In the 19th century, MANIFEST DESTINY was a widely held belief in the
* The special virtues of the American people and their institutions
* The mission of the
Frederick Merk says this concept was born out of "a sense
of mission to redeem the
Historians have emphasized that "manifest destiny" was a contested
concept—pre-civil war Democrats endorsed the idea but many prominent
Americans (such as
Newspaper editor John O\'Sullivan is generally credited with coining
the term manifest destiny in 1845 to describe the essence of this
mindset, which was a rhetorical tone; however, the unsigned editorial
titled "Annexation" in which it first appeared was arguably written by
journalist and annexation advocate
Jane Cazneau . The term was used
by Democrats in the 1840s to justify the war with
From the outset Manifest Destiny—vast in program, in its sense of continentalism —was slight in support. It lacked national, sectional, or party following commensurate with its magnitude. The reason was it did not reflect the national spirit. The thesis that it embodied nationalism, found in much historical writing, is backed by little real supporting evidence.
The day before adopting the Declaration of Independence, John Adams wrote to his wife, Abigail : "I am apt to believe that will be celebrated, by succeeding generations, as the great anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the Day of Deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shews, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations FROM ONE END OF THIS CONTINENT TO THE OTHER from this time forward forever more."
* 1 Context * 2 Origin of the term * 3 Themes and influences * 4 Alternative interpretations
* 5 Era of continental expansion
War of 1812
* 5.2 Continentalism
* 5.2.1 All Oregon
* 5.3.1 All
* 5.4 Filibusterism * 5.5 Homestead Act * 5.6 Native Americans
* 6 Beyond
* 7 Legacy and consequences * 8 Relationship with German Lebensraum ideology * 9 See also * 10 Notes * 11 References
* 12 Further reading
* 12.1 Journal articles * 12.2 Books
* 13 External links
There was never a set of principles defining manifest destiny,
therefore it was always a general idea rather than a specific policy
made with a motto. Ill-defined but keenly felt, manifest destiny was
an expression of conviction in the morality and value of expansionism
that complemented other popular ideas of the era, including American
Romantic nationalism .
Yet Jackson would not be the only president to elaborate on the
principles underlying manifest destiny. Owing in part to the lack of a
definitive narrative outlining its rationale, proponents offered
divergent or seemingly conflicting viewpoints. While many writers
focused primarily upon American expansionism, be it into
ORIGIN OF THE TERM
John L. O\'Sullivan , sketched in 1874, was an influential columnist as a young man, but he is now generally remembered only for his use of the phrase "manifest destiny" to advocate the annexation of Texas and Oregon.
Journalist John L. O\'Sullivan , an influential advocate for
Jacksonian democracy and a complex character described by Julian
Hawthorne as "always full of grand and world-embracing schemes",
wrote an article in 1839, which, while not using the term "manifest
destiny", did predict a "divine destiny" for the
Six years later, in 1845, O'Sullivan wrote another essay titled Annexation in the Democratic Review, in which he first used the phrase manifest destiny. In this article he urged the U.S. to annex the Republic of Texas , not only because Texas desired this, but because it was "our MANIFEST DESTINY to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millions". Overcoming Whig opposition, Democrats annexed Texas in 1845. O'Sullivan's first usage of the phrase "manifest destiny" attracted little attention.
O'Sullivan's second use of the phrase became extremely influential.
On December 27, 1845, in his newspaper the New York Morning News,
O'Sullivan addressed the ongoing boundary dispute with Britain.
O'Sullivan argued that the
And that claim is by the right of our MANIFEST DESTINY to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federated self-government entrusted to us.
That is, O'Sullivan believed that Providence had given the United States a mission to spread republican democracy ("the great experiment of liberty"). Because Britain would not spread democracy, thought O'Sullivan, British claims to the territory should be overruled. O'Sullivan believed that manifest destiny was a moral ideal (a "higher law") that superseded other considerations.
O'Sullivan's original conception of manifest destiny was not a call
for territorial expansion by force. He believed that the expansion of
Ironically, O'Sullivan's term became popular only after it was criticized by Whig opponents of the Polk administration . Whigs denounced manifest destiny, arguing, "that the designers and supporters of schemes of conquest, to be carried on by this government, are engaged in treason to our Constitution and Declaration of Rights, giving aid and comfort to the enemies of republicanism, in that they are advocating and preaching the doctrine of the right of conquest". On January 3, 1846, Representative Robert Winthrop ridiculed the concept in Congress, saying "I suppose the right of a manifest destiny to spread will not be admitted to exist in any nation except the universal Yankee nation". Winthrop was the first in a long line of critics who suggested that advocates of manifest destiny were citing "Divine Providence" for justification of actions that were motivated by chauvinism and self-interest. Despite this criticism, expansionists embraced the phrase, which caught on so quickly that its origin was soon forgotten.
THEMES AND INFLUENCES
Historian William E. Weeks has noted that three key themes were usually touched upon by advocates of manifest destiny:
* the VIRTUE of the American people and their institutions; * the MISSION to spread these institutions, thereby redeeming and remaking the world in the image of the United States; * the DESTINY under God to do this work.
The origin of the first theme, later known as American Exceptionalism
, was often traced to America's
We have it in our power to begin the world over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand...
Many Americans agreed with Paine, and came to believe that the United States' virtue was a result of its special experiment in freedom and democracy. Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to James Monroe , wrote, "it is impossible not to look forward to distant times when our rapid multiplication will expand itself beyond those limits, and cover the whole northern, if not the southern continent." To Americans in the decades that followed their proclaimed freedom for mankind, embodied in the Declaration of Independence, could only be described as the inauguration of "a new time scale" because the world would look back and define history as events that took place before, and after, the Declaration of Independence. It followed that Americans owed to the world an obligation to expand and preserve these beliefs.
The second theme's origination is less precise. A popular expression
of America's mission was elaborated by President Abraham Lincoln's
description in his December 1, 1862, message to Congress. He described
The third theme can be viewed as a natural outgrowth of the belief that God had a direct influence in the foundation and further actions of the United States. Clinton Rossiter , a scholar, described this view as summing "that God, at the proper stage in the march of history, called forth certain hardy souls from the old and privilege-ridden nations ... and that in bestowing his grace He also bestowed a peculiar responsibility". Americans presupposed that they were not only divinely elected to maintain the North American continent, but also to "spread abroad the fundamental principles stated in the Bill of Rights". In many cases this meant neighboring colonial holdings and countries were seen as obstacles rather than the destiny God had provided the United States.
Faragher\'s analysis of the political polarization between the Democratic Party and the Whig Party is that:
Most Democrats were wholehearted supporters of expansion, whereas many Whigs (especially in the North) were opposed. Whigs welcomed most of the changes wrought by industrialization but advocated strong government policies that would guide growth and development within the country's existing boundaries; they feared (correctly) that expansion raised a contentious issue, the extension of slavery to the territories. On the other hand, many Democrats feared industrialization the Whigs welcomed... For many Democrats, the answer to the nation's social ills was to continue to follow Thomas Jefferson's vision of establishing agriculture in the new territories in order to counterbalance industrialization.
Another possible influence is racial predominance, namely the idea that the American Anglo-Saxon race was "separate, innately superior" and "destined to bring good government, commercial prosperity and Christianity to the American continents and the world". This view also held that "inferior races were doomed to subordinate status or extinction." This was used to justify "the enslavement of the blacks and the expulsion and possible extermination of the Indians".
However, not all Americans or their political leaders believed that
In the mid‑19th century, expansionism, especially southward toward
Cuba, also faced opposition from those Americans who were trying to
abolish slavery. As more territory was added to the
Before and during the Civil War both sides claimed that America's destiny were rightfully their own. Lincoln opposed anti-immigrant nativism , and the imperialism of manifest destiny as both unjust and unreasonable. He objected to the Mexican War and believed each of these disordered forms of patriotism threatened the inseparable moral and fraternal bonds of liberty and Union that he sought to perpetuate through a patriotic love of country guided by wisdom and critical self-awareness. Lincoln's "Eulogy to Henry Clay", June 6, 1852, provides the most cogent expression of his reflective patriotism.
ERA OF CONTINENTAL EXPANSION
John Quincy Adams
The phrase "manifest destiny" is most often associated with the
territorial expansion of the
WAR OF 1812
War of 1812
One of the causes of the
War of 1812
To end the
War of 1812
The United States, while intending never to acquire lands from the
Indians otherwise than peaceably, and with their free consent, are
fully determined, in that manner, progressively, and in proportion as
their growing population may require, to reclaim from the state of
nature, and to bring into cultivation every portion of the territory
contained within their acknowledged boundaries. In thus providing for
the support of millions of civilized beings, they will not violate any
dictate of justice or of humanity; for they will not only give to the
few thousand savages scattered over that territory an ample equivalent
for any right they may surrender, but will always leave them the
possession of lands more than they can cultivate, and more than
adequate to their subsistence, comfort, and enjoyment, by cultivation.
If this be a spirit of aggrandizement, the undersigned are prepared to
admit, in that sense, its existence; but they must deny that it
affords the slightest proof of an intention not to respect the
boundaries between them and European nations, or of a desire to
encroach upon the territories of Great Britain. . . . They will not
suppose that that Government will avow, as the basis of their policy
A shocked Henry Goulburn , one of the British negotiators at Ghent, remarked, after coming to understand the American position on taking the Indians' land:
Till I came here, I had no idea of the fixed determination which there is in the heart of every American to extirpate the Indians and appropriate their territory.
The 19th-century belief that the
The whole continent of
Adams did much to further this idea. He orchestrated the Treaty of
1818 , which established the Canada–US border as far west as the
Rocky Mountains, and provided for the joint occupation of the region
known in American history as the
Oregon Country and in British and
Canadian history as the New Caledonia and Columbia Districts . He
negotiated the Transcontinental Treaty in 1819, purchasing Florida
Monroe Doctrine and manifest destiny were closely related ideas:
historian Walter McDougall calls manifest destiny a corollary of the
Monroe Doctrine, because while the
Monroe Doctrine did not specify
expansion, expansion was necessary in order to enforce the Doctrine.
Concerns in the
As president, however, Polk sought compromise and renewed the earlier
offer to divide the territory in half along the 49th parallel, to the
dismay of the most ardent advocates of manifest destiny. When the
British refused the offer, American expansionists responded with
slogans such as "The Whole of Oregon or None!" and "Fifty-Four Forty
or Fight!", referring to the northern border of the region. (The
latter slogan is often mistakenly described as having been a part of
the 1844 presidential campaign.) When Polk moved to terminate the
joint occupation agreement, the British finally agreed to divide the
region along the 49th parallel in early 1846, keeping the lower
Columbia basin as part of the United States, and the dispute was
settled by the
Oregon Treaty of 1846, which the administration was
able to sell to Congress because the
Despite the earlier clamor for "All Oregon", the treaty was popular
MEXICO AND TEXAS
Before the election of 1844, Whig candidate
Main article: All of Mexico Movement
After the election of Polk, but before he took office, Congress
approved the annexation of Texas . Polk moved to occupy a portion of
Texas that had declared independence from
This was a controversial proposition for two reasons. First,
idealistic advocates of manifest destiny like
John L. O'Sullivan had
always maintained that the laws of the
We have never dreamt of incorporating into our Union any but the Caucasian race—the free white race. To incorporate Mexico, would be the very first instance of the kind, of incorporating an Indian race; for more than half of the Mexicans are Indians, and the other is composed chiefly of mixed tribes. I protest against such a union as that! Ours, sir, is the Government of a white race.... We are anxious to force free government on all; and I see that it has been urged ... that it is the mission of this country to spread civil and religious liberty over all the world, and especially over this continent. It is a great mistake.
This debate brought to the forefront one of the contradictions of manifest destiny: on the one hand, while identitarian ideas inherent in manifest destiny suggested that Mexicans, as non-whites, would present a threat to white racial integrity and thus were not qualified to become Americans, the "mission" component of manifest destiny suggested that Mexicans would be improved (or "regenerated", as it was then described) by bringing them into American democracy. Identitarianism was used to promote manifest destiny, but, as in the case of Calhoun and the resistance to the "All Mexico" movement, identitarianism was also used to oppose manifest destiny. Conversely, proponents of annexation of "All Mexico" regarded it as an anti-slavery measure. Growth from 1840 to 1850
The controversy was eventually ended by the
Mexican Cession , which
added the territories of
Alta California and Nuevo México to the
United States, both more sparsely populated than the rest of Mexico.
Like the All Oregon movement, the All
Historian Frederick Merk , in Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation (1963), argued that the failure of the "All Oregon" and "All Mexico" movements indicates that manifest destiny had not been as popular as historians have traditionally portrayed it to have been. Merk wrote that, while belief in the beneficent mission of democracy was central to American history, aggressive "continentalism" were aberrations supported by only a minority of Americans, all of them Democrats. Some Democrats were also opposed; the Democrats of Louisiana opposed annexation of Mexico, while those in Mississippi supported it.
After the Mexican–American War ended in 1848, disagreements over the expansion of slavery made further annexation by conquest too divisive to be official government policy. Some, such as John Quitman , governor of Mississippi, offered what public support they could offer. In one memorable case, Quitman simply explained that the state of Mississippi had "lost" its state arsenal, which began showing up in the hands of filibusters. Yet these isolated cases only solidified opposition in the North as many Northerners were increasingly opposed to what they believed to be efforts by Southern slave owners—and their friends in the North—to expand slavery through filibustering . Sarah P. Remond on January 24, 1859, delivered an impassioned speech at Warrington, England , that the connection between filibustering and slave power was clear proof of "the mass of corruption that underlay the whole system of American government". The Wilmot Proviso and the continued " Slave Power " narratives thereafter, indicated the degree to which manifest destiny had become part of the sectional controversy.
Without official government support the most radical advocates of
manifest destiny increasingly turned to military filibustering .
Originally filibuster had come from the Dutch vrijbuiter and referred
to buccaneers in the West Indies that preyed on Spanish commerce.
While there had been some filibustering expeditions into Canada in the
late 1830s, it was only by mid-century did filibuster become a
definitive term. By then, declared the New-York Daily Times "the fever
of Fillibusterism is on our country. Her pulse beats like a hammer at
the wrist, and there's a very high color on her face." Millard
Fillmore's second annual message to Congress, submitted in December
1851, gave double the amount of space to filibustering activities than
the brewing sectional conflict. The eagerness of the filibusters, and
the public to support them, had an international hue. Clay's son,
diplomat to Portugal, reported that Lisbon had been stirred into a
"frenzy" of excitement and were waiting on every dispatch.
Filibuster William Walker , who launched several expeditions to Mexico
Although they were illegal, filibustering operations in the late
1840s and early 1850s were romanticized in the United States. The
Democratic Party's national platform included a plank that
specifically endorsed William Walker's filibustering in
Filibustering continued to be a major concern for presidents after
Polk. Whigs presidents
Filibusters like William Walker continued to garner headlines in the late 1850s, but to little effect. Expansionism was among the various issues that played a role in the coming of the war. With the divisive question of the expansion of slavery, Northerners and Southerners, in effect, were coming to define manifest destiny in different ways, undermining nationalism as a unifying force. According to Frederick Merk, "The doctrine of Manifest Destiny, which in the 1840s had seemed Heaven-sent, proved to have been a bomb wrapped up in idealism."
Main article: Homestead Acts Norwegian settlers in North Dakota in front of their homestead, a sod hut
The Homestead Act of 1862 encouraged 600,000 families to settle the West by giving them land (usually 160 acres ) almost free. They had to live on and improve the land for five years. Before the Civil War, Southern leaders opposed the Homestead Acts because they feared it would lead to more free states and free territories. After the mass resignation of Southern senators and representatives at the beginning of the war, Congress was subsequently able to pass the Homestead Act.
Across The Continent, an 1868 lithograph illustrating the westward expansion of white settlers
In the age of manifest destiny, this idea, which came to be known as
Indian removal ", gained ground. Humanitarian advocates of removal
believed that American Indians would be better off moving away from
whites. As historian Reginald Horsman argued in his influential study
Race and Manifest Destiny, racial rhetoric increased during the era of
manifest destiny. Americans increasingly believed that Native American
ways of life would "fade away" as the
BEYOND NORTH AMERICA
Annexation of the Republic of Hawaii in 1898
As the Civil War faded into history, the term manifest destiny experienced a brief revival. Protestant missionary Josiah Strong , in his best seller of 1885 Our Country argued that the future was devolved upon America since it had perfected the ideals of civil liberty, "a pure spiritual Christianity", and concluded "My plea is not, Save America for America's sake, but, Save America for the world's sake."
In the 1892 U.S. presidential election , the Republican Party platform proclaimed: "We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe doctrine and believe in the achievement of the manifest destiny of the Republic in its broadest sense." What was meant by "manifest destiny" in this context was not clearly defined, particularly since the Republicans lost the election.
In the 1896 election , however, the Republicans recaptured the White House and held on to it for the next 16 years. During that time, manifest destiny was cited to promote overseas expansion . Whether or not this version of manifest destiny was consistent with the continental expansionism of the 1840s was debated at the time, and long afterwards.
For example, when President
William McKinley advocated annexation of
Republic of Hawaii in 1898, he said that "We need Hawaii as much
and a good deal more than we did California. It is manifest destiny."
On the other hand, former President
SPANISH–AMERICAN WAR AND THE PHILIPPINES
A cartoon of Uncle Sam seated in restaurant looking at the bill of fare containing "Cuba steak", "Porto Rico pig", the "Philippine Islands" and the "Sandwich Islands" (Hawaii).
In 1898, the
The Teller Amendment , passed unanimously by the U.S. Senate before the war, which proclaimed Cuba "free and independent", forestalled annexation of the island. The Platt Amendment (1902), however, established Cuba as a virtual protectorate of the United States.
The acquisition of
According to Frederick Merk, these colonial acquisitions marked a
break from the original intention of manifest destiny. Previously,
"Manifest Destiny had contained a principle so fundamental that a
Calhoun and an O'Sullivan could agree on it—that a people not
capable of rising to statehood should never be annexed. That was the
principle thrown overboard by the imperialism of 1899." Albert J.
Beveridge maintained the contrary at his September 25, 1900, speech in
the Auditorium, at Chicago. He declared that the current desire for
Cuba and the other acquired territories was identical to the views
expressed by Washington, Jefferson and Marshall. Moreover, "the
sovereignty of the Stars and Stripes can be nothing but a blessing to
any people and to any land."
The Philippines was eventually given its
independence in 1946;
The English poet
LEGACY AND CONSEQUENCES
The legacy is a complex one. The belief in an American mission to
promote and defend democracy throughout the world, as expounded by
The belief in an American mission to promote and defend democracy
throughout the world, as expounded by
After the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth, the phrase
manifest destiny declined in usage, as territorial expansion ceased to
be promoted as being a part of America's "destiny". Under President
... I think we all realize that the day has come when Democracy is
being put upon its final test. The
This was the only time a president had used the phrase "manifest
destiny" in his annual address. Wilson's version of manifest destiny
was a rejection of expansionism and an endorsement (in principle) of
self-determination , emphasizing that the
"Manifest destiny" is sometimes used by critics of U.S. foreign policy to characterize interventions in the Middle East and elsewhere. In this usage, "manifest destiny" is interpreted as the underlying cause of what is denounced by some as " American imperialism ." A more positive-sounding phrase devised by scholars at the end of the twentieth century is "nation building," and State Department official Karin Von Hippel notes that the U.S. has "been involved in nation-building and promoting democracy since the middle of the nineteenth century and 'Manifest Destiny.'"
RELATIONSHIP WITH GERMAN LEBENSRAUM IDEOLOGY
Friedrich Ratzel visited
* Thomas Hart Benton —Missouri senator, proponent of western expansion * Stephen A. Douglas —prominent spokesman of "Young America" * Horace Greeley —popularized the phrase "Go West, young man." * Duff Green —writer, politician, and prominent manifest destiny advocate * Frances Fuller Victor —prominent western historian and fiction writer who captured the spirit of western expansion * Young America movement —a political and literary movement with connections to manifest destiny
* ^ Mountjoy, Shane, Manifest Destiny: Westward Expansion. Infobase
Publishing (2009), p. 19.
* ^ "John Gast, American Progress, 1872". Picturing U.S. History.
City University of New York. Archived from the original on June 15,
* ^ Robert J. Miller (2006). Native America, Discovered And
Conquered: Thomas Jefferson, Lewis & Clark, And Manifest Destiny.
Greenwood. p. 120.
* ^ Merk 1963 , p. 3
* ^ Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation
of America 1815–1848, (2007) pp. 705–06
* ^ "29. Manifest Destiny". American History. USHistory.org.
* ^ Hudson, Linda S. Mistress of Manifest Destiny: A Biography of
Jane McManus Storm Cazneau, 1807–1878. Texas State Historical
Association, 2001. ISBN 0-87611-179-7 .
* ^ Merk 1963 , pp. 215–216
* ^ Merk 1963 , p. 215
* ^ Ward 1962 , pp. 136–37
* ^ Hidalgo, Dennis R. (2003). "Manifest Destiny". Encyclopedia.com
taken from Dictionary of American History. Retrieved June 11, 2014.
* ^ Tuveson 1980 , p. 91.
* ^ Merk 1963 , p. 27
* ^ O'Sullivan, John. "The Great Nation of Futurity". The United
States Democratic Review Volume 0006 Issue 23 (November 1839).
* ^ O'Sullivan, John L., A Divine Destiny for America, 1845.
* ^ O'Sullivan, John L. (July–August 1845). "Annexation". United
States Magazine and Democratic Review. 17 (1): 5–11. Retrieved
* ^ See Julius Pratt, "The Origin Of 'Manifest Destiny'", American
Historical Review, (1927) 32#4, pp. 795–98 in JSTOR. Linda S. Hudson
has argued that it was coined by writer Jane McManus Storm; Greenburg,
p. 20; Hudson 2001; O'Sullivan biographer Robert D. Sampson disputes
Hudson's claim for a variety of reasons (See note 7 at Sampson 2003 ,
* ^ Adams 2008 , p. 188.
* ^ Quoted in Thomas R. Hietala, Manifest design: American
exceptionalism and Empire (2003) p. 255
* ^ Robert W. Johannsen, "The Meaning of Manifest Destiny", in
Johannsen 1997 .
* ^ McCrisken, Trevor B., "Exceptionalism: Manifest Destiny" in
Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy (2002), Vol. 2, p. 68
* ^ Weinberg 1935 , p. 145; Johannsen 1997 , p. 9.
* ^ Johannsen 1997 , p. 10
* ^ "Prospectus of the New Series", The American Whig Review Volume
7 Issue 1 (Jan 1848) p. 2
* ^ Weeks 1996 , p. 61.
* ^ Justin B. Litke, "Varieties of American Exceptionalism: Why
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* Dunning, Mike (2001). "Manifest Destiny and the Trans-Mississippi South: Natural Laws and the Extension of Slavery into Mexico". Journal of Popular Culture. 35 (2): 111–27. ISSN 0022-3840 . doi :10.1111/j.0022-3840.2001.00111.x . Fulltext: Ebsco. * Pinheiro, John C (2003). "'Religion Without Restriction': Anti-catholicism, All Mexico, and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo". Journal of the Early Republic. 23 (1): 69–96. ISSN 0275-1275 . doi :10.2307/3124986 . * Sampson, Robert D (2002). "The Pacifist-reform Roots of John L. O'Sullivan's Manifest Destiny". Mid-America. 84 (1–3): 129–44. ISSN 0026-2927 .
* Brown, Charles Henry (January 1980). Agents of Manifest Destiny: the lives and times of the filibusters. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-1361-4 . * Burns, Edward McNall (1957). The American idea of mission: concepts of national purpose and destiny. Rutgers University Press. * Cheathem, Mark R. and Terry Corps, eds. Historical Dictionary of the Jacksonian Era and Manifest Destiny (2nd ed. 2016), 544 pp * Fresonke, Kris (2003). West of Emerson: the design of Manifest Destiny. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-23185-6 . * Gould, Lewis L. (1980). The Presidency of William McKinley. Regents Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0206-3 . * Graebner, Norman A. (1968). Manifest destiny. Bobbs–Merrill. ISBN 0-672-50986-5 . * Heidler, David Stephen; Heidler, Jeanne T. (2003). Manifest Destiny. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-32308-9 . * Hofstadter, Richard (1965). "Cuba, the Philippines, and Manifest Destiny". The paranoid style in American politics: and other essays. Knopf. * Horsman, Reginald (1981). Race and Manifest Destiny: The origins of American racial Anglo-Saxonism. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-94805-1 . * McDonough, Matthew Davitian. Manifestly Uncertain Destiny: The Debate over American Expansionism, 1803–1848. PhD dissertation, Kansas State University, 2011. * Merk, Frederick, and Lois Bannister Merk. Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History: A Reinterpretation. New York: Knopf, 1963. * May, Robert E. (2002). Manifest Destiny\'s underworld: filibustering in antebellum America. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-2703-1 . * Morrison, Michael A. (August 18, 1999). Slavery and the American West: The Eclipse of Manifest Destiny and the Coming of the Civil War. UNC Press Books. ISBN 978-0-8078-4796-1 . * Sampson, Robert (2003). John L. O\'Sullivan and his times. Kent State University Press. ISBN 978-0-87338-745-3 . * Smith, Gene A. (2000). Thomas Ap Catesby Jones: commodore of Manifest Destiny. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-848-5 .
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