Jawaharlal Nehru (/ˈneɪruː, ˈnɛruː/;
ˈneːɦru] ( listen); 14 November 1889 – 27 May 1964) was
the first Prime Minister of
India and a central figure in Indian
politics before and after independence. He emerged as the paramount
leader of the
Indian independence movement
Indian independence movement under the tutelage of
Mahatma Gandhi and ruled
India from its establishment as an
independent nation in 1947 until his death in 1964. He is considered
to be the architect of the modern Indian nation-state: a sovereign,
socialist, secular, and democratic republic. He was also known as
Pandit Nehru due to his roots with the Kashmiri
Pandit community while
many Indian children knew him as Chacha Nehru (Hindi, lit., "Uncle
The son of Motilal Nehru, a prominent lawyer and nationalist statesman
and Swaroop Rani, Nehru was a graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge
and the Inner Temple, where he trained to be a barrister. Upon his
return to India, he enrolled at the
Allahabad High Court, and took an
interest in national politics, which eventually replaced his legal
practice. A committed nationalist since his teenage years, he became a
rising figure in Indian politics during the upheavals of the 1910s. He
became the prominent leader of the left-wing factions of the Indian
National Congress during the 1920s, and eventually of the entire
Congress, with the tacit approval of his mentor, Gandhi. As Congress
President in 1929, Nehru called for complete independence from the
British Raj and instigated the Congress's decisive shift towards the
Nehru and the Congress dominated Indian politics during the 1930s as
the country moved towards independence. His idea of a secular
nation-state was seemingly validated when the Congress, under his
leadership, swept the 1937 provincial elections and formed the
government in several provinces; on the other hand, the separatist
Muslim League fared much poorer. But these achievements were seriously
compromised in the aftermath of the Quit
India Movement in 1942, which
saw the British effectively crush the Congress as a political
organisation. Nehru, who had reluctantly heeded Gandhi's call for
immediate independence, for he had desired to support the Allied war
effort during World
War II, came out of a lengthy prison term to a
much altered political landscape. The Muslim League under his old
Congress colleague and now opponent,
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had come to
dominate Muslim politics in India. Negotiations between Nehru and
Jinnah for power sharing failed and gave way to the independence and
bloody partition of
India in 1947.
Nehru was elected by the Congress to assume office as independent
India's first Prime Minister, although the question of leadership had
been settled as far back as 1941, when Gandhi acknowledged Nehru as
his political heir and successor. As Prime Minister, he set out to
realise his vision of India. The Constitution of
India was enacted in
1950, after which he embarked on an ambitious program of economic,
social and political reforms. Chiefly, he oversaw India's transition
from a colony to a republic, while nurturing a plural, multi-party
system. In foreign policy, he took a leading role in the Non-Aligned
Movement while projecting
India as a regional hegemon in South Asia.
Under Nehru's leadership, the Congress emerged as a catch-all party,
dominating national and state-level politics and winning consecutive
elections in 1951, 1957, and 1962. He remained popular with the people
India in spite of political troubles in his final years and failure
of leadership during the 1962 Sino-Indian War. In India, his birthday
is celebrated as
Bal Diwas (Children's Day).
1 Early life and career (1889–1912)
1.5 Advocate practice
2 Struggle for Indian independence (1912–1947)
2.3 Home rule movement
2.4.1 Internationalising the struggle
2.4.2 Mid 1930s
2.4.3 Company with Subhas Chandra Bose
2.6 Declaration of Independence
2.6.1 Draft of the declaration of independence
2.7 Civil disobedience
2.7.1 Salt satyagraha success
2.8 Architect of India
2.9 Electoral politics
World War II
World War II and Quit
2.10.2 Japan attacks India
3 Prime Minister of
3.1 Assassination attempts and security
3.2 Economic policies
3.3 Agriculture policies
3.4 Domestic policies
3.5 Social policies
3.6 Foreign policies
Sino-Indian War of 1962
7 Personal life
8.2 In popular culture
11 See also
13 Further reading
14 External links
Early life and career (1889–1912)
Jawaharlal Nehru was born on 14 November 1889 in
Allahabad in British
India. His father,
Motilal Nehru (1861–1931), a wealthy barrister
who belonged to the Kashmiri
Pandit community, served twice as
President of the
Indian National Congress
Indian National Congress during the Independence
Struggle. His mother, Swaruprani Thussu (1868–1938), who came from a
well-known Kashmiri Brahmin family settled in Lahore, was Motilal's
second wife, the first having died in child birth. Jawaharlal was the
eldest of three children, two of whom were girls. The elder sister,
Vijaya Lakshmi, later became the first female president of the United
Nations General Assembly. The youngest sister, Krishna Hutheesing,
became a noted writer and authored several books on her brother.
Nehru described his childhood as a "sheltered and uneventful one". He
grew up in an atmosphere of privilege at wealthy homes including a
palatial estate called the Anand Bhavan. His father had him educated
at home by private governesses and tutors. Under the influence of a
tutor, Ferdinand T. Brooks, he became interested in science and
theosophy. He was subsequently initiated into the Theosophical
Society at age thirteen by family friend Annie Besant. However, his
interest in theosophy did not prove to be enduring and he left the
society shortly after Brooks departed as his tutor. He wrote: "for
nearly three years [Brooks] was with me and in many ways he influenced
Nehru's theosophical interests had induced him to the study of the
Buddhist and Hindu scriptures. According to Bal Ram Nanda, these
scriptures were Nehru's "first introduction to the religious and
cultural heritage of [India]....[they] provided Nehru the initial
impulse for [his] long intellectual quest which culminated...in The
Discovery of India."
Nehru became an ardent nationalist during his youth. The Second Boer
War and the
Russo-Japanese War intensified his feelings. About the
latter he wrote, "[The] Japanese victories [had] stirred up my
enthusiasm ... Nationalistic ideas filled my mind ... I
mused of Indian freedom and Asiatic freedom from the thraldom of
Europe." Later when he had begun his institutional schooling in
1905 at Harrow, a leading school in England, he was greatly influenced
by G. M. Trevelyan's Garibaldi books, which he had received as prizes
for academic merit. He viewed Garibaldi as a revolutionary hero.
He wrote: "Visions of similar deeds in
India came before, of [my]
gallant fight for [Indian] freedom and in my mind
India and Italy got
strangely mixed together."
Nehru went to
Trinity College, Cambridge
Trinity College, Cambridge in October 1907 and graduated
with an honours degree in natural science in 1910. During this
period, he also studied politics, economics, history and literature
desultorily. Writings of Bernard Shaw, H. G. Wells, J.M. Keynes,
Bertrand Russell, Lowes Dickinson and
Meredith Townsend moulded much
of his political and economic thinking.
After completing his degree in 1910, Nehru moved to
London and studied
Inner temple Inn During this time, he continued to study
the scholars of the
Fabian Society including Beatrice Webb. He was
called to the Bar in 1912,
After returning to
India in August 1912, Nehru enrolled himself as an
advocate of the
Allahabad High Court and tried to settle down as a
barrister. But, unlike his father, he had only a desultory interest in
his profession and did not relish either the practice of law or the
company of lawyers. He wrote: "Decidedly the atmosphere was not
intellectually stimulating and a sense of the utter insipidity of life
grew upon me." His involvement in nationalist politics would
gradually replace his legal practice in the coming years.
The Nehru family c. 1890s
Nehru dressed in cadet uniform at
Harrow School in England
Nehru in khaki uniform as a member of Seva Dal
Nehru at the
Allahabad High Court
Struggle for Indian independence (1912–1947)
Nehru had developed an interest in Indian politics during his time in
Britain. Within months of his return to
India in 1912 he had
attended an annual session of the
Indian National Congress
Indian National Congress in
Patna. He was disconcerted with what he saw as a "very much an
English-knowing upper class affair". The Congress in 1912 had been
the party of moderates and elites. Nehru harboured doubts
regarding the ineffectualness of the Congress but agreed to work for
the party in support of the Indian civil rights movement in South
Africa. He collected funds for the civil rights campaigners led by
Mahatma Gandhi in 1913. Later, he campaigned against the
indentured labour and other such discriminations faced by Indians in
the British colonies.
World War I
World War I broke out, sympathy in
India was divided. Although
educated Indians "by and large took a vicarious pleasure" in seeing
the British rulers humbled, the ruling upper classes sided with the
Allies. Nehru confessed that he viewed the war with mixed feelings.
Frank Moraes wrote: "If [Nehru's] sympathy was with any country it was
with France, whose culture he greatly admired." During the war,
Nehru volunteered for the
St John Ambulance
St John Ambulance and worked as one of the
provincial secretaries of the organisation in Allahabad. He also
spoke out against the censorship acts passed by the British government
Nehru in 1919 with wife Kamala and daughter Indira
Nehru emerged from the war years as a leader whose political views
were considered radical. Although the political discourse had been
dominated at this time by Gopal Krishna Gokhale, a moderate who
said that it was "madness to think of independence", Nehru had
spoken "openly of the politics of non-cooperation, of the need of
resigning from honorary positions under the government and of not
continuing the futile politics of representation". He ridiculed
the Indian Civil Service for its support of British policies. He noted
that someone had once defined the Indian Civil Service, "with which we
are unfortunately still afflicted in this country, as neither Indian,
nor civil, nor a service". Motilal Nehru, a prominent moderate
leader, acknowledged the limits of constitutional agitation, but
counselled his son that there was no other "practical alternative" to
it. Nehru, however, was not satisfied with the pace of the national
movement. He became involved with aggressive nationalists leaders who
were demanding Home Rule for Indians.
The influence of the moderates on Congress politics began to wane
after Gokhale died in 1915. Anti-moderate leaders such as Annie
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
Bal Gangadhar Tilak took the opportunity to call for a
national movement for Home Rule. But, in 1915, the proposal was
rejected because of the reluctance of the moderates to commit to such
a radical course of action. Besant nevertheless formed a league for
advocating Home Rule in 1916; and Tilak, on his release from a prison
term, had in April 1916 formed his own league. Nehru joined both
leagues but worked especially for the former. He remarked later:
"[Besant] had a very powerful influence on me in my childhood... even
later when I entered political life her influence continued."
Another development which brought about a radical change in Indian
politics was the espousal of Hindu-Muslim unity with the Lucknow Pact
at the annual meeting of the Congress in December 1916. The pact had
been initiated earlier in the year at
Allahabad at a meeting of the
India Congress Committee which was held at the Nehru residence at
Anand Bhawan. Nehru welcomed and encouraged the rapprochement between
the two Indian communities.
Home rule movement
Several nationalist leaders banded together in 1916 under the
Annie Besant to voice a demand for self-governance, and
to obtain the status of a
Dominion within the
British Empire as
enjoyed by Australia, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand and
Newfoundland at the time. Nehru joined the movement and rose to become
secretary of Besant's Home Rule League. In June 1917 Besant
was arrested and interned by the British government. The Congress and
various other Indian organisations threatened to launch protests if
she were not set free. The British government was subsequently forced
to release Besant and make significant concessions after a period of
The first big national involvement of Nehru came at the onset of the
Non-cooperation movement in 1920. He led the movement in the United
Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). Nehru was arrested on charges of
anti-governmental activities in 1921, and was released a few months
later. In the rift that formed within the Congress following the
sudden closure of the non-co-operation movement after the Chauri
Chaura incident, Nehru remained loyal to Gandhi and did not join the
Swaraj Party formed by his father
Motilal Nehru and CR Das.
Internationalising the struggle
Nehru and his daughter Indira in Britain, 1930s
Nehru played a leading role in the development of the internationalist
outlook of the Indian independence struggle. He sought foreign allies
India and forged links with movements for independence and
democracy all over the world. In 1927, his efforts paid off and the
Congress was invited to attend the congress of oppressed nationalities
in Brussels in Belgium. The meeting was called to co-ordinate and plan
a common struggle against imperialism. Nehru represented
India and was
elected to the Executive Council of the League against Imperialism
that was born at this meeting.
Increasingly, Nehru saw the struggle for independence from British
imperialism as a multi-national effort by the various colonies and
dominions of the Empire; some of his statements on this matter,
however, were interpreted as complicity with the rise of
his espoused intentions. In the face of these allegations, Nehru
responded, "We have sympathy for the national movement of Arabs in
Palestine because it is directed against British Imperialism. Our
sympathies cannot be weakened by the fact that the national movement
coincides with Hitler’s interests."
During the mid-1930s, Nehru was much concerned with developments in
Europe, which seemed to be drifting toward another world war. He was
in Europe in early 1936, visiting his ailing wife, shortly before she
died in a sanitarium in Switzerland. Even at this time, he emphasised
that, in the event of war, India's place was alongside the
democracies, though he insisted that
India could only fight in support
of Great Britain and France as a free country.
Company with Subhas Chandra Bose
Nehru closely worked with
Subhas Chandra Bose
Subhas Chandra Bose in developing good
relations with governments of free countries all over the world.
However, the two split in the late 1930s, when Bose agreed to seek the
help of fascists in driving the British out of India. At the same
time, Nehru had supported the Republicans who were fighting against
Francisco Franco's forces in the Spanish Civil War. Nehru along with
V. K. Krishna Menon
V. K. Krishna Menon visited Spain and declared support for
the Republicans. He refused to meet Benito Mussolini, the dictator of
Italy when the latter expressed his desire to meet him.
Nehru was one of the first nationalist leaders to realise the
sufferings of the people in the states ruled by Indian princes. He
suffered imprisonment in Nabha, a princely state, when he went there
to see the struggle that was being waged by the Sikhs against the
corrupt Mahants. The nationalist movement had been confined to the
territories under direct British rule. He helped to make the struggle
of the people in the princely states a part of the nationalist
movement for independence. The All
India States Peoples Conference was
formed in 1927. Nehru who had been supporting the cause of the people
of the princely states for many years was made the President of the
conference in 1935. He opened up its ranks to membership from across
the political spectrum. The body would play an important role during
the political integration of India, helping Indian leaders Vallabhbhai
V. P. Menon
V. P. Menon (to whom Nehru had delegated the task of
integrating the princely states into India) negotiate with hundreds of
In July 1946, Nehru pointedly observed that no princely state could
prevail militarily against the army of independent India. In
January 1947, he said that independent
India would not accept the
Divine right of kings, and in May 1947, he declared that any
princely state which refused to join the Constituent Assembly would be
treated as an enemy state. During the drafting of the Indian
constitution, many Indian leaders (except Nehru) of that time were in
favour of allowing each
Princely state or Covenanting State to be
independent as a federal state along the lines suggested originally by
the Government of
India act (1935). But as the drafting of the
constitution progressed and the idea of forming a republic took
concrete shape (because of the efforts of Nehru), it was decided that
all the Princely states/Covenanting States would merge with the Indian
republic. Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi, de-recognised all the
rulers by a presidential order in 1969. But this was struck down by
the Supreme Court of India. Eventually, the government by the 26th
Amendment to the constitution was successful in abolishing the
Princely states of India. The process began by Nehru was finally
completed by his daughter by the end of 1971.
Declaration of Independence
Nehru was one of the first leaders to demand that the Congress Party
should resolve to make a complete and explicit break from all ties
with the British Empire. His resolution for independence was approved
at the Madras session of Congress in 1927 despite Gandhi's criticism.
At that time he also formed Independence for
India league, a pressure
group within the Congress,
In 1928, Gandhi agreed to Nehru's demands and proposed a resolution
that called for the British to grant dominion status to
two years. If the British failed to meet the deadline, the Congress
would call upon all Indians to fight for complete independence. Nehru
was one of the leaders who objected to the time given to the British
– he pressed Gandhi to demand immediate actions from the British.
Gandhi brokered a further compromise by reducing the time given from
two years to one. Nehru agreed to vote for the new resolution.
Demands for dominion status were rejected by the British in 1929.
Nehru assumed the presidency of the Congress party during the Lahore
session on 29 December 1929 and introduced a successful resolution
calling for complete independence.
Draft of the declaration of independence
Nehru drafted the Indian declaration of independence, which stated:
We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as
of any other people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their
toil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full
opportunities of growth. We believe also that if any government
deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them the people have a
further right to alter it or abolish it. The British government in
India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but has
based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India
economically, politically, culturally and spiritually. We believe
India must sever the British connection and attain
Purna Swaraj or complete independence.
At midnight on New Year's Eve 1929, Nehru hoisted the tricolour flag
India upon the banks of the Ravi in Lahore. A pledge of
independence was read out, which included a readiness to withhold
taxes. The massive gathering of public attending the ceremony was
asked if they agreed with it, and the vast majority of people were
witnessed to raise their hands in approval. 172 Indian members of
central and provincial legislatures resigned in support of the
resolution and in accordance with Indian public sentiment. The
Congress asked the people of
India to observe 26 January as
Independence Day. The flag of
India was hoisted publicly across India
by Congress volunteers, nationalists and the public. Plans for a mass
civil disobedience were also underway.
Lahore session of the Congress in 1929, Nehru gradually
emerged as the paramount leader of the Indian independence movement.
Gandhi stepped back into a more spiritual role. Although Gandhi did
not officially designate Nehru his political heir until 1942, the
country as early as the mid-1930s saw in Nehru the natural successor
Nehru and most of the Congress leaders were initially ambivalent about
Gandhi's plan to begin civil disobedience with a satyagraha aimed at
the British salt tax. After the protest gathered steam, they realised
the power of salt as a symbol. Nehru remarked about the unprecedented
popular response, "it seemed as though a spring had been suddenly
released". He was arrested on 14 April 1930 while entraining from
Allahabad for Raipur. He had earlier, after addressing a huge meeting
and leading a vast procession, ceremoniously manufactured some
contraband salt. He was charged with breach of the salt law, tried
summarily behind prison walls and sentenced to six months of
He nominated Gandhi to succeed him as
Congress President during his
absence in jail, but Gandhi declined, and Nehru then nominated his
father as his successor. With Nehru's arrest the civil disobedience
acquired a new tempo, and arrests, firing on crowds and lathi charges
grew to be ordinary occurrences.
Salt satyagraha success
Satyagraha succeeded in drawing the attention of the world.
Indian, British, and world opinion increasingly began to recognise the
legitimacy of the claims by the Congress party for independence. Nehru
considered the salt satyagraha the high-water mark of his association
with Gandhi, and felt that its lasting importance was in changing
the attitudes of Indians:
Of course these movements exercised tremendous pressure on the British
Government and shook the government machinery. But the real
importance, to my mind, lay in the effect they had on our own people,
and especially the village masses. ... Non-cooperation dragged
them out of the mire and gave them self-respect and
self-reliance. ... They acted courageously and did not submit so
easily to unjust oppression; their outlook widened and they began to
think a little in terms of
India as a whole. ... It was a
remarkable transformation and the Congress, under Gandhi's leadership,
must have the credit for it.
Architect of India
Gandhi and Nehru in 1942
Nehru elaborated the policies of the Congress and a future Indian
nation under his leadership in 1929. He declared that the aims of the
congress were freedom of religion, right to form associations, freedom
of expression of thought, equality before law for every individual
without distinction of caste, colour, creed or religion, protection to
regional languages and cultures, safeguarding the interests of the
peasants and labour, abolition of untouchability, introduction of
adult franchise, imposition of prohibition, nationalisation of
industries, socialism, and establishment of a secular India. All these
aims formed the core of the "Fundamental
Rights and Economic Policy"
resolution drafted by Nehru in 1929–31 and were ratified by the All
India Congress Committee under Gandhi's leadership. However, some
Congress leaders objected to the resolution and decided to oppose
The espousal of socialism as the Congress goal was most difficult to
achieve. Nehru was opposed in this by the right-wing Congressmen
Rajendra Prasad and C. Rajagopalachari. He had the
support of the left-wing Congressmen Maulana Azad and Subhas Chandra
Bose. The trio combined to oust Dr. Prasad as
Congress President in
1936. Nehru was elected in his place and held the presidency for two
years (1936–37). He was then succeeded by his socialist
colleagues Bose (1938–39) and Azad (1940–46). After the fall of
Bose from the mainstream of Indian politics (because of his support of
violence in driving the British out of India), the
power struggle between the socialists and conservatives balanced out.
However, Sardar Patel died in 1950, leaving Nehru as the sole
remaining iconic national leader, and soon the situation became such
that Nehru was able to implement many of his basic policies without
hindrance. The conservative right-wing of the Congress (composed of
India's upper class elites) would continue opposing the socialists
until the great schism in 1969. Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi, was
able to fulfill her father's dream by the 42nd amendment (1976) of the
Indian constitution by which
India officially became "socialist" and
During Nehru's second term as general secretary of the Congress, he
proposed certain resolutions concerning the foreign policy of
India. From that time onward, he was given carte blanche in
framing the foreign policy of any future Indian nation. He developed
good relations with governments all over the world. He firmly placed
India on the side of democracy and freedom during a time when the
world was under the threat of fascism. He was also given the
responsibility of planning the economy of a future India. He appointed
the National Planning Commission in 1938 to help in framing such
policies. However, many of the plans framed by Nehru and his
colleagues would come undone with the unexpected partition of
Jawaharlal Nehru and Rabindranath Tagore
Nehru's visit to Europe in 1936 proved to be the watershed in his
political and economic thinking. His real interest in Marxism and his
socialist pattern of thought stem from that tour. His subsequent
sojourns in prison enabled him to study Marxism in more depth.
Interested in its ideas but repelled by some of its methods, he could
never bring himself to accept Karl Marx's writings as revealed
scripture. Yet from then on, the yardstick of his economic thinking
remained Marxist, adjusted, where necessary, to Indian conditions.
When the Congress party under Nehru chose to contest elections and
accept power under the Federation scheme, Gandhi resigned from party
membership. Gandhi did not disagree with Nehru's move, but felt that
if he resigned, his popularity with Indians would cease to stifle the
party's membership. When the elections following the introduction of
provincial autonomy (under the government of
India act 1935) brought
the Congress party to power in a majority of the provinces, Nehru's
popularity and power were unmatched. The Muslim League under Muhammad
Ali Jinnah (who was to become the creator of Pakistan) had fared badly
at the polls. Nehru declared that the only two parties that mattered
India were the
British Raj and Congress. Jinnah's statements that
the Muslim League was the third and "equal partner" within Indian
politics was widely rejected. Nehru had hoped to elevate Maulana Azad
as the pre-eminent leader of Indian Muslims, but in this, he was
undermined by Gandhi, who continued to treat Jinnah as the voice of
World War II
World War II and Quit
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World War II
World War II started, Viceroy Linlithgow had unilaterally
India a belligerent on the side of the Britain, without
consulting the elected Indian representatives. Nehru hurried back from
a visit to China, announcing that, in a conflict between democracy and
Fascism, "our sympathies must inevitably be on the side of
democracy.... I should like
India to play its full part and throw all
her resources into the struggle for a new order."
After much deliberation, the Congress under Nehru informed the
government that it would co-operate with the British but on certain
conditions. First, Britain must give an assurance of full independence
India after the war and allow the election of a constituent
assembly to frame a new constitution; second, although the Indian
armed forces would remain under the British Commander-in-Chief,
Indians must be included immediately in the central government and
given a chance to share power and responsibility. When Nehru presented
Lord Linlithgow with the demands, he chose to reject them. A deadlock
was reached. "The same old game is played again", Nehru wrote bitterly
to Gandhi, "the background is the same, the various epithets are the
same and the actors are the same and the results must be the same".
On 23 October 1939, the Congress condemned the Viceroy's attitude and
called upon the Congress ministries in the various provinces to resign
in protest. Before this crucial announcement, Nehru urged Jinnah and
the Muslim League to join the protest but the latter declined.
In March 1940 Jinnah passed what would come to be known as the
Pakistan Resolution", declaring "Muslims are a nation according to
any definition of a nation, and they must have their homelands, their
territory and their State." This state was to be known as Pakistan,
meaning "Land of the Pure". Nehru angrily declared that "all the old
problems ... pale into insignificance before the latest stand taken by
the Muslim League leader in Lahore". Linlithgow made Nehru an offer on
8 October 1940. It stated that
Dominion status for
India was the
objective of the British government. However, it referred neither to a
date nor method of accomplishment. Only Jinnah got something more
precise. "The British would not contemplate transferring power to a
Congress-dominated national government the authority of which was
"denied by large and powerful elements in India's national life".
In October 1940, Gandhi and Nehru, abandoning their original stand of
supporting Britain, decided to launch a limited civil disobedience
campaign in which leading advocates of Indian independence were
selected to participate one by one. Nehru was arrested and sentenced
to four years' imprisonment. After spending a little more than a year
in jail, he was released, along with other Congress prisoners, three
days before the bombing of Pearl Harbor in Hawaii.
Nehru and Jinnah walk together at Simla, 1946
Japan attacks India
When the Japanese carried their attack through Burma (now Myanmar) to
the borders of
India in the spring of 1942, the British government,
faced by this new military threat, decided to make some overtures to
India, as Nehru had originally desired. Prime Minister Winston
Churchill dispatched Sir Stafford Cripps, a member of the war Cabinet
who was known to be politically close to Nehru and also knew Jinnah,
with proposals for a settlement of the constitutional problem. As soon
as he arrived he discovered that
India was more deeply divided than he
had imagined. Nehru, eager for a compromise, was hopeful. Gandhi was
not. Jinnah had continued opposing the Congress. "
Pakistan is our only
demand, and by God we will have it.", declared the Muslim League
Cripps's mission failed as Gandhi would accept nothing less than
independence. Relations between Nehru and Gandhi cooled over the
latter's refusal to co-operate with Cripps, but the two later
reconciled. On 15 January 1941, Gandhi had stated:
Pandit Nehru and I were estranged. It will require much more
than difference of opinion to estrange us. We had differences from the
time we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say
so now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor.
Gandhi called on the British to leave India; Nehru, though reluctant
to embarrass the allied war effort, had no alternative but to join
Gandhi. Following the Quit
India resolution passed by the Congress
party in Bombay (now Mumbai) on 8 August 1942, the entire Congress
working committee, including Gandhi and Nehru, was arrested and
imprisoned. Nehru emerged from this—his ninth and last
detention—only on 15 June 1945.
During the period where all of the Congress leadership were in jail,
the Muslim League under Jinnah grew in power. In April 1943, the
League captured the governments of Bengal and, a month later, that of
the North West Frontier Province. In none of these provinces had the
League previously had a majority – only the arrest of Congress
members made it possible. With all the Muslim dominated provinces
except the Punjab under Jinnah's control, the artificial concept of a
separate Muslim State was turning into a reality. However, by 1944,
Jinnah's power and prestige were on the wane. A general sympathy
towards the jailed Congress leaders was developing among Muslims, and
much of the blame for the disastrous Bengal famine of 1943–44 during
which two million died, had been laid on the shoulders of the
province's Muslim League government. The numbers at Jinnah's meetings,
once counted in thousands soon numbered only a few hundreds. In
despair, Jinnah left the political scene for a stay in Kashmir. His
prestige was restored unwittingly by Gandhi, who had been released
from prison on medical grounds in May 1944 and had met Jinnah in
Bombay in September. There he offered the Muslim leader a plebiscite
in the Muslim areas after the war to see whether they wanted to
separate from the rest of India. Essentially, it was an acceptance of
the principle of
Pakistan – but not in so many words. Jinnah
demanded that the exact words be said; Gandhi refused and the talks
broke down. Jinnah, however, had greatly strengthened his own position
and that of the League. The most influential member of Congress had
been seen to negotiate with him on equal terms. Other Muslim League
leaders, opposed both to Jinnah and to the partition of India, lost
Indira Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru,
Rajiv Gandhi and Sanjay Gandhi
Prime Minister of
Nehru signing the
Indian Constitution c.1950
Lord Mountbatten swears in
Jawaharlal Nehru as the first Prime
Minister of free
India at the ceremony held at 8:30 am IST on 15
Teen Murti Bhavan, Nehru's residence as Prime Minister, now a museum
in his memory.
Nehru and his colleagues had been released as the 1946 Cabinet Mission
India arrived to propose plans for transfer of power.
Once elected, Nehru headed an interim government, which was impaired
by outbreaks of communal violence and political disorder, and the
opposition of the Muslim League led by
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who were
demanding a separate Muslim state of Pakistan. After failed bids to
form coalitions, Nehru reluctantly supported the partition of India,
according to a plan released by the British on 3 June 1947. He took
office as the Prime Minister of
India on 15 August, and delivered his
inaugural address titled "Tryst with Destiny".
"Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes
when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but
very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world
India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which
comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new,
when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed,
finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the
pledge of dedication to the service of
India and her people and to the
still larger cause of humanity."
On 30 January 1948, Gandhi was shot while he was walking to a platform
from which he was to address a prayer meeting. The assassin, Nathuram
Godse, was a Hindu nationalist with links to the extremist Hindu
Mahasabha, who held Gandhi responsible for weakening
insisting upon a payment to Pakistan. Nehru addressed the nation
Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there
is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or
how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father
of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that;
nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these
many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him,
and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for millions and
millions in this country.
Harry Truman and Jawaharlal Nehru, with Nehru's sister,
Madame Pandit, during Nehru's visit to the United States, October 1949
Yasmin Khan argued that Gandhi's death and funeral helped consolidate
the authority of the new Indian state under Nehru and Patel. The
Congress tightly controlled the epic public displays of grief over a
two-week period—the funeral, mortuary rituals and distribution of
the martyr's ashes—as millions participated and hundreds of millions
watched. The goal was to assert the power of the government,
legitimise the Congress party's control and suppress all religious
para-military groups. Nehru and Patel suppressed the RSS, the Muslim
National Guards, and the Khaksars, with some 200,000 arrests. Gandhi's
death and funeral linked the distant state with the Indian people and
made more understand the need to suppress religious parties during the
transition to independence for the Indian people.
In later years, there emerged a revisionist school of history which
sought to blame Nehru for the partition of India, mostly referring to
his highly centralised policies for an independent
India in 1947,
which Jinnah opposed in favour of a more decentralised India.
Such views has been promoted by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP), which favours a decentralised central government in
In the years following independence, Nehru frequently turned to his
daughter Indira to look after him and manage his personal affairs.
Under his leadership, the Congress won an overwhelming majority in the
elections of 1952. Indira moved into Nehru's official residence to
attend to him and became his constant companion in his travels across
India and the world. Indira would virtually become Nehru's chief of
Nehru had led the Congress to a major victory in the 1957 elections,
but his government was facing rising problems and criticism.
Disillusioned by alleged intra-party corruption and bickering, Nehru
contemplated resigning but continued to serve. The election of his
daughter Indira as
Congress President in 1959 aroused criticism for
alleged nepotism, although actually Nehru had disapproved of her
election, partly because he considered it smacked of "dynasticism"; he
said, indeed it was "wholly undemocratic and an undesirable thing",
and refused her a position in his cabinet. Indira herself was at
loggerheads with her father over policy; most notably, she used his
oft-stated personal deference to the
Congress Working Committee
Congress Working Committee to
push through the dismissal of the Communist Party of
in the state of Kerala, over his own objections. Nehru began to be
frequently embarrassed by her ruthlessness and disregard for
parliamentary tradition, and was "hurt" by what he saw as an
assertiveness with no purpose other than to stake out an identity
independent of her father.
In the 1962 elections, Nehru led the Congress to victory yet with a
diminished majority. Communist and socialist parties were the main
beneficiaries although some right wing groups like Bharatiya Jana
Sangh also did well.
Assassination attempts and security
There were four known assassination attempts on Nehru. The first
attempt on his life was during partition in 1947 while he was visiting
North-West Frontier Province (now in Pakistan) in a car. The
second one was by a knife-wielding rickshaw-puller in
1955. The third one happened in Bombay (now
Maharashtra) in 1956. The fourth one was a failed bombing
attempt on train tracks in
Maharashtra in 1961. Despite threats to
his life, Nehru despised having too much security around him and did
not like to disrupt traffic due to his movement.
Nehru meeting with Chancellor
Konrad Adenauer and Deutsche Bank
Hermann Josef Abs
Hermann Josef Abs during a state visit to West Germany in
Nehru implemented policies based on import substitution
industrialization and advocated a mixed economy where the government
controlled public sector would co-exist with the private sector.
He believed that the establishment of basic and heavy industry was
fundamental to the development and modernisation of the Indian
economy. The government, therefore, directed investment primarily into
key public sector industries – steel, iron, coal, and power –
promoting their development with subsidies and protectionist
The policy of non-alignment during the
Cold War meant that Nehru
received financial and technical support from both power blocs in
building India's industrial base from scratch. Steel mill
complexes were built at Bokaro and Rourkela with assistance from the
Soviet Union and West Germany. There was substantial industrial
development. Industry grew 7.0 percent annually between 1950 and
1965 – almost trebling industrial output and making
world's seventh largest industrial country. Nehru's critics,
however, contended that India's import substitution industrialisation,
which was continued long after the Nehru era, weakened the
international competitiveness of its manufacturing industries.
India's share of world trade fell from 1.4 per cent in 1951–1960 to
0.5 per cent over 1981–1990. On the other hand, India's export
performance is argued to have actually showed sustained improvement
over the period. The volume of exports went up at an annual rate of
2.9 per cent in 1951–1960 to 7.6 per cent in 1971–1980.
GDP and GNP grew 3.9 and 4.0 per cent annually between 1950–51 and
1964–65. It was a radical break from the British colonial
period. But, in comparison to other industrial powers in Europe
and East Asia, the growth rates were considered anemic at
India lagged behind the miracle economies (Japan, West
Germany, France, and Italy). State planning, controls, and
regulations were argued to have impaired economic growth. While
India's economy grew faster than both the United Kingdom and the
United States – low initial income and rapid population increase –
meant that growth was inadequate for any sort of catch-up with rich
Under Nehru's leadership, the government attempted to develop India
quickly by embarking on agrarian reform and rapid industrialisation. A
successful land reform was introduced that abolished giant
landholdings, but efforts to redistribute land by placing limits on
landownership failed. Attempts to introduce large-scale cooperative
farming were frustrated by landowning rural elites, who formed the
core of the powerful right-wing of the Congress and had considerable
political support in opposing the efforts of Nehru. Agricultural
production expanded until the early 1960s, as additional land was
brought under cultivation and some irrigation projects began to have
an effect. The establishment of agricultural universities, modelled
after land-grant colleges in the United States, contributed to the
development of the economy. These universities worked with
high-yielding varieties of wheat and rice, initially developed in
Mexico and the Philippines, that in the 1960s began the Green
Revolution, an effort to diversify and increase crop production. At
the same time a series of failed monsoons would cause serious food
shortages despite the steady progress and increase in agricultural
Nehru's study in Teen Murti Bhavan.
(From left to right): Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Nizam VII and
Jayanto Nath Chaudhuri
Jayanto Nath Chaudhuri after Hyderabad's accession to India
See also: States Reorganisation Act, 1956
The British Indian Empire, which included present-day India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh, was divided into two types of territories: the
Provinces of British India, which were governed directly by British
officials responsible to the Governor-General of India; and princely
states, under the rule of local hereditary rulers who recognised
British suzerainty in return for local autonomy, in most cases as
established by treaty. Between 1947 and about 1950, the territories of
the princely states were politically integrated into the Indian Union
under Nehru and Sardar Patel. Most were merged into existing
provinces; others were organised into new provinces, such as
Rajputana, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Bharat, and Vindhya Pradesh, made
up of multiple princely states; a few, including Mysore, Hyderabad,
Bhopal, and Bilaspur, became separate provinces. The Government of
India Act, 1935 remained the constitutional law of
adoption of a new Constitution.
The new Constitution of India, which came into force on 26 January
India a sovereign democratic republic. Nehru declared the
new republic to be a "Union of States". The constitution of 1950
distinguished between three main types of states: Part A states, which
were the former governors' provinces of British India, were ruled by
an elected governor and state legislature. The Part B states were
former princely states or groups of princely states, governed by a
rajpramukh, who was usually the ruler of a constituent state, and an
elected legislature. The rajpramukh was appointed by the President of
India. The Part C states included both the former chief commissioners'
provinces and some princely states, and each was governed by a chief
commissioner appointed by the President of India. The sole Part D
state was the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which were administered by
a lieutenant governor appointed by the central government.
In December 1953, Nehru appointed the States Reorganisation Commission
to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines. This was
Fazal Ali and the commission itself was also known
Fazal Ali Commission. The efforts of this commission were
overseen by Govind Ballabh Pant, who served as Nehru's Home Minister
from December 1954. The commission created a report in 1955
recommending the reorganisation of India's states. Under the Seventh
Amendment, the existing distinction between Part A, Part B, Part C,
and Part D states was abolished. The distinction between Part A and
Part B states was removed, becoming known simply as "states". A new
type of entity, the union territory, replaced the classification as a
Part C or Part D state. Nehru stressed commonality among Indians and
promoted pan-Indianism. He refused to reorganise states on either
religious or ethnic lines. Western scholars have mostly praised Nehru
for the integration of the states into a modern republic but the act
was not accepted universally in India.
Nehru with schoolchildren at the Durgapur Steel Plant. Durgapur along
with Rourkela and Bhilai were the three integrated steel plants set up
under India's Second Five-Year Plan in the late 1950s.
Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for India's
children and youth, believing it essential for India's future
progress. His government oversaw the establishment of many
institutions of higher learning, including the All
India Institute of
Medical Sciences, the Indian Institutes of Technology, the Indian
Institutes of Management and the National Institutes of Technology.
Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to guarantee
free and compulsory primary education to all of India's children. For
this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrollment
programs and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also
launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to
children to fight malnutrition. Adult education centers, vocational
and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in
the rural areas.
Under Nehru, the Indian Parliament enacted many changes to Hindu law
to criminalize caste discrimination and increase the legal rights and
social freedoms of women. A system of reservations in
government services and educational institutions was created to
eradicate the social inequalities and disadvantages faced by peoples
of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Nehru also championed
secularism and religious harmony, increasing the representation of
minorities in government.
Nehru specifically wrote Article 44 of the Indian constitution under
the Directive Principles of State Policy which states : 'The
State shall endeavor to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code
throughout the territory of India.' The article has formed the basis
of secularism in India. However, Nehru has been criticized for the
inconsistent application of the law. Most notably, Nehru allowed
Muslims to keep their personal law in matters relating to marriage and
inheritance. Also in the small state of Goa, a civil code based on the
old Portuguese Family Laws was allowed to continue, and Muslim
Personal law was prohibited by Nehru. This was the result of the
annexation of Goa in 1961 by India, when Nehru promised the people
that their laws would be left intact. This has led to accusations of
While Nehru exempted Muslim law from legislation and they remained
unreformed, he did pass the
Special Marriage Act in 1954. The idea
behind this act was to give everyone in
India the ability to marry
outside the personal law under a civil marriage. As usual the law
applied to all of India, except Jammu and
Kashmir (again leading to
accusations of selective secularism). In many respects, the act was
almost identical to the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955, which gives some
idea as to how secularised the law regarding Hindus had become. The
Special Marriage Act allowed Muslims to marry under it and thereby
retain the protections, generally beneficial to Muslim women, that
could not be found in the personal law. Under the act polygamy was
illegal, and inheritance and succession would be governed by the
Indian Succession Act, rather than the respective Muslim Personal Law.
Divorce also would be governed by the secular law, and maintenance of
a divorced wife would be along the lines set down in the civil law.
Nehru led the faction of the Congress party which promoted Hindi as
the lingua-franca of the Indian nation. After an exhaustive and
divisive debate with the non-Hindi speakers, Hindi was adopted as the
official language of
India in 1950 with English continuing as an
associate official language for a period of fifteen years, after which
Hindi would become the sole official language. Efforts by the Indian
Government to make Hindi the sole official language after 1965 were
not acceptable to many non-Hindi Indian states, who wanted the
continued use of English. The
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a
descendant of Dravidar Kazhagam, led the opposition to Hindi. To allay
their fears, Nehru enacted the Official Languages Act in 1963 to
ensure the continuing use of English beyond 1965. The text of the Act
did not satisfy the DMK and increased their scepticism that his
assurances might not be honoured by future administrations. The issue
was resolved during the premiership of Lal Bahadur Shastri, who under
great pressure from Nehru's daughter, Indira Gandhi, was made to give
assurances that English would continue to be used as the official
language as long the non-Hindi speaking states wanted. The Official
Languages Act was eventually amended in 1967 by the Congress
Government headed by
Indira Gandhi to guarantee the indefinite use of
Hindi and English as official languages. This effectively ensured the
current "virtual indefinite policy of bilingualism" of the Indian
Nehru with Otto Grotewohl, the Prime Minister of East Germany
Girija Shankar Bajpai
Girija Shankar Bajpai in the first meeting of Commonwealth
Prime Ministers in 1948 in London.
Further information: List of state visits made by Jawaharlal Nehru
India and the Non-Aligned Movement
Nehru led newly independent
India from 1947 to 1964, during its first
years of independence from British rule. Both the United States and
Soviet Union competed to make
India an ally throughout the Cold
War. Nehru also maintained good relations with the British Empire.
India agreed that, when it became a
republic in January 1950, it would join the Commonwealth of Nations
and accept the British monarch as a "symbol of the free association of
its independent member nations and as such the Head of the
Commonwealth." The other nations of the Commonwealth recognised
India's continuing membership of the association. The reaction back
home was favourable; only the far-left and the far-right criticised
On the international scene, Nehru was a champion of pacifism and a
strong supporter of the United Nations. He pioneered the policy of
non-alignment and co-founded the
Non-Aligned Movement of nations
professing neutrality between the rival blocs of nations led by the US
and the USSR. Recognising the People's Republic of China soon after
its founding (while most of the Western bloc continued relations with
Taiwan), Nehru argued for its inclusion in the United Nations and
refused to brand the Chinese as the aggressors in their conflict with
Korea. He sought to establish warm and friendly relations with
China in 1950, and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf
and tensions between the communist states and the Western bloc.
Nehru had promised in 1948 to hold a referendum in
Kashmir under the
auspices of the UN.
Kashmir was a disputed territory between
Pakistan, the two having gone to war with each other over the state in
1947. However, as
Pakistan failed to pull back troops in accordance
with the UN resolution and as Nehru grew increasingly wary of the UN,
he declined to hold a plebiscite in 1953. His policies on
the integration of the state into
India was frequently defended in
front of the United Nations by his aide, V. K. Krishna Menon, a
brilliant diplomat who earned a reputation in
India for his passionate
Nehru receiving US President
Dwight D. Eisenhower
Dwight D. Eisenhower at Parliament House,
Nehru, while a pacifist, was not blind to the political and
geostrategic reality of
India in 1947. While laying the foundation
stone of the National Defence Academy in 1949, he stated: "We, who for
generations had talked about and attempted in everything a peaceful
way and practised non-violence, should now be, in a sense, glorifying
our army, navy and air force. It means a lot. Though it is odd, yet it
simply reflects the oddness of life. Though life is logical, we have
to face all contingencies, and unless we are prepared to face them, we
will go under. There was no greater prince of peace and apostle of
non-violence than Mahatma Gandhi, the Father of the Nation, whom we
have lost, but yet, he said it was better to take the sword than to
surrender, fail or run away. We cannot live carefree assuming that we
are safe. Human nature is such. We cannot take the risks and risk our
hard-won freedom. We have to be prepared with all modern defense
methods and a well-equipped army, navy and air force."
Nehru envisioned the developing of nuclear weapons and established the
Atomic Energy Commission of
India in 1948. Nehru also called Dr.
Homi J. Bhabha, a nuclear physicist, who was entrusted with complete
authority over all nuclear-related affairs and programs and answered
only to Nehru himself. Indian nuclear policy was set by unwritten
personal understanding between Nehru and Bhabha. Nehru famously
said to Bhabha, "Professor Bhabha take care of Physics, leave
international relation to me". From the outset in 1948, Nehru had
high ambition to develop this program to stand against the
industrialised states and the basis of this program was to establish
an Indian nuclear weapons capability as part of India's regional
superiority to other South-Asian states, most particularly
Nehru also told Bhabha, and later it was told by Bhabha to Raja
Rammanna, that: "We must have the capability. We should first prove
ourselves and then talk of Gandhi, non-violence and a world without
Nehru was hailed by many for working to defuse global tensions and the
threat of nuclear weapons after the
Korean War (1950–1953). He
commissioned the first study of the effects of nuclear explosions on
human health, and campaigned ceaselessly for the abolition of what he
called "these frightful engines of destruction". He also had pragmatic
reasons for promoting de-nuclearisation, fearing that a nuclear arms
race would lead to over-militarisation that would be unaffordable for
developing countries such as his own.
Nehru ordered the arrest of the Kashmiri politician
Sheikh Abdullah in
1953, whom he had previously supported but now suspected of harbouring
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad replaced him.
In 1954, Nehru signed with China the Five Principles of Peaceful
Coexistence, known in
India as the Panchsheel (from the Sanskrit
words, panch: five, sheel: virtues), a set of principles to govern
relations between the two states. Their first formal codification in
treaty form was in an agreement between China and
India in 1954. They
were enunciated in the preamble to the "Agreement (with exchange of
notes) on trade and intercourse between Tibet Region of China and
India", which was signed at Peking on 29 April 1954. Negotiations took
Delhi from December 1953 to April 1954 between the Delegation
of the PRC Government and the Delegation of the Indian Government on
the relations between the two countries with respect to the disputed
Aksai Chin and South Tibet. By 1957, Chinese premier
Zhou Enlai had also succeeded in persuading Nehru to accept the
Chinese position on Tibet, thus depriving Tibet of a possible ally,
and of the possibility of receiving military aid from India. The
treaty was disregarded in the 1960s, but in the 1970s, the Five
Principles again came to be seen as important in China–India
relations, and more generally as norms of relations between states.
They became widely recognised and accepted throughout the region
during the premiership of
Indira Gandhi and the 3-year rule of the
Janata Party (1977–1980). Although the Five Principles of
Peaceful Coexistence were the basis of the 1954 Sino-Indian border
treaty, in later years, Nehru's foreign policy suffered from
increasing Chinese assertiveness over border disputes and Nehru's
decision to grant asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama.
In 1956, Nehru had criticised the joint invasion of the Suez Canal by
the British, French and Israelis. The role of Nehru, both as Indian
Prime Minister and a leader of the
Non-Aligned Movement was
significant; he tried to be even-handed between the two sides, while
denouncing Eden and co-sponsors of the invasion vigorously. Nehru had
a powerful ally in the US president Dwight Eisenhower who, if
relatively silent publicly, went to the extent of using America's
clout in the
International Monetary Fund
International Monetary Fund to make Britain and France
back down. The episode greatly raised the prestige of Nehru and India
among the third world nations. During the Suez crisis, Nehru's
right-hand man, Menon attempted to persuade a recalcitrant Gamal
Nasser to compromise with the West, and was instrumental in moving
Western powers towards an awareness that Nasser might prove willing to
In 1957, Menon was instructed to deliver an unprecedented eight-hour
speech defending India's stand on Kashmir; to date, the speech is the
longest ever delivered in the United Nations Security Council,
covering five hours of the 762nd meeting on 23 January, and two hours
and forty-eight minutes on the 24th, reportedly concluding with
Menon's collapse on the Security Council floor. During the filibuster,
Nehru moved swiftly and successfully to consolidate Indian power in
Kashmir (then under great unrest). Menon's passionate defence of
Indian sovereignty in
Kashmir enlarged his base of support in India,
and led to the Indian press temporarily dubbing him the "Hero of
Kashmir". Nehru was then at the peak of his popularity in India; the
only (minor) criticism came from the far-right.
The US had hoped to court Nehru after its intervention in favour of
Nasser during the Suez crisis. However,
Cold War suspicions and the
American distrust of Nehruvian socialism cooled relations between
India and the US, which suspected Nehru of tacitly supporting the
Soviet Union. Nehru maintained good relations with Britain even after
the Suez Crisis. Nehru accepted the arbitration of the UK and World
Bank, signing the
Indus Waters Treaty in 1960 with Pakistani ruler
Ayub Khan to resolve long-standing disputes about sharing the
resources of the major rivers of the Punjab region.
After years of failed negotiations, Nehru authorised the Indian Army
to invade Portuguese controlled Goa in 1961, and then he formally
annexed it to India. It increased his popularity in India, but he was
criticised by the communist opposition in
India for the use of
military force. The use of military force against Portugal earned him
goodwill among the right-wing and far-right groups.
Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the United Nations,
opined his comparison of Nehru and Chinese Premier
Zhou Enlai to
Alexander Grantham, saying that while Nehru was superior from a moral
point of view,
Zhou Enlai was more skilled in realpolitik.
Sino-Indian War of 1962
Prime Minister Nehru talks with United Nations General Assembly
President Romulo (October 1949).
From 1959, in a process that accelerated in 1961, Nehru adopted the
"Forward Policy" of setting up military outposts in disputed areas of
the Sino-Indian border, including in 43 outposts in territory not
previously controlled by India. China attacked some of these
outposts, and thus the
Sino-Indian War began, which
India lost, and
China withdrew to pre-war lines in eastern zone at Tawang but retained
Aksai Chin which was within British
India and was handed over to India
after independence. Later,
Pakistan handed over some portion of
Kashmir near Siachen controlled by
Pakistan since 1948 to China. The
war exposed the unpreparedness of India's military which could send
only 14,000 troops to the war zone in opposition to the many times
larger Chinese army, and Nehru was widely criticised for his
government's insufficient attention to defence. In response, Nehru
sacked the defence minister
V. K. Krishna Menon
V. K. Krishna Menon and sought US military
aid. Nehru's improved relations with the US under John F. Kennedy
proved useful during the war, as in 1962, President of
closely aligned with the Americans) Ayub Khan was made to guarantee
his neutrality in regards to India, who was threatened by "communist
aggression from Red China". The Indian relationship with the
Soviet Union, criticised by right-wing groups supporting free-market
policies was also seemingly validated. Nehru would continue to
maintain his commitment to the non-aligned movement despite calls from
some to settle down on one permanent ally.
The aftermath of the war saw sweeping changes in the Indian military
to prepare it for similar conflicts in the future, and placed pressure
on Nehru, who was seen as responsible for failing to anticipate the
Chinese attack on India. Under American advice (by American envoy John
Kenneth Galbraith who made and ran American policy on the war as all
other top policy makers in the US were absorbed in coincident Cuban
Missile Crisis) Nehru refrained, not according to the best choices
available, from using the Indian air force to beat back the Chinese
advances. The CIA later revealed that at that time the Chinese had
neither the fuel nor runways long enough for using their air force
effectively in Tibet. Indians, in general, became highly sceptical of
China and its military. Many Indians view the war as a betrayal of
India's attempts at establishing a long-standing peace with China and
started to question Nehru's usage of the term "Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai"
(meaning "Indians and Chinese are brothers"). The war also put an end
to Nehru's earlier hopes that
India and China would form a strong
Asian Axis to counteract the increasing influence of the
Cold War bloc
The unpreparedness of the army was blamed on Defence Minister Menon,
who "resigned" his government post to allow for someone who might
modernise India's military further. India's policy of weaponisation
via indigenous sources and self-sufficiency began in earnest under
Nehru, completed by his daughter Indira Gandhi, who later led
a crushing military victory over rival
Pakistan in 1971. Toward the
end of the war
India had increased her support for Tibetan refugees
and revolutionaries, some of them having settled in India, as they
were fighting the same common enemy in the region. Nehru ordered the
raising of an elite Indian-trained "Tibetan Armed Force" composed of
Tibetan refugees, which served with distinction in future wars against
Pakistan in 1965 and 1971.
During the conflict, Nehru wrote two desperate letters to US President
John F. Kennedy, requesting 12 squadrons of fighter jets and a modern
radar system. These jets were seen as necessary to beef up Indian air
strength so that air-to-air combat could be initiated safely from the
Indian perspective (bombing troops was seen as unwise for fear of
Chinese retaliatory action). Nehru also asked that these aircraft be
manned by American pilots until Indian airmen were trained to replace
them. These requests were rejected by the Kennedy Administration
(which was involved in the Cuban Missile Crisis during most of the
Sino-Indian War), leading to a cool down in Indo-US relations.
According to former Indian diplomat G Parthasarathy, "only after we
got nothing from the US did arms supplies from the
Soviet Union to
India commence". Per Time Magazine's 1962 editorial on the war,
however, this may not have been the case. The editorial states, 'When
Washington finally turned its attention to India, it honoured the
ambassador's pledge, loaded 60 US planes with $5,000,000 worth of
automatic weapons, heavy mortars and land mines. Twelve huge C-130
Hercules transports, complete with US crews and maintenance teams,
took off for
New Delhi to fly Indian troops and equipment to the
battle zone. Britain weighed in with Bren and Sten guns, and airlifted
150 tons of arms to India. Canada prepared to ship six transport
planes. Australia opened Indian credits for $1,800,000 worth of
"if any people choose to think of me, then I should like them to say:
'This was the man who, with all his mind and heart, loved
the Indian people. And they, in turn, were indulgent to him and gave
him of their love most abundantly and extravagantly.' "
– Jawaharlal Nehru
Nehru's health began declining steadily after 1962, and he spent
months recuperating in
Kashmir through 1963. Some historians attribute
this dramatic decline to his surprise and chagrin over the Sino-Indian
War, which he perceived as a betrayal of trust. Upon his return
Dehradun on 26 May 1964 he was feeling quite comfortable and went
to bed at about 23:30 as usual, he had a restful night till about
06:30 soon after he returned from bathroom, Nehru complained of pain
in the back. He spoke to the doctors who attended on him for a brief
while and almost immediately Nehru collapsed. He remained unconscious
until he died. His death was announced to Lok Sabha at 14:00 local
time on 27 May 1964 (same day); cause of death is believed to be heart
attack. Draped in the Indian national Tri-colour flag the body of
Jawaharlal Nehru was placed for public viewing. "Raghupati Raghava
Rajaram" was chanted as the body was placed on the platform. On 28
May, Nehru was cremated in accordance with Hindu rites at the
Shantivan on the banks of the Yamuna, witnessed by 1.5 million
mourners who had flocked into the streets of
Delhi and the cremation
Nehru, the man and politician made such a powerful imprint on India
that his death on 27 May 1964, left
India with no clear political heir
to his leadership (later
Lal Bahadur Shastri
Lal Bahadur Shastri succeeded him as the
Prime Minister). The death was announced to the Indian parliament in
words similar to Nehru's own at the time of Gandhi's assassination:
"The light is out."
Described as Hindu Agnostic, and styling himself as a "scientific
humanist", Nehru thought that religious taboos were preventing
India from going forward and adapting to modern conditions: "No
country or people who are slaves to dogma and dogmatic mentality can
progress, and unhappily our country and people have become
extraordinarily dogmatic and little-minded."
The spectacle of what is called religion, or at any rate organised
India and elsewhere, has filled me with horror and I have
frequently condemned it and wished to make a clean sweep of it. Almost
always it seemed to stand for blind belief and reaction, dogma and
bigotry, superstition, exploitation and the preservation of vested
— Toward Freedom: The Autobiography of Jawaharlal Nehru(1936); pp.
In his autobiography, he analysed Christianity and Islam,
and their impact on India. He wanted to model
India as a secular
country; his secularist policies remain a subject of debate.
Nehru with Edwina Mountbatten
Nehru married Kamala Kaul in 1916. Their only daughter Indira was born
a year later in 1917. Kamala gave birth to a boy in November 1924, but
he lived for only a week. Indira married
Feroze Gandhi in 1942.
They had two sons – Rajiv (b. 1944) and Sanjay (b. 1946).
Nehru was alleged to have had relationships with Shraddha Mata,
Padmaja Naidu and Edwina Mountbatten. Edwina's daughter
Pamela acknowledged Nehru's platonic relationship with Edwina.
Nehru's sister, Vijayalaxmi
Pandit told Pupul Jayakar, Indira Gandhi's
friend and biographer, that
Padmaja Naidu and Nehru lived together for
"Nehru was a great man... Nehru gave to Indians an image of themselves
that I don't think others might have succeeded in doing." – Sir
Statue of Nehru at Park Street, Kolkata
Bust of Nehru at Aldwych, London
As India's first Prime minister and external affairs minister,
Jawaharlal Nehru played a major role in shaping modern India's
government and political culture along with sound foreign policy. He
is praised for creating a system providing universal primary
education, reaching children in the farthest corners of rural
India. Nehru's education policy is also credited for the development
of world-class educational institutions such as the All India
Institute of Medical Sciences, Indian Institutes of
Technology, and the Indian Institutes of Management.
In addition, Nehru's stance as an unfailing nationalist led him to
also implement policies which stressed commonality among Indians while
still appreciating regional diversities. This proved particularly
important as post-Independence differences surfaced since British
withdrawal from the subcontinent prompted regional leaders to no
longer relate to one another as allies against a common adversary.
While differences of culture and, especially, language threatened the
unity of the new nation, Nehru established programs such as the
National Book Trust and the National Literary Academy which promoted
the translation of regional literatures between languages and also
organised the transfer of materials between regions. In pursuit of a
single, unified India, Nehru warned, "Integrate or perish."
Ramachandra Guha writes, "[had] Nehru retired in 1958 he
would be remembered as not just India's best prime minister, but as
one of the great statesmen of the modern world." Nehru, thus,
left behind a disputed legacy, being "either adored or reviled for
India's progress or lack of it".
Nehru distributes sweets among children at Nongpoh, Meghalaya
Jawaharlal Nehru on a 1989 USSR commemorative stamp
In his lifetime,
Jawaharlal Nehru enjoyed an iconic status in India
and was widely admired across the world for his idealism and
statesmanship. His birthday, 14 November is celebrated in
India as Bal
Divas ("Children's Day") in recognition of his lifelong passion and
work for the welfare, education and development of children and young
people. Children across
India remember him as Chacha Nehru (Uncle
Nehru). Nehru remains a popular symbol of the Congress Party which
frequently celebrates his memory. Congress leaders and activists often
emulate his style of clothing, especially the
Gandhi cap and the
"Nehru jacket", and his mannerisms. Nehru's ideals and policies
continue to shape the Congress Party's manifesto and core political
philosophy. An emotional attachment to his legacy was instrumental in
the rise of his daughter Indira to leadership of the Congress Party
and the national government.
Nehru's personal preference for the sherwani ensured that it continues
to be considered formal wear in North
India today; aside from lending
his name to a kind of cap, the
Nehru jacket is named in his honour
because of his preference for that style.
Numerous public institutions and memorials across
India are dedicated
to Nehru's memory. The
Jawaharlal Nehru University in
Delhi is among
the most prestigious universities in India. The
Jawaharlal Nehru Port
near the city of Mumbai is a modern port and dock designed to handle a
huge cargo and traffic load. Nehru's residence in
Delhi is preserved
Teen Murti House
Teen Murti House now has Nehru Memorial Museum & Library,
and one of five Nehru Planetariums that were set in Mumbai, Delhi,
Allahabad and Pune. The complex also houses the offices of
Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund', established in 1964 under the
Chairmanship of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, then President of India. The
foundation also gives away the prestigious '
Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial
Fellowship', established in 1968. The Nehru family homes at Anand
Swaraj Bhavan are also preserved to commemorate Nehru and
his family's legacy.
In popular culture
Many documentaries about Nehru's life have been produced. He has also
been portrayed in fictionalised films. The canonical performance is
probably that of Roshan Seth, who played him three times: in Richard
Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi, Shyam Benegal's 1988 television
series Bharat Ek Khoj, based on Nehru's The Discovery of India, and in
a 2007 TV film entitled The Last Days of the Raj. In Ketan
Mehta's film Sardar, Nehru was portrayed by Benjamin Gilani.
Girish Karnad's historical play, Tughlaq (1962) is an allegory about
the Nehruvian era. It was staged by
Ebrahim Alkazi with National
School of Drama Repertory at Purana Qila,
Delhi in the 1970s and later
at the Festival of India,
London in 1982.
Nehru was a prolific writer in English and wrote a number of books,
such as The Discovery of India, Glimpses of World History, and his
autobiography, Toward Freedom. He had written 30 letters to his
daughter Indira Gandhi, when she was 10 years old and was in a
boarding school in Mussoorie, teaching about natural history and the
story of civilisations. The collection of these letters was later
published as a book Letters from a Father to His Daughter.
In 1955, Nehru was awarded Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian
Rajendra Prasad awarded him the honour without
taking advice from the Prime Minister as would be the normal
List of political families
Scientific temper, a system of scientific thinking introduced by Nehru
^ "Nehru". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
^ "Indian National Congress". inc.in. Archived from the original on 5
^ "Nation pays tribute to
Jawaharlal Nehru on his 124th birth
anniversary Latest News & Updates at Daily News & Analysis".
dna. 2013-11-14. Retrieved 2017-05-18.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 4.
^ Zakaria, Rafiq A Study of Nehru, Times of
India Press, 1960, p. 22
^ Moraes 2008.
^ Bonnie G. Smith; The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History.
Oxford University Press. 2008. ISBN 978-0195148909. pp.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 22.
^ a b c d e f g h Om Prakash Misra; Economic Thought of Gandhi and
Nehru: A Comparative Analysis. M.D. Publications. 1995.
ISBN 978-8185880716. pp. 49–65.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 23.
^ a b Bal Ram Nanda; The Nehrus. Oxford University Press. 1962.
ISBN 978-0195693430. p. 65.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 36.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 43.
^ a b Sen, Z.K.C., 1964. Jawaharlal Nehru. Civilisations, pp. 25–39
^ Moraes 2008, p. 47.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 37.
^ a b c d e f g Ghose 1993, p. 25.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 49.
^ a b Moraes 2008, p. 50.
^ In Jawaharlal Nehru's autobiography, An Autobiography (1936) p. 33.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 52.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 53.
^ Ghose 1993, p. 26.
^ Nehru, Jawaharlal Glimpses of world history: being further letters
to his daughter (Lindsay Drummond Ltd., 1949), p. 94
^ Moraes 2008, p. 56.
^ a b c d Moraes 2008, p. 55.
Jawaharlal Nehru – a chronological account". Retrieved 23 June
^ Moraes 2008, p. 115.
^ Roland, Joan G. (June 2, 1998). The Jewish Communities of India:
Identity in a Colonial Era (Second ed.). Routledge. p. 193.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 77.
^ a b Moraes 2008, p. 266.
^ Copland, Ian (1997), The Princes of
India in the Endgame of Empire,
1917–1947, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press,
ISBN 0-521-57179-0 p. 258.
^ Lumby, E.W.R. (1954), The Transfer of Power in India, 1945–1947,
London: George Allen and Unwin p. 228
^ Dutt, R.C. (1981).
Socialism of Jawaharlal Nehru. New Delhi: Shakti
Malik, Abhinav Publications. pp. 54–55. Retrieved 8 September
^ Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life, p. 171, ASIN: B0006EYQ0A
^ "Declaration of independence". Archived from the original on 17 May
2013. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
^ Gandhi, Gopalkrishna. "The Great Dandi March — eighty years
after", The Hindu, 5 April 2010
^ Fisher, Margaret W. (June 1967). "India's Jawaharlal Nehru" p. 368.
^ Johnson, Richard L. (2005). Gandhi's Experiments With Truth:
Essential Writings By And About Mahatma Gandhi, Lexington Books,
ISBN 0739111426 p. 37
^ Moraes 2008, p. 196.
^ Moraes 2008, p. 234-238.
^ "THE CONSTITUTION (AMENDMENT)". indiacode.nic.in. Retrieved
^ Moraes 2008, p. 129.
^ "3rd Five Year Plan (Chapter 1)". Government of India. Retrieved 16
^ Science & culture, Volume 30. Indian Science News Association.
^ Wikisource:A Tryst With Destiny
^ Janak Raj Jai (1996). 1947–1980. Regency Publications.
pp. 45–47. ISBN 978-81-86030-23-3.
^ Nehru's address on Gandhi's death. Retrieved 15 March 2007.
^ Yasmin Khan (2011
^ Thapar, Karan (17 August 2009). "Gandhi, Jinnah both failed:
^ "After Advani, Jaswant turns Jinnah admirer". The Economic Times.
India. 17 August 2009.
^ "Walk The
Talk with Jaswant Singh". Retrieved 23 August 2009.
Jawaharlal Nehru as they knew him – a collage of stories
^ a b Frank, Katherine (2002). Indira: The Life of Indira Nehru
Gandhi. Houghton Mifflin Books. p. 250.
^ Marlay, Ross; Clark D. Neher (1999). Patriots and Tyrants: Ten Asian
Leaders. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 368.
^ Mathai (1978). Reminiscences of the Nehru Age.
^ "Assassination Attempt on Nehru Made in Car". Gettysburg Times. 22
^ "Rickshaw Boy Arrested for Nehru Attack". Sarasota Herald Tribune.
14 March 1955.
^ "Rickshaw Boy Arrested for Attempting to Kill Nehru". The Victoria
Advocate. 14 March 1955.
^ "Knife Wielder Jumps on Car of Indian Premier". The Telegraph. 12
^ "Nehru's Assassination is Balked in Bombay". The Miami News. 4 June
^ "Police Say Nehru's Assassination Plot is Thwarted". Altus
Times-Democrat. 4 June 1956.
^ "Bombay Police Thwart Attempt on Nehru's Life". Oxnard
Press-Courier. 4 June 1956.
^ "Bomb Explodes on Nehru's Route". Toledo Blade. 30 September
^ Mathai, M.O. (1979). My Days with Nehru. Vikas Publishing
^ Ghose 1993, p. 243.
^ Kopstein 2005, p. 364.
^ a b c Walsh, Judith E. (2006). A Brief History of India. Infobase
Publishing. p. 190. ISBN 978-1438108254.
^ Yokokawa, Nobuharu; Jayati Ghosh; Bob Rowthorn (2013).
Industrialization of China and India: Their Impacts on the World
Economy. Routledge. p. 213. ISBN 978-1134093878.
^ a b Grabowski, Richard; Sharmistha Self; Michael P. Shields (2007).
Economic Development: A Regional, Institutional, And Historical
Approach. M.E. Sharpe. p. 161. ISBN 978-1134093878.
^ Shand, R. Richard Tregurtha; K. P. Kalirajan; Ulaganathan Sankar
(2003). Economic Reform and the Liberalisation of the Indian Economy:
Essays in Honour of Richard T. Shand ; papers Presented at a
Major Conference on Second Generation Reforms in Chennai from 8 – 10
December 1999. Edward Elgar Publishing. p. 39.
^ Thakur, Anil Khumar; Debes Mukhopadhayay (2010). Economic Philosophy
of Jawaharlal Nehru. Deep and Deep Publications. p. 14.
^ Chandra, Bipan; Aditya Mukherjee; Mridula Mukherjee (2008). India
Since Independence. Penguin Books India. p. 449.
^ Kapila, Uma (2009). Indian Economic Developments Since 1947 (3Rd
Ed.). Academic Foundation. p. 132.
^ a b Kapila, Uma (2009). Indian Economic Developments Since 1947 (3Rd
Ed.). Academic Foundation. p. 66. ISBN 978-8171887118.
^ a b Giersch, Herbert; Karl-Heinz Paqué; Holger Schmieding (1994).
The Fading Miracle: Four Decades of Market Economy in Germany.
Cambridge University Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-0521358699.
^ Kopstein 2005, p. 366.
^ Parker, Randall E.; Robert M. Whaples (2013). The Routledge Handbook
of Major Events in Economic History. Routledge. p. 306.
^ Farmer, B. H. (1993). An Introduction to South Asia. Routledge.
p. 120. ISBN 0-415-05695-0.
^ Som, Reba (February 1994). "
Jawaharlal Nehru and the Hindu Code: A
Victory of Symbol over Substance?". Modern Asian Studies. 28 (1):
165–194. doi:10.1017/S0026749X00011732. JSTOR 312925.
^ Basu, Srimati (2005). She Comes to Take Her Rights: Indian Women,
Property, and Propriety. SUNY Press. p. 3.
The Hindu Code Bill was visualised by
Ambedkar and Nehru as the flagship of modernisation and a radical
revision of Hindu law...it is widely regarded as dramatic benchmark
legislation giving Hindu women equitable if not superior entitlements
as legal subjects.
^ Kulke, Hermann; Dietmar Rothermund (2004). A History of India.
Routledge. p. 328. ISBN 0-415-32919-1. One subject that
particularly interested Nehru was the reform of Hindu law,
particularly with regard to the rights of Hindu women...
^ Forbes, Geraldine; Geraldine Hancock Forbes; Gordon Johnson (1999).
Women in Modern India. Cambridge University Press. p. 115.
ISBN 0-521-65377-0. It is our birthright to demand equitable
adjustment of Hindu law....
^ Erckel, Sebastian (2011).
India and the European Union – Two
Models of Integration, GRIN Verlag, ISBN 365601048X, p. 128
^ Robert Sherrod (19 January 1963). "Nehru:The Great Awakening". The
Saturday Evening Post. 236 (2): 60–67.
^ Indian Express, 6 October 1949 at Pune at the time of lying of the
foundation stone of National Defence Academy.
^ Mahatma Gandhi's relevant quotes, "My non-violence does not admit of
running away from danger and leaving dear ones unprotected. Between
violence and cowardly flight, I can only prefer violence to cowardice.
Non-violence is the summit of bravery." "I do believe that, where
there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise
violence." "I would rather have
India resort to arms in order to
defend her honour than that she should in a cowardly manner become or
remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour." – All Men Are
Brothers Life and Thoughts of
Mahatma Gandhi as told in his own words.
UNESCO. pp. 85–108.
^ a b c d e f Sublet, Carrie. "Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha".
Nuclearweaponarchive.org. Retrieved 8 August 2011.
^ Bhatia, Vinod (1989). Jawaharlal Nehru, as Scholars of Socialist
Countries See Him. Panchsheel Publishers. p. 131.
^ Dua, B. D.; James Manor (1994). Nehru to the Nineties: The Changing
Office of Prime Minister in India. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers.
pp. 141, 261. ISBN 1-85065-180-9.
^ Li, Jianglin; 1956–, 李江琳, (2016). Tibet in agony :
Lhasa 1959. Wilf, Susan,. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University
Press. pp. 40–41. ISBN 9780674088894.
^ The full text of this agreement (which entered into force on 3 June
1954): "Treaties and international agreements registered or filed and
recorded with the Secretariat of the United Nations" (PDF). United
Nations Treaty Series. New York: United Nations. 1958.
pp. 57–81. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
^ "A short history of long speeches". BBC News. 25 September
^ Majid, Amir A. (2007). "Can Self Determination Solve the Kashmir
Dispute?" (PDF). Romanian Journal of European Affairs. 7 (3): 38.
Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 March 2012.
^ Grantham, Alexander (2012). Via ports : from Hong Kong to Hong
Kong (New ed.). Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. p. 184.
^ Noorani, A.G. "Perseverance in peace process" Archived 26 March 2005
at the Wayback Machine., Frontline, 29 August 2003.
^ "Asia: Ending the Suspense". Time. 17 September 1965.
^ "China's Decision for
India in 1962 by John W. Garver"
(PDF). Web.archive.org. 26 March 2009. Archived from the original
(PDF) on 26 March 2009. Retrieved 14 August 2012.
^ Gangdruk, Chushi. "Chushi Gangdruk: History Archived 17 January 2016
at the Wayback Machine.", ChushiGangdruk.Org
Jawaharlal Nehru pleaded for US help against China in 1962". The
Times of India. 16 November 2010.
^ "India: Never Again the Same". Time. 30 November 1962.
Special Correspondent (1964-05-28). "Jawaharlal Nehru: The Maker of
Modern India". The Age Melbourne, Australia. Retrieved
^ a b "'A Man Who, with All His Mind and Heart, Loved India'". Life
Magazine. Time Inc. 1964-06-05. p. 32.
^ Dasgupta, Alaka Shankar ; line sketches by Sujasha (1986).
Indira Priyadarshini. New Delhi: Children's Book. pp. 80–81.
ISBN 9788170113577. Retrieved 5 October 2017.
Society (1988). ""Jawaharlal Nehru"". In Embree, Ainslie T.
Encyclopedia of Asian History. 3. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
pp. 98–100. ISBN 0-684-18899-6. CS1 maint: Uses
authors parameter (link)
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India as Nehru dies.
BBC News. Retrieved 17 March 2011.
^ Times, Thomas F. Brady;
Special To The New York (1964-05-29). "1.5
MILLION VIEW RITES FOR NEHRU". The New York Times.
ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-05-18.
India Mourning Nehru, 74, Dead of a Heart Attack; World Leaders
Honor Him". www.nytimes.com. Retrieved 2017-03-28.
^ Sarvepalii Gopal. Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Volume 3; Volumes
1956–1964. p. 17.
Pandit Jawarharlal Nehru (1889–1964)". Humanism.org.uk. Retrieved
14 August 2012.
^ Thursby, Gene R. (1975-01-01). Hindu-Muslim Relations in British
India: A Study of Controversy, Conflict, and Communal Movements in
India 1923–1928. BRILL. p. 1.
^ A. A. Parvathy (1994).
Secularism and Hindutva, a Discursive Study.
^ Mohammad Jamil Akhtar. Babri Masjid: a tale untold.
^ Ram Puniyani (1999). Communal Threat to Secular Democracy.
^ Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru, a Biography.
^ "From years 1916 to 1964...The man and the times". The Windsor Star.
27 May 1964. Retrieved 19 January 2013.
^ Reddy, Sheela (23 February 2004). "If I Weren't A Sanyasin, He Would
Have Married Me". Outlook. Outlook. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
^ Srinivasan, Rajeev. "The Rediff Interview /
Stanley Wolpert 'I have
tried to tell Nehru's story as honestly as possible'". The Rediff
Interview. Rediff. Rediff. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
^ Wolpert, Stanley (1996). Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny. Oxford
University Press. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
^ "Nehru-Edwina were in love: Edwina's daughter". The Indian Express.
15 July 2007. Retrieved 21 May 2010.
^ "Love, longing & politics!". The Times of India. 21 April 2010.
Retrieved 2 September 2012.
^ Jayakar, Pupul (1995). Indira Gandhi, a biography (Rev. ed.). New
Delhi, India: Penguin. pp. 90–92.
^ Bose, Mihir (2004). Raj, secrets, revolution : a life of Subhas
Chandra Bose. Norwich: Grice Chapman. pp. 137, 160.
^ Jahanbegloo, Ramin Conversations with
Isaiah Berlin (
ISBN 1842121642 pp. 201–202
^ Universal primary education first on the Prime Minster's agenda.
Pucl.org (15 August 1947). Retrieved on 2013-12-06.
^ "Introduction". AIIMS. Archived from the original on 25 June
^ "Institute History". Archived from the original on 13 August
2007. , Indian Institute of Technology
^ Harrison, Selig S. (July 1956). "The Challenge to Indian
Nationalism". Foreign Affairs. 34 (2): 620–636.
Ramachandra Guha (26 September 2012). "
Manmohan Singh at 80".
^ "A legacy that Nehru left behind". Times of India. 27 May
Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, Official website.
^ The Last Days of the Raj (2007) (TV). imdb.com
Jawaharlal Nehru Biography – Childhood, Facts & Achievements
of India's First Prime Minister". Retrieved 2017-08-25.
^ AWARDS: The multi-faceted playwright Frontline, Vol. 16, No. 3, 30
January – 12 February 1999.
^ Sachindananda (2006). "Girish Karnad". Authors speak. Sahitya
Akademi. p. 58. ISBN 81-260-1945-X.
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World : From dad with love:". Chennai, India: The Hindu.
Retrieved 31 October 2008.
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26 November 2010.
^ Prasad, Rajendra (1958). Speeches of President
Rajendra Prasad 1952
- 1956. The Publication Division, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, GOI. pp. 340–341. : "In doing so, for once,
I may be said to be acting unconstitutionally, as I am taking this
step on my own initiative and without any recommendation or advice
from my Prime Minister ; but I know that my action will be
endorsed most enthusiastically not only by my Cabinet and other
Ministers but by the country as a whole."
Frank Moraes (2008). Jawaharlal Nehru. Jaico Publishing House.
Sankar Ghose (1993). Jawaharlal Nehru. Allied Publishers.
Jeffrey Kopstein (2005). Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities,
and Institutions in a Changing Global Order. Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 978-1139446044.
A Tryst With Destiny historic speech made by
Jawaharlal Nehru on 14
Nehru: The Invention of
India by Shashi Tharoor (November 2003) Arcade
Books ISBN 1-55970-697-X
Jawaharlal Nehru (Edited by S. Gopal and Uma Iyengar) (July 2003) The
Essential Writings of
Jawaharlal Nehru Oxford University Press
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Club (1 January 1966)
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Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India
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Nehru: The Years of Power by Geoffrey Tyson (1966). London: Pall Mall
Independence and After: A collection of the more important speeches of
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Selig S. Harrison Foreign
Affairs vol. 34, no. 2 (1956): 620–636.
"Nehru, Jawaharlal." by Ainslie T. Embree, ed., and the Asia Society.
Encyclopedia of Asian History. Vol. 3. Charles Scribner's Sons. New
York. (1988): 98–100.
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