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Museo Quinta 17 de Octubre San Vicente, Buenos Aires, Argentina

Political party Labour (1945–1947) Justicialist (1947–1974)

Spouse(s) Aurelia Tizón (m. 1929; her death 1938) Eva Duarte
Eva Duarte
(m. 1945; her death 1952) Isabel Martínez Cartas (m. 1961; his death 1974)

Signature

Military service

Allegiance  Argentina

Service/branch Argentine
Argentine
Army

Years of service 1913–1945

Rank Lieutenant General

Juan Domingo Perón
Perón
(Spanish pronunciation: [ˈxwan doˈmiŋɡo peˈɾon]; 8 October 1895 – 1 July 1974) was an Argentine
Argentine
army lieutenant general and politician. After serving in several government positions, including Minister of Labour and Vice President, he was thrice elected President of Argentina, serving from June 1946 to September 1955, when he was overthrown in a coup d'état, and then from October 1973 until his death in July 1974. During his first presidential term (1946–52), Perón
Perón
was supported by his second wife, Eva Duarte
Eva Duarte
("Evita"), and the two were immensely popular among many Argentines. Eva died in 1952, and Perón
Perón
was elected to a second term, serving from 1952 until 1955. During the following period of two military dictatorships, interrupted by two civilian governments, the Peronist
Peronist
party was outlawed and Perón
Perón
was exiled. When the left-wing Peronist
Peronist
Hector Cámpora
Hector Cámpora
was elected President in 1973, Perón
Perón
returned to Argentina
Argentina
and was soon after elected President for a third time. His third wife, María Estela Martínez, known as Isabel Perón, was elected as Vice President on his ticket and succeeded him as President upon his death in 1974. Although they are still controversial figures, Juan and Evita Perón are nonetheless considered icons by the Peronists. The Peróns' followers praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labour, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators. The Peróns gave their name to the political movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina
Argentina
is represented mainly by the Justicialist Party. Peronism
Peronism
is a political phenomenon that draws support from both the political left and political right. Peronism
Peronism
is not considered a traditional party, but a political movement, because of the wide variety of people who call themselves Peronists, and there is great controversy surrounding his personality. The following Argentinian presidents were Peronists: Héctor Cámpora, Isabel Perón, Carlos Menem, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner
Néstor Kirchner
and Cristina Kirchner.

Contents

1 Childhood and youth 2 Army career 3 Military government of 1943–1946 4 Perón's first term (1946–1952)

4.1 Domestic policy 4.2 Foreign policy and adversaries 4.3 Growth and limitations 4.4 Focus on infrastructure

5 Eva Perón's influence and contribution 6 Opposition and repression 7 Perón
Perón
and Fascism

7.1 Protection of Nazi war criminals 7.2 Perón
Perón
and the Jewish and German communities of Argentina

8 Perón's second term 9 Exile (1955–1973)

9.1 Che Guevara
Che Guevara
and Perón

10 Perón's third term (1973–1974)

10.1 Relationship with Allende and Pinochet

11 Mausoleum
Mausoleum
and legacy 12 References 13 Further reading 14 External links

Childhood and youth[edit] Main article: Early life of Juan Perón

Patio inside the home in Lobos
Lobos
where Perón
Perón
was born.

Juan Domingo Perón
Perón
was born in Lobos, Buenos Aires
Lobos, Buenos Aires
Province, on 8 October 1895. He was the son of Juana Sosa Toledo and Mario Tomás Perón. The Perón
Perón
branch of his family was originally Sardinian, from which his great-grandfather emigrated in the 1830s; in later life Perón
Perón
would publicly express his pride in his Sardinian roots.[1] He also had Spanish[2] and French Basque ancestry.[3] Perón's great-grandfather became a successful shoe merchant in Buenos Aires, and his grandfather was a prosperous physician; his death in 1889 left his widow nearly destitute, however, and Perón's father moved to then-rural Lobos, where he administered an estancia and met his future wife. The couple had their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901.[4] His father moved to the Patagonia region that year, where he later purchased a sheep ranch. Juan himself was sent away in 1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
directed by his paternal grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic upbringing. His father's undertaking ultimately failed, and he died in Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
in 1928. The youth entered the National Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913. He excelled less in his studies than in athletics, particularly boxing and fencing.[1] Army career[edit]

Lt. Perón
Perón
(left) and General
General
José Uriburu (middle), with whose right-wing coup in 1930 he collaborated. Perón
Perón
backed the more moderate General
General
Agustín Justo, however.

Perón
Perón
began his military career in an Infantry post in Paraná, Entre Ríos. He went on to command the post, and in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal, then a leading firm in forestry in Argentina. He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, and in 1929 was appointed to the Army General Staff Headquarters. Perón
Perón
married his first wife, Aurelia Tizón (Potota, as Perón
Perón
fondly called her), on 5 January 1929.[4] Perón
Perón
was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General
General
José Félix Uriburu, to collaborate in the latter's plans for a military coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen. Perón, who instead supported General
General
Agustín Justo, was banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina
Argentina
after Uriburu's successful coup in September 1930. He was promoted to the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School, however, where he taught military history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military attaché in the Argentine Embassy in Chile from 1936 to 1938, and returned to his teaching post. His wife was diagnosed with uterine cancer that year, and died on 10 September at age 30; the couple had no children.[4] Perón
Perón
was assigned by the War Ministry to study mountain warfare in the Italian Alps
Italian Alps
in 1939. He also attended the University of Turin
University of Turin
for a semester and served as a military observer in countries across Europe. He studied Benito Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, and other European governments of the time, concluding in his summary, Apuntes de historia militar (Notes about military history), that social democracy could be a viable alternative to liberal democracy (which he viewed as a veiled plutocracy) or totalitarian regimes (which he viewed as oppressive).[4] He returned to Argentina
Argentina
in 1941, and served as an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province.[1] Military government of 1943–1946[edit] Main article: 1943 Argentine
Argentine
coup d'état See also: Argentina
Argentina
during World War II

President Edelmiro Farrell
Edelmiro Farrell
(left) and his benefactor, Vice President Juan Perón, in April 1945.

In 1943 a coup d'état was led by General
General
Arturo Rawson
Arturo Rawson
against conservative President Ramón Castillo, who had been fraudulently elected to office.[5] The military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrón Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, who was the principal landowner in Salta Province, as well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel and his power of premier minister, Perón
Perón
took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU (United Officers' Group, a secret society) against the conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant to Secretary of War
Secretary of War
General Edelmiro Farrell, under the administration of General
General
Pedro Ramírez, he later became the head of the then-insignificant Department of Labour. Perón's work in the Labour Department witnessed the passage of a broad range of progressive social reforms designed to improve working conditions,[6] and led to an alliance with the socialist and syndicalist movements in the Argentine
Argentine
labour unions. This caused his power and influence to increase in the military government.[7] After the coup, socialists from the CGT-Nº1 labour union, through mercantile labour leader Ángel Borlenghi
Ángel Borlenghi
and railway union lawyer Juan Atilio Bramuglia, made contact with Perón
Perón
and fellow GOU Colonel Domingo Mercante. They established an alliance to promote labour laws that had long been demanded by the workers' movement, to strengthen the unions, and to transform the Department of Labour into a more significant government office. Perón
Perón
had the Department of Labour elevated to a cabinet-level secretariat in November 1943.[8]

Demonstration for Perón's release on 17 October 1945

Following the devastating January 1944 San Juan earthquake, which claimed over 10,000 lives and leveled the Andes
Andes
range city, Perón became nationally prominent in relief efforts. Junta leader Pedro Ramírez entrusted fundraising efforts to him, and Perón
Perón
marshaled celebrities from Argentina's large film industry and other public figures. For months, a giant thermometer hung from the Buenos Aires Obelisk to track the fundraising. The effort's success and relief for earthquake victims earned Perón
Perón
widespread public approval. At this time, he met a minor radio matinee star, Eva Duarte.[1]

The Peróns at their 1945 wedding

Following President Ramírez's January 1944 suspension of diplomatic relations with the Axis Powers
Axis Powers
(against whom the new junta would declare war in March 1945), the GOU junta unseated him in favor of General
General
Edelmiro Farrell. For contributing to his success, Perón
Perón
was appointed Vice President and Secretary of War, while retaining his Labour portfolio. As Minister of Labour, Perón
Perón
established the INPS (the first national social insurance system in Argentina), settled industrial disputes in favour of labour unions (as long as their leaders pledged political allegiance to him), and introduced a wide range of social welfare benefits for unionised workers.[9] Employers were forced to improve working conditions and to provide severance pay and accident compensation, the conditions under which workers could be dismissed were restricted, a system of labour courts to handle the grievances of workers was established, the working day was reduced in various industries, and paid holidays/vacations were generalised to the entire workforce. Perón
Perón
also passed a law providing minimum wages, maximum hours and vacations for rural workers, froze rural rents, presided over a large increase in rural wages, and helped lumber, wine, sugar and migrant workers organize themselves. From 1943 to 1946, real wages grew by only 4%, but in 1945 Perón
Perón
established two new institutions that would later increase wages: the “aguinaldo” (a bonus that provided each worker with a lump sum at the end of the year amounting to one-twelfth of the annual wage) and the National Institute of Compensation, which implemented a minimum wage and collected data on living standards, prices, and wages.[10] Leveraging his authority on behalf of striking abattoir workers and the right to unionise, Perón
Perón
became increasingly thought of as presidential timber. On 18 September 1945, he delivered an address billed as "from work to home and from home to work". The speech, prefaced by an excoriation of the conservative opposition, provoked an ovation by declaring that "we've passed social reforms to make the Argentine
Argentine
people proud to live where they live, once again." This move fed growing rivalries against Perón
Perón
and on 9 October 1945, he was forced to resign by opponents within the armed forces. Arrested four days later, he was released due to mass demonstrations organised by the CGT and other supporters; 17 October was later commemorated as Loyalty Day. His paramour, Eva Duarte, became hugely popular after helping organize the demonstration; known as "Evita", she helped Perón
Perón
gain support with labour and women's groups. She and Perón
Perón
were married on 22 October.[1] Perón's first term (1946–1952)[edit] Domestic policy[edit]

Perón
Perón
with military uniform, drinking coffee.

President Perón
Perón
at his 1946 inaugural parade.

Perón
Perón
and his running mate, Hortensio Quijano, leveraged popular support to victory over a Radical Civic Union-led opposition alliance by about 11% in the February 24, 1946 presidential elections. Perón's candidacy on the Labor Party ticket, announced the day after 17 October 1945, mobilization, became a lightning rod that rallied an unusually diverse opposition against it. The majority of the centrist Radical Civic Union
Radical Civic Union
(UCR), the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and most of the conservative National Autonomist Party
National Autonomist Party
(in power during most of the 1874–1916 era) had already been forged into a fractious alliance in June by interests in the financial sector and the chamber of commerce, united solely by the goal of keeping Perón from the Casa Rosada. Organizing a massive kick-off rally in front of Congress on 8 December, the Democratic Union nominated José Tamborini and Enrique Mosca, two prominent UCR congressmen. The alliance failed to win over several prominent lawmakers, such as Congressmen Ricardo Balbín and Arturo Frondizi
Arturo Frondizi
and former Córdoba governor Amadeo Sabattini, all of whom opposed the Union's ties to conservative interests. In a bid to support their campaign, US Ambassador Spruille Braden published a white paper, otherwise known as the Blue Book[11] accusing Perón, President Farrell and others of Fascist ties. Fluent in Spanish, Braden addressed Democratic Union rallies in person, but his move backfired when Perón
Perón
summarized the election as a choice between " Perón
Perón
or Braden". He also rallied further support by responding to the "Blue Book" with his own "Blue and White Book", which was a play-off of the Argentine
Argentine
flag colors, and focused on the antagonism of Yankee imperialism.[12] He persuaded the president to sign the nationalization of the Central Bank and the extension of mandatory Christmas bonuses, actions that contributed to his decisive victory.[13]

Ángel Borlenghi, an erstwhile socialist who, as Interior Minister, oversaw new labor courts and the opposition's activities.

When Perón
Perón
became president on 4 June 1946, his two stated goals were social justice and economic independence. These two goals avoided Cold War entanglements from choosing between capitalism and socialism, but he had no concrete means to achieve those goals. Perón
Perón
instructed his economic advisers to develop a five-year plan with the goals of increasing workers' pay, achieving full employment, stimulating industrial growth of over 40% while diversifying the sector (then dominated by food processing), and greatly improving transportation, communication, energy and social infrastructure (in the private, as well as public, sectors).[14] Perón's planning prominently included political considerations. Numerous military allies were fielded as candidates, notably Colonel Domingo Mercante
Domingo Mercante
who, when elected Governor of the paramount Province of Buenos Aires, became renowned for his housing program. Having brought him to power, the General
General
Confederation of Labour (CGT) was given overwhelming support by the new administration, which introduced labour courts and filled its cabinet with labor union appointees, such as Juan Atilio Bramuglia
Juan Atilio Bramuglia
(Foreign Ministry) and Ángel Borlenghi (Interior Ministry, which, in Argentina, oversees law enforcement). It also made room for amenable wealthy industrialists (Central Bank President Miguel Miranda) and socialists such as José Figuerola, a Spanish economist who had years earlier advised that nation's ill-fated regime of Miguel Primo de Rivera. Intervention of their behalf by Perón's appointees encouraged the CGT to call strikes in the face of employers reluctant to grant benefits or honor new labor legislation. Strike activity (with 500,000 working days lost in 1945) leapt to 2 million in 1946 and to over 3 million in 1947, helping wrest needed labor reforms, though permanently aligning large employers against the Peronists. Labor unions grew in ranks from around 500,000 to over 2 million by 1950, primarily in the CGT, which has since been Argentina's paramount labor union.[14] As the country's labor force numbered around 5 million people at the time, Argentina's labor force was the most unionized in South America.[15]

President Perón
Perón
(right) signs the nationalization of British-owned railways watched by Ambassador Sir Reginald Leeper, March 1948.

During the first half of the 20th century, a widening gap had existed between the classes; Perón
Perón
hoped to close it through the increase of wages and employment, making the nation more pluralistic and less reliant on foreign trade. Before taking office in 1946, President Perón
Perón
took dramatic steps which he believed would result in a more economically independent Argentina, better insulated from events such as World War II. He thought there would be another international war.[16] The reduced availability of imports and the war's beneficial effects on both the quantity and price of Argentine
Argentine
exports had combined to create a US$1.7 billion cumulative surplus during those years.[17] In his first two years in office, Perón
Perón
nationalized the Central Bank and paid off its billion-dollar debt to the Bank of England; nationalized the railways (mostly owned by British and French companies), merchant marine, universities, public utilities, public transport (then, mostly tramways); and, probably most significantly, created a single purchaser for the nation's mostly export-oriented grains and oilseeds, the Institute for the Promotion of Trade (IAPI). The IAPI
IAPI
wrested control of Argentina's famed grain export sector from entrenched conglomerates such as Bunge y Born; but when commodity prices fell after 1948, it began shortchanging growers.[1] IAPI profits were used to fund welfare projects, while internal demand was encouraged by large wage increases given to workers;[9] average real wages rose by about 35% from 1945 to 1949,[18] while during that same period, labor's share of national income rose from 40% to 49%.[19] Access to health care was also made a universal right by the Workers' Bill of Rights enacted on 24 February 1947 (subsequently incorporated into the 1949 Constitution as Article 14-b),[20] while social security was extended to virtually all members of the Argentine
Argentine
working class.[21] From 1946 to 1951, the number of Argentinians covered by social security more than tripled, so that in 1951 more than 5 million people (70% of the economically active population) were covered by social security. Health insurance also spread to new industries, including banking and metalworking. Between 1945 and 1949, real wages went up by 22%, fell between 1949 and 1952, and then increased again from 1953 to 1955, ending up at least 30% higher than in 1946. In proportional terms, wages rose from 41% of national income in 1946-48 to 49% in 1952-55. The boost in the real incomes of workers was encouraged by government policies such as the enforcement of minimum wage laws, controls on the prices of food and other basic consumption items, and extending housing credits to workers.[10] Foreign policy and adversaries[edit] Perón
Perón
first articulated his foreign policy, the "Third Way", in 1949. This policy was developed to avoid the binary Cold War
Cold War
divisions and keep other world powers, such as the United States and the Soviet Union, as allies rather than enemies. He restored diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, severed since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1918, and opened grain sales to the shortage-stricken Soviets.[22] U.S. policy restricted Argentine
Argentine
growth during the Perón
Perón
years; by placing embargoes on Argentina, the United States hoped to discourage the nation in its pursuit of becoming economically sovereign during a time when the world was divided into two influence spheres. U.S. interests feared losing their stake, as they had large commercial investments (over a billion dollars) vested in Argentina
Argentina
through the oil and meat packing industries, besides being a mechanical goods provider to Argentina. His ability to effectively deal with points of contention abroad was equally hampered by Perón's own mistrust of potential rivals, which harmed foreign relations with Bramuglia's 1949 dismissal.[7] The rising influence of American diplomat George F. Kennan, a staunch anti-communist and champion of containment, fed U.S. suspicions that Argentine
Argentine
goals for economic sovereignty and neutrality were Perón's disguise for a resurgence of communism in the Americas. The U.S. Congress took a dislike of Perón
Perón
and his government. In 1948 they excluded Argentine
Argentine
exports from the Marshall Plan, the landmark Truman administration effort to combat communism and help rebuild war-torn European nations by offering U.S. aid. This contributed to Argentine financial crises after 1948 and, according to Perón
Perón
biographer Joseph Page, "the Marshall Plan
Marshall Plan
drove a final nail into the coffin that bore Perón's ambitions to transform Argentina
Argentina
into an industrial power". The policy deprived Argentina
Argentina
of potential agricultural markets in Western Europe to the benefit of Canadian exporters, for instance.[1] As relations with the U.S. deteriorated, Perón
Perón
made efforts to mitigate the misunderstandings, which was made easier after President Harry Truman replaced the hostile Braden with Ambassador George Messersmith. He negotiated the release of Argentine
Argentine
assets in the U.S. in exchange for preferential treatment for U.S. goods, followed by Argentine
Argentine
ratification of the Act of Chapultepec, a centerpiece of Truman's Latin America policy. He even proposed the enlistment of Argentine
Argentine
troops into the Korean War
Korean War
in 1950 under UN auspices (a move retracted in the face of public opposition).[23] Perón
Perón
was opposed to borrowing from foreign credit markets, preferring to float bonds domestically. He refused to enter the General
General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (precursor to the World Trade Organization) or the International Monetary Fund.[14]

As president, Perón
Perón
took an active interest in the development of sports in Argentina, hosting international events and sponsoring athletes such as the boxing great José María Gatica
José María Gatica
(left).

Believing that international sports created goodwill, however, Perón hosted the 1950 World Basketball Championship and the 1951 Pan American Games, both of which Argentine
Argentine
athletes won resoundingly. He also sponsored numerous notable athletes, including the five-time Formula 1
Formula 1
world champion, Juan Manuel Fangio, who, without this funding, would have most likely never competed in Europe. His bid to host the 1956 Olympic Games in Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
was defeated by the International Olympic Committee
International Olympic Committee
by one vote. Growth and limitations[edit] Economic success was short-lived. Following a lumbering recovery during 1933 to 1945, from 1946 to 1953 Argentina
Argentina
gained benefits from Perón's five-year plan. The GDP expanded by over a fourth during that brief boom, about as much as it had during the previous decade. Using roughly half the US$1.7 billion in reserves inherited from wartime surpluses for nationalizations, economic development agencies devoted most of the other half to finance both public and private investments; the roughly 70% jump in domestic fixed investment was accounted for mostly by industrial growth in the private sector.[14] All this much-needed activity exposed an intrinsic weakness in the plan: it subsidized growth which, in the short term, led to a wave of imports of the capital goods that local industry could not supply. Whereas the end of World War II had allowed Argentine
Argentine
exports to rise from US$700 million to US$1.6 billion, Perón's changes led to skyrocketing imports (from US$300 million to US$1.6 billion), and erased the surplus by 1948.[24] Perón's bid for economic independence was further complicated by a number of inherited external factors. Great Britain owed Argentina over 150 million pounds Sterling (nearly US$650 million) from agricultural exports to that nation during the war. This debt was mostly in the form of Argentine
Argentine
Central Bank reserves which, per the 1933 Roca-Runciman Treaty, were deposited in the Bank of England. The money was useless to the Argentine
Argentine
government, because the treaty allowed Bank of England
Bank of England
to hold the funds in trust, something British planners could not compromise on as a result of that country's debts accrued under the Lend-Lease Act.[14] The nation's need for U.S. made capital goods increased, though ongoing limits on the Central Bank's availability of hard currency hampered access to them. Argentina's pound Sterling surpluses earned after 1946 (worth over US$200 million) were made convertible to dollars by a treaty negotiated by Central Bank President Miguel Miranda; but after a year, British Prime Minister Clement Attlee suspended the provision. Perón
Perón
accepted the transfer of over 24,000 km (15,000 mi) of British-owned railways (over half the total in Argentina) in exchange for the debt in March 1948. Due to political disputes between Perón
Perón
and the U.S. government (as well as to pressure by the U.S. agricultural lobby through the Agricultural Act of 1949), Argentine
Argentine
foreign exchange earnings via its exports to the United States fell, turning a US$100 million surplus with the United States into a US$300 million deficit. The combined pressure practically devoured Argentina's liquid reserves and Miranda issued a temporary restriction on the outflow of dollars to U.S. banks. The nationalization of the Port of Buenos Aires
Port of Buenos Aires
and domestic and foreign-owned private cargo ships, as well as the purchase of others, nearly tripled the national merchant marine to 1.2 million tons' displacement, reducing the need for over US$100 million in shipping fees (then the largest source of Argentina's invisible balance deficit) and leading to the inauguration of the Río Santiago Shipyards at Ensenada (on line to the present day).[25][26]

Repairs at the Río Santiago Shipyards

Exports fell sharply, to around US$1.1 billion during the 1949–54 era (a severe 1952 drought trimmed this to US$700 million),[24] due in part to a deterioration in terms of trade of about a third. The Central Bank was forced to devalue the peso at an unprecedented rate: the peso lost about 70% of its value from early 1948 to early 1950, leading to a decline in the imports fueling industrial growth and to recession. Short of central bank reserves, Perón
Perón
was forced to borrow US$125 million from the U.S. Export-Import Bank
U.S. Export-Import Bank
to cover a number of private banks' debts to U.S. institutions, without which their insolvency would have become a central bank liability.[27] Austerity and better harvests in 1950 helped finance a recovery in 1951; but inflation, having risen from 13% in 1948 to 31% in 1949, reached 50% in late 1951 before stabilizing, and a second, sharper recession soon followed.[28] Workers' purchasing power, by 1952, had declined 20% from its 1948 high and GDP, having leapt by a fourth during Perón's first two years, saw zero growth from 1948 to 1952. (The U.S. economy, by contrast, grew by about a fourth in the same interim).[14] After 1952, however, wages began rising in real terms once more.[18] The increasing frequency of strikes, increasingly directed against Perón
Perón
as the economy slid into stagflation in late 1954, was dealt with through the expulsion of organizers from the CGT ranks. To consolidate his political grasp on the eve of colder economic winds, Perón
Perón
called for a broad constitutional reform in September. The elected convention (whose opposition members soon resigned) approved the wholesale replacement of the 1853 Constitution of Argentina
Argentina
with a new magna carta in March, explicitly guaranteeing social reforms; but also allowing the mass nationalization of natural resources and public services, as well as the re-election of the president.[29] Focus on infrastructure[edit] Emphasizing an economic policy centerpiece dating from the 1920s, Perón
Perón
made record investments in Argentina's infrastructure. Investing over US$100 million to modernize the railways (originally built on a myriad of incompatible gauges), he also nationalized a number of small, regional air carriers, forging them into Aerolíneas Argentinas
Aerolíneas Argentinas
in 1950. The airline, equipped with 36 new DC-3
DC-3
and DC-4
DC-4
aircraft, was supplemented with a new international airport and a 22 km (14 mi) freeway into Buenos Aires. This freeway was followed by one between Rosario
Rosario
and Santa Fe.[29]

Reservoir of the Valle Grande hydroelectric dam, near San Rafael, Mendoza

A hospital near Rosario, one of hundreds built during the Perón
Perón
years

Perón
Perón
had mixed success in expanding the country's inadequate electric grid, which grew by only one fourth during his tenure. Argentina's installed hydroelectric capacity, however, leapt from 45 to 350 MW during his first term (to about a fifth of the total public grid). He promoted the fossil fuel industry by ordering these resources nationalized, inaugurating Río Turbio
Río Turbio
(Argentina's only active coal mine), having natural gas flared by the state oil firm YPF captured, and establishing Gas del Estado. The 1949 completion of a gas pipeline between Comodoro Rivadavia
Comodoro Rivadavia
and Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
was another significant accomplishment in this regard. The 1,700 km (1,060 mi) pipeline allowed natural gas production to rise quickly from 300,000 m3 to 15 million m3 daily, making the country self-sufficient in the critical energy staple; the pipeline was, at the time, the longest in the world.[29] Propelled by an 80% increase in output at the state-owed energy firm YPF, oil production rose from 3.3 million m3 to over 4.8 million m3 during Perón's tenure;[30] but since most manufacturing was powered by on-site generators and the number of motor vehicles grew by a third,[31] the need for oil imports grew from 40% to half of the consumption, costing the national balance sheet over US$300 million a year (over a fifth of the import bill).[32] Perón's government is remembered for its record social investments. He introduced a Ministry of Health to the cabinet; its first head, the neurologist Ramón Carrillo, oversaw the completion of over 4,200 health care facilities.[33] Related works included construction of more than 1,000 kindergartens and over 8,000 schools, including several hundred technological, nursing and teachers' schools, among an array of other public investments.[34] The new Minister of Public Works, General
General
Juan Pistarini, oversaw the construction of 650,000 new, public sector homes, as well as of the international airport, one of the largest in the world at the time.[35] The reactivation of the dormant National Mortgage Bank spurred private-sector housing development: averaging over 8 units per 1,000 inhabitants (150,000 a year), the pace was, at the time, at par with that of the United States and one of the highest rates of residential construction in the world.[14]

Production line at the state military industries facility, 1950; on line since 1927, Perón's budgets modernized and expanded the complex.

Perón
Perón
modernized the Argentine
Argentine
Armed Forces, particularly its Air Force. Between 1947 and 1950, Argentina
Argentina
manufactured two advanced jet aircraft: Pulqui I (designed by the Argentine
Argentine
engineers Cardehilac, Morchio and Ricciardi with the French engineer Émile Dewoitine, condemned in France in absentia for collaborationism), and Pulqui II, designed by German engineer Kurt Tank. In the test flights, the planes were flown by Lieutenant Edmundo Osvaldo Weiss and Tank, reaching 1,000 km/h (620 mph) with the Pulqui II. Argentina
Argentina
continued testing the Pulqui II until 1959; in the tests, two pilots lost their lives.[36] The Pulqui project opened the door to two successful Argentinian planes: the IA 58 Pucará
IA 58 Pucará
and the IA 63 Pampa, manufactured at the Aircraft Factory of Córdoba.[37] Perón
Perón
announced in 1951 that the Huemul Project would produce nuclear fusion before any other country. The project was led by an Austrian, Ronald Richter, who had been recommended by Kurt Tank. Tank expected to power his aircraft with Richter's invention. Perón
Perón
announced that energy produced by the fusion process would be delivered in milk-bottle sized containers. Richter announced success in 1951, but no proof was given. The next year, Perón
Perón
appointed a scientific team to investigate Richter's activities. Reports by José Antonio Balseiro and Mario Báncora revealed that the project was a fraud. After that, the Huemul Project was transferred to the Centro Atómico Bariloche (CAB) of the new National Atomic Energy Commission
National Atomic Energy Commission
(CNEA) and to the physics institute of the Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, later named Instituto Balseiro
Instituto Balseiro
(IB).[7] According to a recently aired History Channel documentary, the secrecy, Nazi connections, declassified US intelligence documents, and military infrastructure located around the remote facility all argue for the more likely objective of atomic bomb development. The Argentine
Argentine
navy actually bombed multiple buildings in 1955 - an unusual method of decommissioning a legitimate research facility. Eva Perón's influence and contribution[edit]

First Lady Eva Perón
Eva Perón
(left) tending to the needy in her capacity as head of her foundation

Eva Perón
Eva Perón
was instrumental as a symbol of hope to the common laborer during the first five-year plan. When she died in 1952, the year of the presidential elections, the people felt they had lost an ally. Coming from humble origins, she was loathed by the elite but adored by the poor for her work with the sick, elderly, and orphans. It was due to her behind-the-scenes work that women's suffrage was granted in 1947 and a feminist wing of the 3rd party in Argentina
Argentina
was formed. Simultaneous to Perón's five-year plans, Evita supported a women's movement that concentrated on the rights of women, the poor and the disabled. Although her role in the politics of Perón's first term remains disputed, Eva introduced social justice and equality into the national discourse. She stated, "It is not philanthropy, nor is it charity... It is not even social welfare; to me, it is strict justice... I do nothing but return to the poor what the rest of us owe them, because we had taken it away from them unjustly."[1]

Partial view of the "Children's Republic" theme park.

She established the Eva Perón
Eva Perón
Foundation in 1948, which was perhaps the greatest contribution to her husband's social policy. Enjoying an annual budget of around US$50 million (nearly 1% of GDP at the time),[38] the Foundation had 14,000 employees and founded hundreds of new schools, clinics, old-age homes and holiday facilities; it also distributed hundreds of thousands of household necessities, physicians' visits and scholarships, among other benefits. Among the best-known of the Foundation's many large construction projects are the Evita City development south of Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
(25,000 homes) and the "Republic of the Children", a theme park based on tales from the Brothers Grimm. Following Perón's 1955 ousting, twenty such construction projects were abandoned incomplete and the foundation's US$290 million endowment was liquidated.[39]

An August 1951 rally organized by the CGT for a Perón-Evita ticket failed to overcome military objections to her, and the ailing first lady withdrew.

The portion of the five-year plans which argued for full employment, public healthcare and housing, labour benefits, and raises are a result of Eva's influence on the policy-making of Perón
Perón
in his first term, as historians note that at first he simply wanted to keep imperialists out of Argentina
Argentina
and create effective businesses. The humanitarian relief efforts embedded in the five-year plan are Eva's creation, which endeared the Peronist
Peronist
movement to the working-class people from which Eva had come. Her strong ties to the poor and her position as Perón's wife brought credibility to his promises during his first presidential term and ushered in a new wave of supporters. The first lady's willingness to replace the ailing Hortensio Quijano as Perón's running mate for the 1951 campaign was defeated by her own frail health and by military opposition. A 22 August rally organized for her by the CGT on Buenos Aires' wide Nueve de Julio Avenue
Nueve de Julio Avenue
failed to turn the tide. On 28 September, elements in the Argentine Army
Argentine Army
led by General
General
Benjamín Andrés Menéndez attempted a coup against Perón. Although unsuccessful, the mutiny marked the end of the first lady's political hopes. She died the following July.[1] Opposition and repression[edit] Among upper-class Argentines, improvement of the workers' situation was a source of resentment; industrial workers from rural areas had formerly been treated as servants. It was common for better-off Argentines to refer to these workers using classist slurs like "little black heads" (cabecitas negras, the name of a bird), "greased" (grasas which came from people with grease on their hands or fingernails, i.e., blue-collar workers), "shirtless" (descamisados, since they doffed their shirts to perform manual labor). Conservative Radical Civic Union Congressman Ernesto Sammartino mused that Perón's voters were a "zoological flood" (aluvión zoológico).[40] In the 1940s, upper-class students were the first to oppose Peronist
Peronist
workers, with the slogan: "No to cheap shoe dictatorship" (No a la dictadura de las alpargatas). A graffiti revealing the strong opposition between Peronists and anti-Peronists appeared in upper-class districts in the 1950s, "Long live cancer!" (¡Viva el cáncer!), when Eva Perón
Eva Perón
was ill.[41] She died of cervical cancer in 1952 at the age of thirty-three.[42] At a time when credentialed teaching personnel were in short supply, Perón
Perón
had fired more than 1,500 university faculty who opposed him.[14] These included Nobel laureate Bernardo Houssay, a physiologist, University of La Plata
University of La Plata
physicist Rafael Grinfeld, painter Emilio Pettoruti, art scholars Pío Collivadino
Pío Collivadino
and Jorge Romero Brest, and noted author Jorge Luis Borges, who was appointed "poultry inspector" at the Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
Municipal Wholesale Market (a post he refused).[43] Many faculty left the country and migrated to Mexico or the United States. Weiss recalls events in the universities:

As a young student in Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
in the early 1950s, I well remember the graffiti found on many an empty wall all over town: "Build the Fatherland. Kill a Student" (Haga patria, mate un estudiante). Perón opposed the universities, which questioned his methods and his goals. A well-remembered slogan was, Alpargatas sí, libros no ("Shoes? Yes! Books? No!"). Universities were then 'intervened'. In some, a Peronist mediocre was appointed principal. Others were closed for years."(Weiss, 2005, p. 45)

The labor movement that had brought Perón
Perón
to power was not exempt from the iron fist. Elections in 1946 to the post of Secretary General of the CGT resulted in telephone workers' union leader Luis Gay's victory over Perón's nominee, former retail workers' leader Ángel Borlenghi—both central figures in Perón's famed 17 October comeback. The president had Luis Gay expelled from the CGT three months later, and replaced him with José Espejo, a little-known rank-and-filer who was close to the first lady. This was done on unsubstantiated charges that he had colluded with Perón's enemy, the former U.S. Ambassador Spruille Braden.[14]

Union leader Cipriano Reyes, jailed for years for turning against Perón

The meat-packers' union leader, Cipriano Reyes, turned against Perón when he replaced the Labor Party with the Peronist
Peronist
Party in 1947. Organizing a strike in protest, Reyes was arrested on the charge of plotting against the lives of the president and first lady, though the allegations were never substantiated. Tortured in prison, Reyes was denied parole five years later, and freed only after the regime's 1955 downfall.[44] Cipriano Reyes was one of hundreds of Perón's opponents held at Buenos Aires' Ramos Mejía General
General
Hospital, one of whose basements was converted into a police detention center where torture became routine.[45] The populist leader was intolerant of both left-wing and conservative opposition. Though he used violence, Perón
Perón
preferred to deprive the opposition of their access to media. Interior Minister Borlenghi administered El Laborista, the leading official news daily. Carlos Aloe, a personal friend of Evita's, oversaw an array of leisure magazines published by Editorial Haynes, which the Peronist
Peronist
Party bought a majority stake in. Through the Secretary of the Media, Raúl Apold, socialist dailies such as La Vanguardia or Democracia, and conservative ones such as La Prensa or La Razón, were simply closed or expropriated in favor of the CGT or ALEA, the regime's new state media company.[13] Intimidation of the press increased: between 1943 and 1946, 110 publications were closed down; others such as La Nación and Roberto Noble's Clarín became more cautious and self-censoring.[46] Perón
Perón
appeared more threatened by dissident artists than by opposition political figures (though UCR leader Ricardo Balbín
Ricardo Balbín
spent most of 1950 in jail). Numerous prominent cultural and intellectual figures were imprisoned (publisher and critic Victoria Ocampo, for one) or forced into exile, among them comedian Niní Marshall, film maker Luis Saslavsky, pianist Osvaldo Pugliese and actress Libertad Lamarque, victim of a rivalry with Eva Perón.[47] Perón
Perón
and Fascism[edit] In 1938, Perón
Perón
was sent to many countries of Europe to study them. At his return, he would explain that he had a positive impression about national syndicalism during the government of Benito Mussolini
Benito Mussolini
in Italy, Ioannis Metaxas
Ioannis Metaxas
in Greece and Adolf Hitler
Adolf Hitler
in Germany. By that year, he thought that those countries would become social democracies. His exact words were as follows:

Italian Fascism
Italian Fascism
led popular organizations to an effective participation in national life, which had always been denied to the people. Before Mussolini's rise to power, the nation was on one hand and the worker on the other, and the latter had no involvement in the former. [...] In Germany happened exactly the same phenomenon, meaning, an organized state for a perfectly ordered community, for a perfectly ordered population as well: a community where the state was the tool of the nation, whose representation was, under my view, effective. I thought that this should be the future political form, meaning, the true people's democracy, the true social democracy.[48] — Juan Perón

After the end of World War II and the rise of Perón
Perón
to a popular leader, anti- Peronist
Peronist
politicians and authors would point that Perón once manifested support for Mussolini and Hitler, implying that such support involved the whole of their governments or the paths actually taken by Italy or Germany after 1938. One of the most famous examples was when Spruille Braden
Spruille Braden
did so during the 1946 election, leading to the "Braden or Perón" slogan that was key of the Peronist
Peronist
victory. However, historian Felipe Pigna
Felipe Pigna
states that no researcher who has deeply studied Perón
Perón
would consider him a fascist. Pigna identifies Perón
Perón
as a pragmatist who took useful elements from all modern ideologies of the time, such as fascism, but also the "New Deal" policies of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, "national defense" principles, social views from religion, and even some socialist principles.[49] According to historian Tulio Halperín Donghi, Perón was driven by strong convictions but not by full support to any mainstream ideology; although he did not try to hide his old admiration of fascist Italy, it wasn't a strong influence on him.[49] Arturo Jauretche said that Perón
Perón
was neither fascist nor anti-fascist, simply realist, and that the active intervention of the working class in politics, as he saw in those countries, was a definitive phenomenon.[49] Protection of Nazi war criminals[edit] Further information: Ratlines (history) After World War II, Argentina
Argentina
became a haven for Nazi war criminals, with explicit protection from Perón. Author Uki Goñi
Uki Goñi
alleges that Axis Power collaborators, including Pierre Daye, met with Perón
Perón
at Casa Rosada
Casa Rosada
(Pink House), the President's official residence.[50] In this meeting, a network would have[clarification needed] been created with support by the Argentine
Argentine
Immigration Service and the Foreign Office.[speculation?] The Swiss Chief of Police Heinrich Rothmund[51] and the Croatian Roman Catholic priest Krunoslav Draganović
Krunoslav Draganović
also helped organize the ratline. An investigation of 22,000 documents by the DAIA
DAIA
in 1997 discovered that the network was managed by Rodolfo Freude
Rodolfo Freude
who had an office in the Casa Rosada
Casa Rosada
and was close to Eva Perón's brother, Juan Duarte. According to Ronald Newton, Ludwig Freude, Rodolfo's father, was probably the local representative of the Office Three secret service headed by Joachim von Ribbentrop, with probably more influence than the German ambassador Edmund von Thermann. He had met Perón
Perón
in the 1930s, and had contacts with Generals Juan Pistarini, Domingo Martínez, and José Molina. Ludwig Freude's house became the meetingplace for Nazis and Argentine
Argentine
military officers supporting the Axis. In 1943, he traveled with Perón
Perón
to Europe to attempt an arms deal with Germany.[52]

Nazi exile network principal Rodolfo Freude
Rodolfo Freude
(2nd from left) and President Perón
Perón
(2nd from right), who appointed Freude Director of the Argentine
Argentine
Intelligence Secretariat

And after the war, Ludwig Freude was investigated over his connection to possible looted Nazi art, cash and precious metals on deposit at two Argentine
Argentine
banks, Banco Germanico and Banco Tournquist. But on 6 September 1946, the Freude investigation was terminated by presidential decree.[53] Examples of Nazis and collaborators who relocated to Argentina
Argentina
include Emile Dewoitine, who arrived in May 1946 and worked on the Pulqui jet; Erich Priebke, who arrived in 1947; Josef Mengele
Josef Mengele
in 1949; Adolf Eichmann in 1950; former Commandant of Sobibor and Treblinka death camps Franz Stangl; Austrian representative of Spitzy in Spain Reinhard Spitzy; Charles Lescat, editor of Je Suis Partout in Vichy France; SS functionary Ludwig Lienhardt; German industrialist Ludwig Freude; and SS-Hauptsturmführer Klaus Barbie. Many members of the notorious Croatian Ustaše
Ustaše
(including their leader, Ante Pavelić) took refuge in Argentina, as did Milan Stojadinović, the former collaborationist Prime Minister of monarchist Yugoslavia.[54] In 1946 Stojadinović went to Rio de Janeiro, and then to Buenos Aires, where he was reunited with his family. Stojadinović spent the rest of his life as presidential advisor on economic and financial affairs to governments in Argentina and founded the financial newspaper El Economista. A Croatian priest, Krunoslav Draganović, organizer of the San Girolamo ratline, was authorized by Perón
Perón
to assist Nazi operatives to come to Argentina
Argentina
and evade prosecution in Europe after World War II,[54] in particular the Ustaše. Ante Pavelić
Ante Pavelić
became a security advisor of Perón, before leaving for Francoist Spain
Francoist Spain
in 1957.[55] As in the United States (Operation Paperclip), Argentina
Argentina
also welcomed displaced German scientists such as Kurt Tank
Kurt Tank
and Ronald Richter. Some of these refugees took important roles in Perón's Argentina, such as French collaborationist Jacques de Mahieu, who became an ideologue of the Peronist
Peronist
movement, before becoming mentor to a Roman Catholic nationalist youth group in the 1960s. Belgian collaborationist Pierre Daye became editor of a Peronist
Peronist
magazine. Rodolfo Freude, Ludwig's son, became Perón's chief of presidential intelligence in his first term. Milan Stojadinović founded El Economista (The Economist magazine) in 1951, which still carries his name on its masthead. Recently, Goñi's research, drawing on investigations in Argentine, Swiss, American, British and Belgian government archives, as well as numerous interviews and other sources, was detailed in The Real ODESSA: Smuggling the Nazis to Perón's Argentina
Argentina
(2002), showing how escape routes known as ratlines were used by former NSDAP members and like-minded people to escape trial and judgment.[56] Goñi places particular emphasis on the part played by Perón's government in organizing the ratlines, as well as documenting the aid of Swiss and Vatican authorities in their flight.[citation needed] The Argentine consulate in Barcelona
Barcelona
gave false passports to fleeing Nazi war criminals and collaborationists. Recently declassified files from Brazil and Chile reveal that during WWII Péron sold 10,000 blank Argentine
Argentine
passports to ODESSA – the organisation set up to protect former SS men in the event of defeat.[57] Tomás Eloy Martínez, writer and professor of Latin American studies at Rutgers University, wrote that Juan Perón
Perón
allowed Nazis into the country in hopes of acquiring advanced German technology developed during the war. Martínez also noted that Eva Perón
Eva Perón
played no part in allowing Nazis into the country.[58] However, one of Eva's bodyguards was in fact an ex-Nazi commando named Otto Skorzeny, who had met Juan on occasion.[59] Perón
Perón
and the Jewish and German communities of Argentina[edit] Further information: History of the Jews in Argentina
Argentina
and German Argentine

When I realized that Perón, contrary to previous governments, gave Jewish citizens access to public office, I began to change my way of thinking about Argentine
Argentine
politics... — Ezequiel Zabotinsky, president of the Jewish-Peronist Organizacion Israelita Argentina, 1952–1955[60]

Juan Perón
Perón
and José Ber Gelbard

Fraser and Navarro write that Juan Perón
Perón
was a complicated man who over the years stood for many different, often contradictory, things.[61] In the book Inside Argentina
Argentina
from Perón
Perón
to Menem author Laurence Levine, former president of the US- Argentine
Argentine
Chamber of Commerce, writes, "although anti-Semitism existed in Argentina, Perón's own views and his political associations were not anti-Semitic...." Laurence also writes that one of Perón's advisors was a Jewish man from Poland named José Ber Gelbard.[62] U.S. Ambassador George S. Messersmith
George S. Messersmith
visited Argentina
Argentina
in 1947 during the first term of Juan Perón. Messersmith noted, "There is not as much social discrimination against Jews here as there is right in New York or in most places at home..."[13]

Golda Meir
Golda Meir
talks with Evita Perón
Perón
on Meir's visit to Argentina, 1951.

Perón
Perón
sought out other Jewish Argentines as government advisers, besides Ber Gelbard. The powerful Secretary of Media, Raúl Apold, also Jewish, was called "Perón's Goebbels." He favoured the creation of institutions such as New Zion (Nueva Sión), the Argentine-Jewish Institute of Culture and Information, led by Simón Mirelman, and the Argentine-Israeli Chamber of Commerce. Also, he named Rabbi Amran Blum as the first Jewish professor of philosophy in the National University of Buenos Aires. After Argentina
Argentina
became the first Latin American government to acknowledge the State of Israel, Perón
Perón
appointed Pablo Mangel, a Jewish man, as ambassador to that country. Education and Diplomacy were the two strongholds of Catholic nationalism, and both appointments were highly symbolic. The same goes for the 1946 decision of allowing Jewish army privates to celebrate their holidays, which was intended to foster Jewish integration in another traditionally Catholic institution, the army. Argentina
Argentina
signed a generous commercial agreement with Israel that granted favourable terms for Israeli acquisitions of Argentine commodities, and the Eva Perón
Eva Perón
Foundation sent significant humanitarian aid. In 1951 during their visit to Buenos Aires, Chaim Weizmann and Golda Meir
Golda Meir
expressed their gratitude for this aid.

Evita and Juan Perón
Perón
at the Plaza de Mayo, 1951. Raúl Apold
Raúl Apold
is visible behind Perón.

The German Argentine
German Argentine
community in Argentina
Argentina
is the fourth-largest immigrant group in the country, after the ethnic Spanish and the Italians. The German Argentine
German Argentine
community predates Juan Perón's presidency, and began during the political unrest related to the 19th-century unification of Germany. Laurence Levine writes that Perón
Perón
found 20th-century German civilization too "rigid" and had a "distaste" for it.[62] Crassweller writes that while Juan Perón preferred Argentine
Argentine
culture, with which he felt a spiritual affinity, he was "pragmatic" in dealing with the diverse populace of Argentina.[13] While Juan Perón's Argentina
Argentina
allowed many Nazi criminals to take refuge in the country following World War II, the society also accepted more Jewish immigrants than any other country in Latin America. Today Argentina
Argentina
has a population of more than 200,000 Jewish citizens, the largest in Latin America, the third-largest in the Americas, and the sixth-largest in the world.[63][64][65][66] The Jewish Virtual Library
Jewish Virtual Library
writes that while Juan Perón
Perón
had sympathized with the Axis powers, " Perón
Perón
also expressed sympathy for Jewish rights and established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1949. Since then, more than 45,000 Jews have immigrated to Israel from Argentina."[67] Perón's second term[edit]

Perón
Perón
and the ailing Evita during his second inaugural parade, June 1952. Eva died the following month.

Facing only token UCR and Socialist Party opposition and despite being unable to field his popular wife, Eva, as a running mate, Perón
Perón
was re-elected in 1951 by a margin of over 30%.[68] This election was the first to have extended suffrage to Argentine
Argentine
women and the first in Argentina
Argentina
to be televised: Perón
Perón
was inaugurated on Channel 7 public television that October. He began his second term in June 1952 with serious economic problems, however, compounded by a severe drought that helped lead to a US$500 million trade deficit (depleting reserves).[4] Perón
Perón
called employers and unions to a Productivity Congress to regulate social conflict through dialogue, but the conference failed without reaching an agreement. Divisions among Peronists intensified, and the President's worsening mistrust led to the forced resignation of numerous valuable allies, notably Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires Province
Governor Domingo Mercante.[1] Again on the defensive, Perón
Perón
accelerated generals' promotions and extended them pay hikes and other benefits. He also accelerated landmark construction projects slated for the CGT or government agencies; among these was the 41-story and 141 m (463 ft) high Alas Building
Alas Building
(transferred to the Air Force by a later regime).[69] Opposition to Perón
Perón
grew bolder following the first lady's 26 July 1952, passing. On 15 April 1953, a terrorist group (never identified) detonated two bombs in a public rally at Plaza de Mayo, killing 7 and injuring 95. Amid the chaos, Perón
Perón
exhorted the crowd to take reprisals; they made their way to their adversaries' gathering places, the Socialist Party headquarters and the aristocratic Jockey Club (both housed in magnificent turn-of-the-century Beaux-Arts buildings), and burned them to the ground.

Designed and manufactured in Argentina, the Justicialist was part of Perón's effort to develop a local auto industry.

A stalemate of sorts ensued between Perón
Perón
and his opposition and, despite austerity measures taken late in 1952 to remedy the country's unsustainable trade deficit, the president remained generally popular. In March 1954, Perón
Perón
called Vice-Presidential elections to replace the late Hortensio Quijano, which his candidate won by a nearly two-to-one margin. Given what he felt was as solid a mandate as ever and with inflation in single digits and the economy on a more secure footing, Perón
Perón
ventured into a new policy: the creation of incentives designed to attract foreign investment.

The Alas Building
Alas Building
under construction

Drawn to an economy with the highest standard of living in Latin America and a new steel mill in San Nicolás de los Arroyos, automakers FIAT
FIAT
and Kaiser Motors
Kaiser Motors
responded to the initiave by breaking ground on new facilities in the city of Córdoba, as did the freight truck division of Daimler-Benz, the first such investments since General
General
Motors' Argentine
Argentine
assembly line opened in 1926. Perón also signed an important exploration contract with Standard Oil of California, in May 1955, consolidating his new policy of substituting the two largest sources of that era's chronic trade deficits (imported petroleum and motor vehicles) with local production brought in through foreign investment. The centrist Radical Civic Union's 1951 Vice-Presidential nominee, Arturo Frondizi, publicly condemned what he considered to be an anti-patriotic decision; as president three years later, however, he himself signed exploration contracts with foreign oil companies. As 1954 drew to a close, Perón
Perón
unveiled reforms far more controversial to the normally conservative Argentine
Argentine
public, the legalization of divorce and of prostitution. The Roman Catholic Church's Argentine
Argentine
leaders, whose support of Perón's government had been steadily waning since the advent of the Eva Perón
Eva Perón
Foundation, were now open antagonists of the man they called "the tyrant." Though much of Argentina's media had, since 1950, been either controlled or monitored by the administration, lurid pieces on his ongoing relationship with an underage girl named Nélida "Nelly" Rivas,[70] something Perón
Perón
never denied, filled the gossip pages.[5] Pressed by reporters on whether his supposed new paramour was, as the magazines claimed, thirteen years of age, the fifty-nine-year-old Perón responded that he was "not superstitious."[71] Before long, however, the president's humor on the subject ran out and, following the expulsion of two Catholic priests he believed to be behind his recent image problems, a 15 June 1955 declaration of the Sacred Consistorial Congregation[72] (not of Pope Pius XII
Pope Pius XII
himself, who alone had authority to excommunicate a head of state)[73] was interpreted as declaring Perón
Perón
excommunicated.[74] The following day, Péron called for a rally of support on the Plaza de Mayo, a time-honored custom among Argentine
Argentine
presidents during a challenge. However, as he spoke before a crowd of thousands, Navy fighter jets flew overhead and dropped bombs into the crowded square below before seeking refuge in Uruguay.

Scene in the Plaza de Mayo
Plaza de Mayo
following a failed coup attempt against Perón, 16 June 1955. He was deposed three months later.

The incident, part of a coup attempt against Perón, killed 364 people and was, from a historical perspective, the only air assault ever on Argentine
Argentine
soil, as well as a portent of the mayhem that Argentine society would suffer in the 1970s.[5] It moreover touched off a wave of reprisals on the part of Peronists. Reminiscent of the incidents in 1953, Peronist
Peronist
crowds ransacked eleven Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
churches, including the Metropolitan Cathedral. On 16 September 1955, a nationalist Catholic group from both the Army and Navy, led by General Eduardo Lonardi, General
General
Pedro E. Aramburu, and Admiral Isaac Rojas, led a revolt from Córdoba. Taking power in a coup three days later, which they named Revolución Libertadora
Revolución Libertadora
(the "Liberating Revolution"). Perón
Perón
barely escaped with his life, leaving Nelly Rivas behind,[75] and fleeing on the gunboat ARP Paraguay provided by Paraguayan leader Alfredo Stroessner, up the Paraná River. At that point Argentina
Argentina
was more politically polarized than it had been since 1880. The landowning elites and other conservatives pointed to an exchange rate that had rocketed from 4 to 30 pesos per dollar and consumer prices that had risen nearly fivefold.[4][28] Employers and moderates generally agreed, qualifying that with the fact the economy had grown by over 40% (the best showing since the 1920s).[76] The underprivileged and humanitarians looked back upon the era as one in which real wages grew by over a third and better working conditions arrived alongside benefits like pensions, health care, paid vacations and the construction of record numbers of needed schools, hospitals, works of infrastructure and housing.[7] Exile (1955–1973)[edit]

The new leader, General
General
Eduardo Lonardi, waves in a 1955 newsmagazine cover. His gradualist approach to "de-Perónization" led to his prompt ousting.

First meeting of the Junta's Civilian Advisory Board, 1955. Despite great pressure to the contrary, the board recommended that most of Perón's social reforms be kept in place.

The new military regime went to great lengths to destroy both the President's and Eva Perón's reputation, putting up public exhibits of what they maintained was the Peróns' scandalously sumptuous taste for antiques, jewelry, roadsters, yachts and other luxuries. They also accused other Peronist
Peronist
leaders of corruption; but, ultimately, though many were prosecuted, none were convicted.[citation needed] The junta's first leader, Eduardo Lonardi, appointed a Civilian Advisory Board. However, its preference for a gradual approach to de-Perónization helped lead to Lonardi's ousting, though most of the board's recommendations stood the new president's scrutiny. Lonardi's replacement, Lieutenant- General
General
Pedro Aramburu, outlawed the mere mention of Juan or Eva Perón's names under Decree Law 4161/56. Throughout Argentina, Peronism
Peronism
and the very display of Peronist mementos was banned. Partly in response to these and other excesses, Peronists and moderates in the army organized a counter-coup against Aramburu, in June 1956. Possessing an efficient intelligence network, however, Aramburu foiled the plan, having the plot's leader, General Juan José Valle, and 26 others executed. Aramburu turned to similarly drastic means in trying to rid the country of the spectre of the Peróns, themselves. Eva Perón's cadaver was removed from its display at CGT headquarters and ordered hidden under another name in a modest grave in Milan, Italy. Perón
Perón
himself, for the time residing in Caracas, Venezuela at the kindness of ill-fated President Marcos Pérez Jiménez, suffered a number of attempted kidnappings and assassinations ordered by Aramburu.[77] Continuing to exert considerable direct influence over Argentine politics despite the ongoing ban of Peronism
Peronism
or the Justicialist Party as Argentina
Argentina
geared for the 1958 elections, Perón
Perón
instructed his supporters to cast their ballots for the moderate Arturo Frondizi, a splinter candidate within the Peronists' largest opposition party, the Radical Civic Union
Radical Civic Union
(UCR). Frondizi went on to defeat the better-known (but, more anti-Peronist) UCR leader, Ricardo Balbín. Perón
Perón
backed a "Popular Union" (UP) in 1962, and when its candidate for governor of Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires Province
(Andrés Framini) was elected, Frondizi was forced to resign by the military. Unable to secure a new alliance, Perón
Perón
advised his followers to cast blank ballots in the 1963 elections, demonstrating direct control over one fifth of the electorate.[14] Perón's stay in Venezuela had been cut short by the 1958 ousting of General
General
Pérez Jiménez. In Panama, he met the nightclub singer María Estela Martínez (known as "Isabel"). Eventually settling in Madrid, Spain under the protection of Francisco Franco, he married Isabel in 1961 and was admitted back into the Catholic Church in 1963. Following a failed December 1964 attempt to return to Buenos Aires, he sent his wife to Argentina
Argentina
in 1965, to meet political dissidents and advance Perón's policy of confrontation and electoral boycotts. She organized a meeting in the house of Bernardo Alberte, Perón's delegate and sponsor of various left-wing Peronist
Peronist
movements such as the CGT de los Argentinos (CGTA), an offshoot of the umbrella CGT union. During Isabel's visit, adviser Raúl Lastiri introduced her to his father-in-law, José López Rega. A policeman with an interest in the occult, he won Isabel's trust through their common dislike of Jorge Antonio, a prominent Argentine
Argentine
industrialist and the Peronist movement's main financial backer during their perilous 1960s.[78] Accompanying her to Spain, López Rega worked for Perón's security before becoming the couple's personal secretary. A return of the Popular Union (UP) in 1965 and their victories in congressional elections that year helped lead to the overthrow of the moderate President Arturo Illia, and to the return of dictatorship.[14] Perón
Perón
became increasingly unable to control the CGT, itself. Though he had the support of its Secretary General, José Alonso, others in the union favored distancing the CGT from the exiled leader. Chief among them was Steel and Metalworkers Union head Augusto Vandor. Vandor challenged Perón
Perón
from 1965 to 1968 by defying Perón's call for an electoral boycott (leading the UP to victories in the 1965 elections), and with mottos such as " Peronism
Peronism
without Perón" and "to save Perón, one has to be against Perón." Dictator Juan Carlos Onganía's continued repression of labor demands, however, helped lead to Vandor's rapproachment with Perón—a development cut short by Vandor's as-yet unsolved 1969 murder. Labor agitation increased; the CGTA, in particular, organized opposition to the dictatorship between 1968 and 1972, and it would have an important role in the May–June 1969 Cordobazo
Cordobazo
insurrection.[13]

Student unrest in Rosario, 1969 (the Rosariazo). Unable to return on his volition, Perón
Perón
began rallying besieged leftist students (the very people he had repressed in office).

UCR leader Ricardo Balbín, Conservative Horacio Thedy and Perón's delegate, Daniel Paladino (middle three) find rare common cause after General
General
Levingston's 1970 power grab. Their joint Hour of the People statement helped lead to elections in 1973 (and to Perón's return).

Perón
Perón
began courting the far left during Onganía's dictatorship. In his book La Hora de los Pueblos (1968), Perón
Perón
enunciated the main principles of his purported new Tricontinental
Tricontinental
political vision:

Mao is at the head of Asia, Nasser of Africa, De Gaulle of the old Europe and Castro of Latin America.[79] — Juan Perón, La Hora de los Pueblos

He supported the more militant unions and maintained close links with the Montoneros, a far-left Catholic Peronist
Peronist
group. On 1 June 1970, the Montoneros
Montoneros
kidnapped and assassinated former anti-Peronist President Pedro Aramburu
Pedro Aramburu
in retaliation for the June 1956 mass execution of a Peronist
Peronist
uprising against the junta. In 1971, he sent two letters to the film director Octavio Getino, one congratulating him for his work with Fernando Solanas
Fernando Solanas
and Gerardo Vallejo, in the Grupo Cine Liberación, and another concerning two film documentaries, La Revolución Justicialista and Actualización política y doctrinaria.[80] He also cultivated ties with conservatives and the far right. He supported the leader of the conservative wing of the UCR, his erstwhile prisoner Ricardo Balbín, against competition from within the UCR itself. Members of the right-wing Tacuara Nationalist Movement, considered the first Argentine
Argentine
guerrilla group, also turned towards him. Founded in the early 1960s, the Tacuaras were a fascist, anti-Semitic and anti-conformist group founded on the model of Primo de Rivera's Falange, and at first strongly opposed Peronism. However, they split after the 1959 Cuban Revolution
Cuban Revolution
into three groups: the one most opposed to the Peronist
Peronist
alliance, led by Catholic priest Julio Meinvielle, retained the original hard-line stance; the New Argentina Movement (MNA), headed by Dardo Cabo, was founded on 9 June 1961, to commemorate General
General
Valle's Peronist
Peronist
uprising on the same date in 1956, and became the precursor to all modern Catholic nationalist groups in Argentina; and the Revolutionary Nationalist Tacuara Movement (MNRT), formed by Joe Baxter and José Luis Nell, who joined Peronism
Peronism
believing in its capacity for revolution, and without forsaking nationalism, broke from the Church and abandoned anti-Semitism. Baxter's MNRT became progressively Marxist, and many of the Montoneros
Montoneros
and of the ERP's leaders came from this group.[13] Following Onganía's replacement in June 1970, General
General
Roberto M. Levingston proposed the replacement of Argentina's myriad political parties with "four or five" (vetted by the Revolución Argentina regime). This attempt to govern indefinitely against the will of the different political parties united Peronists and their opposition in a joint declaration of 11 November 1970, billed as la Hora del Pueblo (The Hour of the People), which called for free and immediate democratic elections to put an end to the political crisis. The declaration was signed by the Radical Civic Union
Radical Civic Union
(UCRP), the Justicialist Party
Justicialist Party
( Peronist
Peronist
Party), the Argentine
Argentine
Socialist Party (PSA), the Democratic Progressive Party (PCP) and the Partido Bloquista (PB).[14] The opposition's call for elections led to Levingston's replacement by General
General
Alejandro Lanusse, in March 1971. Faced with strong opposition and social conflicts, General
General
Lanusse declared his intention to restore constitutional democracy by 1973, though without Peronist participation. Lanusse proposed the Gran Acuerdo Nacional (Great National Agreement) in July 1971, which was to find an honorable exit for the military junta without allowing Peronism
Peronism
to participate in the election. The proposal was rejected by Perón, who formed the FRECILINA alliance (Frente Cívico de Liberación Nacional, Civic Front of National Liberation), headed by his new delegate Héctor José Cámpora (a member of the Peronist
Peronist
Left). The alliance gathered his Justicialist Party
Justicialist Party
and the Integration and Development Movement (MID), headed by Arturo Frondizi. FRECILINA pressed for free and unrestricted elections, which ultimately took place in March 1973. Che Guevara
Che Guevara
and Perón[edit] Che Guevara
Che Guevara
and Perón
Perón
were sympathetic to each other. Pacho O'Donnell states that Che Guevara
Che Guevara
as Cuban minister attempted to arrange for the return of Perón
Perón
to Argentina
Argentina
in the 1960s and sent financial support for that end. Perón
Perón
however disapproved of Guevara's advocacy of guerrilla warfare as antiquated.[81] In Madrid, Perón
Perón
and Guevara met twice.[82] These meetings, as the meetings Perón
Perón
held with other leftists in Madrid
Madrid
(such as Salvador Allende), were arranged with great secrecy to avoid complaints or expulsion from Francoist Spain.[82] According to Enrique Pavón Pereyra who was present at the second meeting between Guevara and Perón
Perón
in Madrid, Perón
Perón
would have discouraged and warned Guevara of his guerrilla plans in Bolivia.[81]

...you will not survive in Bolivia. Suspend that plan. Search for alternatives. [...] Do not suicide. — Juan Perón
Perón
to Che Guevara[81]

Enrique Pavón Pereyra was only present in the first part of the meeting then he served mate so that Perón
Perón
and Guevara could drink together and left the meeting room to provide them with privacy. Pavón Pereyra speculate about the conversation that followed in his absence: Perón
Perón
would have then explained to Guevara that he could not compromise support for his planned operations, but that "when" Guevara "moved activities" to Argentina
Argentina
he would provide Peronist
Peronist
support.[82] After the encounter Perón
Perón
commented a friend in a letter about the visit of Guevara:

...an immature utopian –but one of us– I am happy for it to be so because he is giving the yankees a real headache. — Juan Perón
Perón
on Che Guevara[81]

Perón's third term (1973–1974)[edit]

Perón
Perón
hosts the head of the opposition UCR, Ricardo Balbín, at his home in preparations for the 1973 campaign.

General
General
elections were held on 11 March 1973. Perón
Perón
was banned from running, but a stand-in, Dr. Héctor Cámpora, a left-wing Peronist and his personal representative, won the election and took office on 25 May. On 20 June 1973, Perón
Perón
returned from Spain to end his 18-year exile. According to Página 12
Página 12
newspaper, Licio Gelli, headmaster of Propaganda Due, had provided an Alitalia
Alitalia
plane to return Perón
Perón
to his native country.[83] Gelli was part of a committee supporting Perón, along with Carlos Saúl Menem
Carlos Saúl Menem
(future President of Argentina, 1989–1999).[83] The former Italian Premier Giulio Andreotti
Giulio Andreotti
recalled an encounter between Perón, his wife Isabel Martínez and Gelli, saying that Perón
Perón
knelt before Licio Gelli
Licio Gelli
to salute him.[83] On the day of Perón's return, a crowd of left-wing Peronists (estimated at 3.5 million) gathered at the Ezeiza Airport
Ezeiza Airport
in Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
to welcome him. Perón
Perón
was accompanied by Cámpora, whose first measures were to grant amnesty to all political prisoners and re-establish relations with Cuba, helping Fidel Castro
Fidel Castro
break the United States embargo against Cuba. This, along with his social policies, had earned him the opposition of right-wing Peronists, including the trade-unionist bureaucracy.

Perón's stand-in, Héctor Cámpora, votes in the 1973 elections. Perón
Perón
nominated Cámpora to placate the Left, but their support for Perón
Perón
waned after the leader made them guilty by association for the growing wave of violence.

Camouflaged snipers opened fire on the crowd at the airport. The left-wing Peronist
Peronist
Youth Organization and the Montoneros
Montoneros
had been trapped. At least 13 people were killed and 365 injured in this episode, which became known as the Ezeiza massacre.[84] Cámpora and Vice President Vicente Solano Lima
Vicente Solano Lima
resigned in July 1973, paving the way for new elections, this time with Perón's participation as the Justicialist Party
Justicialist Party
nominee. Argentina
Argentina
faced mounting political instability, and Perón
Perón
was viewed by many as the country's only hope for prosperity and safety. UCR leader Ricardo Balbín and Perón
Perón
contemplated a Peronist-Radical joint government, but opposition in both parties made this impossible. Besides opposition among Peronists, Ricardo Balbín
Ricardo Balbín
had to consider opposition within the UCR itself, led by Raúl Alfonsín, a leader among the UCR's center-left. Perón
Perón
received 62% of the vote, returning him to the presidency. He began his third term on 12 October 1973, with Isabel, his wife, as Vice President. Upon Cámpora's inaugural, Perón
Perón
had him appoint a trusted policy adviser to the critical Economy Ministry, José Ber Gelbard. Inheriting an economy that had doubled in output since 1955 with little indebtedness and only modest new foreign investment, inflation had become a fixture in daily life and was worsening: consumer prices rose by 80% in the year to May 1973 (triple the long-term average, up to then). Making this a policy priority, Ber Gelbard crafted a "social pact" in hopes of finding a happy median between the needs of management and labor. Providing a framework for negotiating price controls, guidelines for collective bargaining and a package of subsidies and credits, the pact was promptly signed by the CGT (then the largest labor union in South America) and management (represented by Julio Broner and the CGE). The measure was largely successful, initially: inflation slowed to 12% and real wages rose by over 20% during the first year. GDP growth accelerated from 3% in 1972 to over 6% in 1974. The plan also envisaged the paydown of Argentina's growing public external debt, then around US$8 billion, within four years.

José López Rega, Perón's personal secretary, proved a detrimental influence over the aging leader, leveraging this for corruption and revenge.

The improving economic situation encouraged Perón
Perón
to pursue interventionist social and economic policies similar to those he carried out in the Forties: nationalizing banks and various industries, subsidizing native businesses and consumers, regulating and taxing the agricultural sector, reviving the IAPI, placing restrictions on foreign investment,[9] and funding a number of social welfare programs.[85] In addition, new rights for workers were introduced.[86] The 1973 oil shock, however, forced Ber Gelbard to rethink the Central Bank's projected reserves and, accordingly, undid planned reductions in stubborn budget deficits, then around US$2 billion a year (4% of GDP). Increasingly frequent collective bargaining agreements in excess of Social Pact wage guidelines and a resurgence in inflation led to growing strain on the viability of the plan by mid-1974, however.[14] Perón's third term was also marked by an escalating conflict between the Peronist
Peronist
left- and right-wing factions. This turmoil was fueled primarily by calls for repression against the left on the part of leading CGT figures, a growing segment of the armed forces (particularly the navy) and right-wing radicals within his own party, notably Perón's most fascist adviser, José López Rega. López Rega, appointed Minister of Social Welfare, was in practice given power far beyond his purview, soon controlling up to 30 percent of the federal budget.[14] Diverting increasing funds, he formed the Triple A, a death squad that soon began targeting not only the violent left; but moderate opposition, as well.[78] The Montoneros
Montoneros
became marginalized in the Peronist
Peronist
movement and were mocked by Perón
Perón
himself after the Ezeiza massacre. In his speech to the governors on 2 August 1973, Perón
Perón
openly criticized radical Argentine
Argentine
youth for a lack of political maturity.

Perón
Perón
greets supporters during a 12 June 1974 rally, his last.

Perón's funeral cortège along the Avenida de Mayo.

The rift between Perón
Perón
and the far left became irreconcilable following 25 September 1973, murder of José Ignacio Rucci, the moderately conservative Secretary General
General
of CGT.[78] Rucci was killed in a commando ambush in front of his residence. His murder was long attributed to the Montoneros
Montoneros
(whose record of violence was well-established by then), but it is arguably Argentina's most prominent unsolved mystery.[87] Enraged, Perón
Perón
enlisted López Rega to target left-wing opponents. Shortly after Perón's attack on left-wing Peronism, the Montoneros went underground. Another guerrilla group, the Guevarist ERP, also opposed the Peronist right-wing. They started engaging in armed struggle, assaulting an important Army barracks in Azul, Buenos Aires Province
Buenos Aires Province
on 19 January, and creating a foco (insurrection) in Tucumán, a historically underdeveloped province in Argentina's largely rural northwest.[78] In May 1973 the ERP claimed to have extorted $1 million in goods from the Ford Motor Company, after murdering one executive and wounding another.[88] Five months after the payment, the guerrillas killed another Ford executive and his three bodyguards. Only after Ford threatened to close down their operation in Argentina
Argentina
altogether, did Perón
Perón
agree to have his army protect the plant.[88] Perón's failing health complicated matters. He suffered from an enlarged prostate and heart disease, and by at least one account, he may have been senile by the time he was sworn in for his third term. His wife frequently had to take over as Acting President over the course of the next year.[89] Perón
Perón
maintained a full schedule of policy meetings with both government officials and chief base of support, the CGT. He also presided over the inaugural of the Atucha I Nuclear Power Plant
Atucha I Nuclear Power Plant
(Latin America's first) in April; the reactor, begun while he was in exile, was the fruition of work started in the 1950s by the National Atomic Energy Commission, his landmark bureau. His diminishing support from the far left (which believed Perón
Perón
had come under the control of the right-wing entorno (entourage) led by López Rega, UOM head Lorenzo Miguel, and Perón's own wife) turned to open enmity following rallies on the Plaza de Mayo
Plaza de Mayo
on 1 May and 12 June in which the president condemned their demands and increasingly violent activities.[1] Perón
Perón
was reunited with another friend from the 1950s – Paraguayan dictator Alfredo Stroessner – on 16 June to sign the bilateral treaty that broke ground on Yacyretá
Yacyretá
Hydroelectric Dam (the world's second-largest). Perón
Perón
returned to Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
with clear signs of pneumonia and, on 28 June, he suffered a series of heart attacks. The vice-president, on a trade mission in Europe, returned urgently, secretly sworn in on an interim basis on 29 June. Following a promising day the official presidential residence of Quinta de Olivos in the Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
suburb of Olivos, Juan Perón
Perón
suffered a final attack on Monday, 1 July 1974 and died at 13:15. He was 78 years old.[1] Perón's corpse was first transported by hearse to Buenos Aires Metropolitan Cathedral for a funeral mass the next day. Afterwards the body, dressed in full military uniform, was taken to the Palace of the National Congress, where it lay in state over the next 46 hours, during which more than 130,000 people filed past the coffin. Finally, at 09:30 on a rainy Thursday, 4 July the funeral procession commenced. Perón's Argentine
Argentine
flag-covered casket was placed on a limber towed by a small army truck (escorted by cavalry and a large motorcade of motorcycles and a few armored vehicles) through the capital's streets back to Olivos.[90] At least one million people turned out for Perón's funeral, some of whom threw flowers at the casket and chanted, "¡Perón! ¡Perón! ¡Perón!" as it passed by. Along the 10-mile route from the Palace to Olivos, hundreds of armed soldiers lining it were assigned to restrain the crowd. As many as 2,000 foreign journalists covered the ceremony. The funeral cortege reached its final destination two and a half hours later. There, the coffin was greeted by a 21-gun salute. Many international heads of state offered condolences to Argentina
Argentina
following the demise of President Perón.[91] Three days of official mourning were declared thereafter.[90] Perón
Perón
had recommended that his wife, Isabel, rely on Balbín for support, and at the president's burial Balbín uttered an historic phrase: "The old adversary bids farewell to a friend."[1] Isabel Perón
Perón
succeeded her husband to the presidency, but proved incapable of managing the country's political and economic problems, including the left-wing insurgency and the reactions of the extreme right.[89] Ignoring her late husband's advice, Isabel gave Balbín no role in her new government, instead granting broad powers to López Rega, who started a "dirty war" against political opponents. Isabel Perón's term ended abruptly on 24 March 1976, during a military coup d'état. A military junta, headed by General
General
Jorge Videla, took control of the country, establishing the self-styled National Reorganization Process. The junta ramped up the "dirty war", combining widespread persecution of political dissidents with state terrorism. The death toll rose to thousands (at least 9,000, with human rights organizations claiming it was closer to 30,000). Many of these were "the disappeared" (desaparecidos), people kidnapped and executed without trial or record. Relationship with Allende and Pinochet[edit] Salvador Allende, as member of parliament, had actively rejected Perón's attempts of establishing cooperation between Chile and Argentina
Argentina
during the 1940s and 1950s.[92] Allende received the election of Héctor Cámpora, who had previously lived in exile in Chile, as good news. Allende sent in Aniceto Rodríguez to Buenos Aires to work on an alliance between the Socialist Party of Chile
Socialist Party of Chile
and the Justicialism. Later Allende assisted to the presidential inauguration of Campora. All of this was seen with good eyes by Perón who came to refer to Allende as "compañero". However Perón
Perón
also used Allende as a warning example for the most radical of his followers. In September just a few days before the 1973 Chilean coup d'etat
1973 Chilean coup d'etat
he addressed Tendencia Revolucionaria:

If you want to do as Allende, then look how it goes for Allende. One has to be calm.[92] — Juan Perón

Perón
Perón
condemned the coup as a "fatality for the continent" stating that the coup leader Augusto Pinochet
Augusto Pinochet
represented interests "well known" to him. He praised Allende for his "valiant attitude" of committing suicide. He took note of the role of the United States in instigating the coup by recalling his familiarity with coup-making processes.[92] On 14 May 1974 Perón
Perón
received Augusto Pinochet
Augusto Pinochet
at the Morón Airbase. Pinochet was heading to meet Alfredo Stroessner
Alfredo Stroessner
in Paraguay so the encounter at Argentina
Argentina
was technically a stop over. Pinochet and Perón
Perón
are both reported to have felt uncomfortable during the meeting. Perón
Perón
expressed his wishes to settle the Beagle conflict
Beagle conflict
and Pinochet his concerns about Chilean exiles in Argentina
Argentina
near the frontier with Chile. Perón
Perón
would have conceded on moving these exiles from the frontiers to eastern Argentina, but he warned " Perón
Perón
takes his time, but accomplishes" ( Perón
Perón
tarda, pero cumple). Perón justified his meeting with Pinochet stating that it was important to keep good relations with Chile under all circumstances and with whoever might be in government.[92] Mausoleum
Mausoleum
and legacy[edit] See also: Hands of Perón

Perón
Perón
Street in midtown Buenos Aires, one of numerous streets and avenues named in his honor when democracy returned to Argentina
Argentina
in 1983.

Perón
Perón
was buried in La Chacarita Cemetery
La Chacarita Cemetery
in Buenos Aires. On 10 June 1987, his tomb was desecrated, and his hands and some personal effects, including his sword, were stolen.[93] Perón's hands were cut off with a chainsaw. A ransom letter asking for US$8 million was sent to some Peronist
Peronist
members of Congress. This profanation was a ritualistic act to condemn Perón's spirit to eternal unrest, according to journalists David Cox and Damian Nabot in their book Second Death, who connected it to Licio Gelli
Licio Gelli
and military officers involved during Argentina's Dirty War.[94] The bizarre incident remains unresolved.[95] On 17 October 2006, his body was moved to a mausoleum at his former summer residence, rebuilt as a museum, in the Buenos Aires
Buenos Aires
suburb of San Vicente. A few people were injured in incidents as Peronist
Peronist
trade unions fought over access to the ceremony, although police were able to contain the violence enough for the procession to complete its route to the mausoleum. The relocation of Perón's body offered his self-proclaimed illegitimate daughter, Martha Holgado, the opportunity to obtain a DNA sample from his corpse. She had attempted to have this DNA analysis performed for 15 years, and the test in November 2006 ultimately proved she was not his daughter.[96][97] Holgado died of liver cancer on 7 June 2007. Before her death, she vowed to continue the legal battle to prove she was Peron's biological child. His namesake Peronist
Peronist
movement, to the present day a struggle of ideologically diverse and competing interests, remains the central political development of Argentina
Argentina
since 1945. References[edit]

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Argentine
Capitalism. University of North Carolina Press.  ^ a b c Rock, David (1993). Authoritarian Argentina. University of California Press.  ^ Juan Perón
Perón
and Argentina
Argentina
(pdf). Retrieved 29 July 2013.  ^ a b c d Crawley, Eduardo (1985). A House Divided: Argentina, 1880–1980. New York: St. Martin's Press.  ^ (Baily,84; López, 401)[clarification needed] ^ a b c Edwin Williamson, The Penguin History of South America ^ a b McGuire, James W. Peronism
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without Peron: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina.  ^ Keen, Benjamin (2000). A History of Latin America (6 ed.). Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin Company. p. 325. ISBN 0-395-97712-6.  ^ Keen, Benjamin (2000). A History of Latin America (6 ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. p. 325. ISBN 0-395-97712-6.  ^ a b c d e f Crassweller, David (1987). Perón
Perón
and the Enigmas of Argentina. W.W. Norton and Company. p. 221. ISBN 0-393-30543-0.  ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Rock, David (1987). Argentina, 1516–1982. University of California Press.  ^ St. James Encyclopedia of Labor History Worldwide.  ^ "Juan Perón". National Geographic. December 1994.  ^ "Juan Perón". National Geographic. March 1975.  ^ a b Dufty, Norman Francis. The Sociology of the Blue-collar Worker.  ^ Dornbusch, Rüdiger; Edwards, Sebastian. The Macroeconomics of populism in Latin America.  ^ Mesa-Lago, Carmelo. Social Security in Latin America: Pressure Groups, Stratification, and Inequality.  ^ Alexander, Robert Jackson. Juan Domingo Perón: A History.  ^ "Todo Argentina". Todo Argentina. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "Todo Argentina". Todo Argentina. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ a b "INDEC: comercio exterior" (pdf). [dead link] ^ "Monografias". Monografias. 7 May 2007. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "Astillero". Google. Archived from the original on 21 June 2006. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ Potash, Robert (1996). The Army and Politics in Argentina. Stanford University Press.  ^ a b "INDEC (precios)" (msxls). [dead link] ^ a b c "Todo Argentina". Todo Argentina. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ Carl E. Solberg (1979). Oil and Nationalism in Argentina. Stanford University Press. p. 174.  ^ "Coche Argentino". Archived from the original on 29 October 2008.  ^ Szusterman, Celia (1998). Frondizi: La política del desconcierto. Buenos Aires: Emecé.  ^ "Biografía de Ramon Carrillo". Juventudperonista.obolog.com. 10 June 2009. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ " Perón
Perón
y la educación". Militanciaperonistajoven.blogspot.com. 26 February 2004. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "Pistarini, el hacedor". Soldados digital (in Spanish). Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "El proyecto Pulqui: propaganda peronista de la época". Lucheyvuelve.com.ar. Archived from the original on 19 November 2010. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "La aviación militar apunta a Córdoba como vector comercial del poder aéreo". Reconstruccion2005.com.ar. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ " Eva Perón
Eva Perón
Foundation". Evitaperon.org. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "Fundación Eva Perón". Archived from the original on 1 November 2008.  ^ "Quoted by Hugo Gambini in his book 'Historia del peronismo'". Ricardobalbin.tripod.com. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ Galeano, Eduardo (1990). "Memorias del Fuego". México: Siglo XXI. Archived from the original on 14 June 2006.  ^ Lerner, BH (2000). "The illness and death of Eva Perón: cancer, politics, and secrecy". The Lancet. 355: 1988–1991. doi:10.1016/s0140-6736(00)02337-0. PMID 10859055. (Subscription required (help)).  ^ Airoria (24 August 2008). "Taringa". Taringa. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "Clarín". Clarin.com. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ Feitlowitz, Marguerite (2002). A Lexicon of Terror: Argentina
Argentina
and the Legacies of Torture. Oxford University Press.  ^ Foster, David William; Lockhart, Melissa Fitch; Lockhart, Darrell B. (1998). Culture and Customs of Argentina. Greenwood. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-313-30319-7.  ^ "Palermo online". Palermonline.com.ar. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ Pigna, Felipe (2008). Los mitos de la historia argentina 4. Buenos Aires: Editorial Planeta. p. 28. ISBN 978-950-49-1980-3. El fascismo italiano llevó a las organizaciones populares a una participación efectiva en la vida nacional, de la cual había estado siempre apartado el pueblo. Hasta la ascensión de Mussolini al poder, la nación iba por un lado y el trabajador por otro, y éste último no tenía ninguna participación en aquella. [...] En alemania ocurría exactamente el mismo fenómeno, o sea, un estado organizado para una comunidad perfectamente ordenada, para un pueblo perfectamente ordenado también; una comunidad donde el estado era el instrumento de ese pueblo, cuya representación era, a mi juicio, efectiva. Pensé que tal debería ser la forma política del futuro, es decir, la verdadera democracia popular, la verdadera democracia social.  ^ a b c Pigna, Felipe (2008). Los mitos de la historia argentina 4. Buenos Aires: Editorial Planeta. pp. 28–29. ISBN 978-950-49-1980-3.  ^ The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Peron's Argentina. Granta Books. 2002. ISBN 1862075816.  ^ "Title unknown". Archived from the original on 30 October 2007.  ^ "La rama nazi de Perón]". La Nación
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(in Spanish). 16 February 1997.  ^ Posner, Gerald; Ware, John (1986). Mengele: The Complete Story. McGraw Hill. p. 100.  ^ a b Falcoff, Mark (9 November 1998). "Perón's Nazi Ties". Time. 152 (19).  ^ Melman, Yossi (17 January 2006). "Tied up in the Rat Lines". Haaretz.  ^ Goñi, Uki (2002). The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Perón's Argentina. Granta Books. ISBN 1-86207-581-6.  ^ Hall, Allan (19 March 2012). "Secret files reveal 9,000 Nazi war criminals fled to South America after WWII". Daily Mail. London.  ^ Martínez, Tomás Eloy (1997). "The Woman Behind the Fantasy: Prostitute, Fascist, Profligate – Eva Perón
Eva Perón
was much Maligned, Mostly Unfairly". Time. Archived from the original on 21 December 2001.  ^ Crutchley, Peter (30 December 2014). "Nazi commando turned Irish farmer". Bbc.com. Retrieved 15 October 2017.  ^ Bell, Lawrence D. "The Jews and Perón: Communal Politics and National Identity in Peronist
Peronist
Argentina, 1946–1955". p. 10. Archived from the original on 20 June 2006. Retrieved 2 May 2008.  ^ Fraser, Nicholas; Navarro, Marysa (1996) [1980]. Evita: The Real Life of Eva Perón. New York, London: W.W. Norton & Company.  ^ a b Levine, Laurence. Inside Argentina
Argentina
from Perón
Perón
to Menem: 1950–2000 From an American Point of View. p. 23. ISBN 0-9649247-7-3.  ^ Valente, Marcela (27 April 2005). Continuing Efforts to Conceal Anti-Semitic Past. IPS-Inter Press Service.  ^ "The Jewish People Policy Planning Institute; Annual Assessment, 2007". Archived from the original on 2017-11-07.  ^ "United Jewish Communities; Global Jewish Populations". Ujc.org. 30 March 2009. Archived from the original on 11 June 2008. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "Title unknown". Archived from the original on 29 January 2008.  ^ "Argentina: Post World War II". Virtual Jewish History Tour. Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 17 August 2012.  ^ Nohlen, Dieter (2005). Elections in the Americas. Oxford University Press.  ^ "Emporis". Emporis GmbH. Emporis. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ "The Hemisphere: Daddykins & Nelly". Time. 10 October 1955. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ Martínez, Tomás Eloy (1997). La Novela de Perón. Vintage Books.  ^ "Acta Apostolicae Sedis" (pdf). Vatican.va. 1955. pp. 412–413.  ^ "Canon 2227 of the 1917 Code of Canon Law". 1917.  ^ Bosca, Roberto. "Una excomunión que no se cumplió". La Nación. Retrieved 29 July 2013.  ^ "Revolt Breaks Up Proposed Peron Harem". The Times-News. 1 October 1955.  ^ Statistical Abstract of Latin America. UCLA Press.  ^ "La serie sobre Eva Perón, en una única entrega". La Nación
La Nación
(in Spanish). 4 August 2002. Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ a b c d Lewis, Paul (2002). Guerrillas and Generals. Greenwood Publishing.  ^ Sigal, Silvia (1996). Le rôle politique des intellectuels en Amérique latine. Paris: L'Harmattan. p. 268.  quoted byBernand, Carmen (2008). "D'une rive à l'autre". Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, Materiales de seminarios.  (Latin-Americanist Review published by the EHESS),"D'une rive à l'autre" (in French). 15 June 2008. Retrieved 28 June 2008.  ^ Ranzani, Oscar (20 October 2004). "La revolución es un sueño eterno". Pagina 12
Pagina 12
(in Spanish).  ^ a b c d O'Donnell, Pacho. "Opiniones de Perón
Perón
sobre el Che". Página/12
Página/12
(in Spanish). Retrieved 23 May 2015.  ^ a b c O'Donnell, Pacho (6 September 2007). "Los encuentros del Che con Perón". La Nación
La Nación
(in Spanish). Retrieved 23 May 2015.  ^ a b c Viau, Susana; Tagliaferro, Eduardo (14 December 1998). "Carlos Bartffeld, Mason y Amigo de Massera, Fue Embajador en Yugoslavia Cuando Se Vendieron Armas a Croacia – En el mismo barco". Pagina 12
Pagina 12
(in Spanish).  ^ Verbitsky, Horacio (1985). "Ezeiza". El Ortiba (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Contrapunto. Archived from the original on 19 June 2006.  ^ Lewis, Daniel K. A History of Argentina.  ^ D'Abate, Juan Carlos (1983). "Trade Unions and Peronism". In Turner, Frederick; Miguens, Jose Enrique. Juan Peron and the Reshaping of Argentina. University of Pittsburgh Press. p. 62. ISBN 9780822976363.  ^ Moores, Lucio Fernández (8 October 2008). "Analizan una indemnizacion que ya cobro la familia Rucci". El Pais
El Pais
(in Spanish). Retrieved 27 January 2011.  ^ a b Ghosh, S. K. (1995). Terrorism, World under Siege. Ashish Publications. p. 24.  ^ a b Buckman, Robert T. (2007). The World Today. Latin America 2007. Harpers Ferry, West Virginia: Stryker-Post Publications. ISBN 978-1-887985-84-0.  ^ a b "Getty Images". Itnsource.com. Retrieved 15 October 2017.  ^ "The death of Juan Domingo Perón" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 25 October 2014. Retrieved 4 November 2014.  ^ a b c d Ortega, José (2014). " Perón
Perón
y Chile" (PDF). Encucijada Americana.  ^ " Argentine
Argentine
Strongman's corpse disturbed again". International Herald Tribune. 14 October 2006. Archived from the original on 11 December 2006. [not in citation given] ^ Nabot, Damian, and Cox, David. Second Death: Licio Gelli, The P2 Masonic Lodge and The Plot to Destroy Juan Peron. Amazon.com, 2014. ^ "Evita in wonderland: Pulqui and the workshop of underdevelopment". CineAction. Summer 2009. Archived from the original on 25 August 2009.  ^ "Body of Argentina's Perón
Perón
to move to $1.1 million crypt". CNN. 17 October 2006. Archived from the original on 24 October 2006.  ^ "Violence mars reburial of Perón". BBC News. 17 October 2006. 

Further reading[edit]

David Cox and Damian Nabot, "Second Death: Licio Gelli, The P2 Masonic Lodge and The Plot to Destroy Juan Peron." (Amazon, 2014) Gabriele Casula (2004) "Dove naciò Perón? un enigma sardo nella storia dell'Argentina"[1] [2] Guareschi, Roberto (5 November 2005). "Not quite the Evita of Argentine
Argentine
legend". New Straits Times, p. 21. Hugo Gambini (1999). Historia del peronismo, Editorial Planeta. F2849 .G325 1999 Nudelman, Santiago (Buenos Aires, 1960; Chiefly draft resolutions and declarations presented by Nudelman as a member of the Cámara de Diputados of the Argentine
Argentine
Republic during the Perón
Perón
administration) Martínez, Tomás Eloy. La Novela de Perón. Vintage Books, 1997. Page, Joseph. Perón: a biography (Random House 1983)

External links[edit]

Argentina
Argentina
portal

Wikimedia Commons
Wikimedia Commons
has media related to: Juan Perón
Perón
(category)

Perón
Perón
y el peronismo: un ensayo bibliográfico by Mariano Ben Plotkin. (in Spanish) Webpage of author Uki Goñi
Uki Goñi
with extensive documentation on Perón's involvement in harboring Nazi fugitives Biography of Juan Peron a brief biography on About.com Casahistoria pages on Perón
Perón
Les Fearns site, also links to Eva Perón pages The Twenty Truths of the Peronist
Peronist
Movement (1940s): The Justicialist movement's core tenets at the Wayback Machine
Wayback Machine
(archived 10 April 2004) Juan Domingo Perón
Perón
Argentine
Argentine
Presidential Messages Well indexed dating from 1946 onwards. The actual documents are shown as photocopied images. Note: Downloading can be slow. University of Texas.

Political offices

New office Secretary of Labour and Social Security 1943–1945 Succeeded by Domingo Mercante

Preceded by Pedro Pablo Ramírez Minister of War 1944–1945 Succeeded by Eduardo Ávalos

Preceded by Edelmiro Farrell Vice President of Argentina 1944–1945 Succeeded by Juan Pistarini

President of Argentina First and Second Terms 1946–1955 Succeeded by Eduardo Lonardi

Preceded by Raúl Lastiri President of Argentina Third Term 1973–1974 Succeeded by Isabel Martínez de Perón

v t e

Juan Domingo Perón

Policy

Five-Year Plans of Argentina Railway nationalization in Argentina IAME Huemul Project Third Position

Politics

GOU Descamisado Loyalty Day Peronism Labour Party CGT Argentine
Argentine
Constitution of 1949 ATLAS Unión Popular Grupo Cine Liberación Ezeiza massacre Expulsion of Montoneros
Montoneros
from Plaza de Mayo 1946 election 1948 election 1951 election 1954 election 1973 election

Key associates

Juan Manuel Abal Medina Jorge Antonio Raúl Apold Ángel Borlenghi Juan Atilio Bramuglia Antonio Cafiero Héctor Cámpora Andrés Framini Licio Gelli Lorenzo Miguel José López Rega Domingo Mercante Delia Parodi Juan Pistarini José Ignacio Rucci Alberto Teisaire Augusto Vandor

Anti-Peronism

Ricardo Balbín Spruille Braden Bombing of Plaza de Mayo Revolución Libertadora

Personal

Early life Eva Perón Isabel Martínez de Perón Hands of Perón

See also

La vida por Perón Perón: Apuntes para una biografía Puerta de Hierro, el exilio de Perón

v t e

Heads of state of Argentina

May Revolution
May Revolution
and Independence War Period up to Asamblea del Año XIII
Asamblea del Año XIII
(1810–1814)

Primera Junta Junta Grande First Triumvirate Second Triumvirate

Supreme Directors of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata (1814–1820)

Gervasio Antonio de Posadas Carlos María de Alvear Juan José Viamonte José Rondeau Ignacio Álvarez Thomas Antonio González de Balcarce Juan Martín de Pueyrredón José Rondeau Juan Pedro Aguirre

Unitarian Republic – First Presidential Government (1826–1827)

Bernardino Rivadavia Vicente López y Planes

Pacto Federal
Pacto Federal
and Argentine
Argentine
Confederation (1827–1862)

Manuel Dorrego Juan Manuel de Rosas Juan Ramón Balcarce Juan José Viamonte Manuel Vicente Maza Juan Manuel de Rosas Justo José de Urquiza Santiago Derqui Juan Esteban Pedernera

National Organization – Argentine
Argentine
Republic (1862–1880)

Bartolomé Mitre Domingo Faustino Sarmiento Nicolás Avellaneda

Generation of '80
Generation of '80
– Oligarchic Republic (1880–1916)

Julio Argentino Roca Miguel Juárez Celman Carlos Pellegrini Luis Sáenz Peña José Evaristo Uriburu Julio Argentino Roca Manuel Quintana José Figueroa Alcorta Roque Sáenz Peña Victorino de la Plaza

First Radical Civic Union
Radical Civic Union
terms, after secret ballot (1916–1930)

Hipólito Yrigoyen Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear Hipólito Yrigoyen

Infamous Decade
Infamous Decade
(1930–1943)

José Félix Uriburu Agustín Pedro Justo Roberto María Ortiz Ramón Castillo

Revolution of '43 military dictatorships (1943–1946)

Arturo Rawson Pedro Pablo Ramírez Edelmiro Julián Farrell

First Peronist
Peronist
terms (1946–1955)

Juan Domingo Perón

Revolución Libertadora
Revolución Libertadora
military dictatorships (1955–1958)

Eduardo Lonardi Pedro Eugenio Aramburu

Fragile civilian governments – Proscription of Peronism (1958–1966)

Arturo Frondizi José María Guido Arturo Umberto Illia

Revolución Argentina
Argentina
military dictatorships (1966–1973)

Juan Carlos Onganía Roberto M. Levingston Alejandro Agustín Lanusse

Return of Perón
Perón
(1973–1976)

Héctor José Cámpora Raúl Alberto Lastiri Juan Domingo Perón Isabel Martínez de Perón

National Reorganization Process
National Reorganization Process
military dictatorships (1976–1983)

Jorge Rafael Videla Roberto Eduardo Viola Leopoldo Galtieri Reynaldo Bignone

Return to democracy (1983–present)

Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín Carlos Saúl Menem Fernando de la Rúa Adolfo Rodríguez Saá Eduardo Duhalde Néstor Kirchner Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Mauricio Macri

Portal:Argentina Politics of Argentina President of Argentina List of heads of state of Argentina

v t e

Eva Perón

Husband

Juan Domingo Perón

Politics

Eva Perón
Eva Perón
Foundation Ciudad Evita
Ciudad Evita
(Evita City) Peronista Feminist Party General
General
Confederation of Labour European Rainbow Tour Spiritual Leader of the Nation First presidential term Second presidential term

Followers

Descamisados Peronists

Autobiography

La Razón de mi Vida (1951) Mi Mensaje
Mi Mensaje
(1952)

Cultural depictions

The Woman with the Whip
The Woman with the Whip
(1952 biography) Evita (1978 musical) Evita (1996 film) Eva Perón: The True Story (1996 film) Evita (2008 documentary) Eva Doesn't Sleep (2015 film)

Related

Copa Eva Duarte Loyalty Day

v t e

Post-war flight of Axis fugitives

Fugitives

German / Austrian

Ludolf von Alvensleben Klaus Barbie Hermine Braunsteiner Alois Brunner Adolf Eichmann Aribert Heim Walter Kutschmann Johann von Leers Josef Mengele Hermann Michel Erich Priebke Walter Rauff Eduard Roschmann Walter Schreiber Horst Schumann Josef Schwammberger Franz Stangl Gustav Wagner

Croatian

Milivoj Ašner Andrija Artuković Anton Geiser Ante Pavelić Dinko Šakić Vjekoslav Vrančić

Belgian

Pierre Daye Léon Degrelle René Lagrou

Ukrainian

John Demjanjuk Feodor Fedorenko Mykola Lebed

Danish

Søren Kam Carl Værnet

Estonian

Aleksander Laak Karl Linnas

Latvian

Viktors Arājs Herberts Cukurs

Other nationalities

Tscherim Soobzokov (Circassian)

Assistance

Organizations

Ratlines

State involvement

Colonia Dignidad (Chile) Franco (Spain) Perón
Perón
(Argentina) Videla (Argentina) Operation Paperclip
Operation Paperclip
(USA) Robert Leiber
Robert Leiber
(Holy See) Banzer (Bolivia) Stroessner (Paraguay)

Other persons

Rodolfo Freude Alois Hudal Charles Lescat Hans-Ulrich Rudel Otto Skorzeny

Hunters

Serge and Beate Klarsfeld Eli Rosenbaum Simon Wiesenthal Efraim Zuroff

Disputed / dubious

Krunoslav Draganović ODESSA Stille Hilfe

See also

List of Most Wanted Nazi War Criminals

Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 73866687 LCCN: n50083258 ISNI: 0000 0003 6864 4200 GND: 118739999 SELIBR: 234294 SUDOC: 02840937X BNF: cb120249814 (data) NARA: 10596956 BNE: XX1059

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