP nominee John Tyler Candidates Henry Clay Winfield Scott Democratic PartyConventionNominee Martin Van Buren VP nominee None
Other 1840 elections: House Senate
1844 United States presidential election
1844 United States presidential election (1848 →)Democratic PartyConventionNominee James K. Polk VP nominee George M. Dallas Candidates Martin Van Buren James Buchanan Lewis Cass Richard M. Johnson Whig PartyConventionNominee Henry Clay VP nominee Theodore Frelinghuysen
Other 1844 elections: House Senate
1848 United States presidential election
1848 United States presidential election (1852 →)Whig PartyConventionNominee Zachary Taylor VP nominee Millard Fillmore Candidates Henry Clay John M. Clayton Winfield Scott Daniel Webster Democratic PartyConventionNominee Lewis Cass VP nominee William O. Butler Candidates James Buchanan Levi Woodbury Martin Van Buren Free Soil PartyConventionNominee Martin Van Buren VP nominee Charles F. Adams Candidates John P. Hale Joshua R. Giddings
Other 1848 elections: House Senate
BNF: cb119724137 (data)
ISNI: 0000 0000 8150 1034
US Congress: V000009
WorldCat Identities (via VIAF): 69725811
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