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The Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
(Hebrew: הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני‎, translit. Ha'Sikhsukh Ha'Yisraeli-Falestini; Arabic: النزاع-الفلسطيني الإسرائيلي‎, translit. al-Niza'a al-Filastini-al-Israili) is the ongoing struggle between Israelis
Israelis
and Palestinians
Palestinians
that began in the mid-20th century.[4] The origins to the conflict can be traced back to Jewish immigration, and sectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine
Mandatory Palestine
between Jews
Jews
and Arabs.[5] It has been referred to as the world's "most intractable conflict", with the ongoing Israeli occupation of the West Bank
West Bank
and the Gaza Strip reaching 51 years.[6][7][8] Despite a long-term peace process and the general reconciliation of Israel
Israel
with Egypt
Egypt
and Jordan, Israelis
Israelis
and Palestinians
Palestinians
have failed to reach a final peace agreement. The key issues are: mutual recognition, borders, security, water rights, control of Jerusalem, Israeli settlements,[9] Palestinian freedom of movement,[10] and Palestinian right of return. The violence of the conflict, in a region rich in sites of historic, cultural and religious interest worldwide, has been the object of numerous international conferences dealing with historic rights, security issues and human rights, and has been a factor hampering tourism in and general access to areas that are hotly contested.[11] Many attempts have been made to broker a two-state solution, involving the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside the State of Israel
Israel
(after Israel's establishment in 1948). In 2007, the majority of both Israelis
Israelis
and Palestinians, according to a number of polls, preferred the two-state solution over any other solution as a means of resolving the conflict.[12] Moreover, a majority of Jews
Jews
see the Palestinians' demand for an independent state as just, and thinks Israel
Israel
can agree to the establishment of such a state.[13] The majority of Palestinians
Palestinians
and Israelis
Israelis
in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza Strip have expressed a preference for a two-state solution.[14][15][unreliable source?] Mutual distrust and significant disagreements are deep over basic issues, as is the reciprocal scepticism about the other side's commitment to upholding obligations in an eventual agreement.[16] Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflict generates a wide variety of views and opinions. This highlights the deep divisions which exist not only between Israelis
Israelis
and Palestinians, but also within each society. A hallmark of the conflict has been the level of violence witnessed for virtually its entire duration. Fighting has been conducted by regular armies, paramilitary groups, terror cells, and individuals. Casualties have not been restricted to the military, with a large number of fatalities in civilian population on both sides. There are prominent international actors involved in the conflict. The two parties engaged in direct negotiation are the Israeli government, currently led by Benjamin Netanyahu, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas. The official negotiations are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East
Middle East
(the Quartet) represented by a special envoy, that consists of the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations. The Arab League
Arab League
is another important actor, which has proposed an alternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, has historically been a key participant. Jordan, having relinquished its claim to the West Bank
West Bank
in 1988 and holding a special role in the Muslim Holy shrines in Jerusalem, has also been a key participant. Since 2006, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, the traditionally dominant party, and its later electoral challenger, Hamas. After Hamas's electoral victory in 2006, the Quartet conditioned future foreign assistance to the Palestinian National Authority
Palestinian National Authority
(PA) on the future government's commitment to non-violence, recognition of the State of Israel, and acceptance of previous agreements. Hamas
Hamas
rejected these demands,[17] which resulted in the Quartet's suspension of its foreign assistance program, and the imposition of economic sanctions by the Israelis.[18] A year later, following Hamas's seizure of power in the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
in June 2007, the territory officially recognized as the PA was split between Fatah
Fatah
in the West Bank, and Hamas
Hamas
in the Gaza Strip. The division of governance between the parties had effectively resulted in the collapse of bipartisan governance of the PA. However, in 2014, a Palestinian Unity Government, composed of both Fatah
Fatah
and Hamas, was formed. The latest round of peace negotiations began in July 2013 and was suspended in 2014.

Contents

1 Background 2 History 3 Peace process

3.1 Oslo Accords
Oslo Accords
(1993) 3.2 Camp David Summit (2000) 3.3 Developments following Camp David 3.4 Taba Summit
Taba Summit
(2001) 3.5 Road Map for Peace 3.6 Arab Peace Initiative 3.7 Present status

3.7.1 Israel's settlement policy 3.7.2 Israeli Military Police 3.7.3 Incitement 3.7.4 UN and the Palestinian state 3.7.5 Public support

4 Issues in dispute

4.1 Jerusalem 4.2 Holy sites 4.3 Palestinian refugees 4.4 Israeli security concerns 4.5 Palestinian violence outside Israel 4.6 Palestinian violence against other Palestinians 4.7 International status 4.8 Water resources

4.8.1 Future and financing

4.9 Israeli military occupation of the West Bank 4.10 Israeli settlements
Israeli settlements
in the West Bank 4.11 Gaza blockade 4.12 Agriculture

4.12.1 The West Bank
West Bank
barrier 4.12.2 Boycotts

5 Actions toward stabilizing the conflict

5.1 Mutual recognition 5.2 Government 5.3 Societal attitudes 5.4 Palestinian army

6 Fatalities 1948–2011

6.1 Criticism of casualty statistics 6.2 Land mine
Land mine
and explosive remnants of war casualties

7 See also 8 Notes 9 References 10 External links

Background

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Main article: Sectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine The Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
has its roots in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the birth of major nationalist movements among the Jews
Jews
and among the Arabs, both geared towards attaining sovereignty for their people in the Middle East.[19] The collision between those two forces in southern Levant
Levant
and the emergence of Palestinian nationalism
Palestinian nationalism
in the 1920s eventually escalated into the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
in 1947, and expanded into the wider Arab–Israeli conflict
Arab–Israeli conflict
later on.[20] The return of several hard-line Palestinian Arab nationalists, under the emerging leadership of Haj Amin al-Husseini, from Damascus to Mandatory Palestine
Mandatory Palestine
marked the beginning of Palestinian Arab nationalist struggle towards establishment of a national home for Arabs of Palestine.[21] Amin al-Husseini, the architect of the Palestinian Arab national movement, immediately marked Jewish national movement and Jewish immigration to Palestine as the sole enemy to his cause,[22] initiating large-scale riots against the Jews
Jews
as early as 1920 in Jerusalem
Jerusalem
and in 1921 in Jaffa. Among the results of the violence was the establishment of the Jewish paramilitary force Haganah. In 1929, a series of violent anti-Jewish riots was initiated by the Arab leadership. The riots resulted in massive Jewish casualties in Hebron
Hebron
and Safed, and the evacuation of Jews
Jews
from Hebron and Gaza.[19]

The Arab revolt of 1936–1939 in Palestine, motivated by opposition to mass Jewish immigration.

In the early 1930s, the Arab national struggle in Palestine had drawn many Arab nationalist militants from across the Middle East, most notably Sheikh Izaddin al-Qassam from Syria, who established the Black Hand militant group and had prepared the grounds for the 1936 Arab revolt. Following the death of al-Qassam at the hands of the British in late 1935, the tensions erupted in 1936 into the Arab general strike and general boycott. The strike soon deteriorated into violence and the bloodily repressed 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine against the British and the Jews.[20] In the first wave of organized violence, lasting until early 1937, most of the Arab groups were defeated by the British and a forced expulsion of much of the Arab leadership was performed. The revolt led to the establishment of the Peel Commission
Peel Commission
towards partitioning of Palestine, though it was subsequently rejected by the Palestinian Arabs. The two main Jewish leaders, Chaim Weizmann
Chaim Weizmann
and David Ben-Gurion, accepted the recommendations but some secondary Jewish leaders did not like it.[23][24][25] The renewed violence, which had sporadically lasted until the beginning of World War II, ended with around 5,000 casualties, mostly from the Arab side. With the eruption of World War II, the situation in Mandatory Palestine
Mandatory Palestine
calmed down. It allowed a shift towards a more moderate stance among Palestinian Arabs, under the leadership of the Nashashibi clan and even the establishment of the Jewish–Arab Palestine Regiment
Palestine Regiment
under British command, fighting Germans in North Africa. The more radical exiled faction of al-Husseini however tended to cooperation with Nazi Germany, and participated in the establishment of a pro-Nazi propaganda machine throughout the Arab world. Defeat of Arab nationalists in Iraq
Iraq
and subsequent relocation of al-Husseini to Nazi-occupied Europe tied his hands regarding field operations in Palestine, though he regularly demanded that the Italians and the Germans bomb Tel Aviv. By the end of World War II, a crisis over the fate of the Holocaust survivors from Europe led to renewed tensions between the Yishuv
Yishuv
and the Palestinian Arab leadership. Immigration quotas were established by the British, while on the other hand illegal immigration and Zionist insurgency against the British was increasing.[19]

Land in the lighter shade represents territory within the borders of Israel
Israel
at the conclusion of the 1948 war. This land is internationally recognized as belonging to Israel.

On 29 November 1947, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted Resolution 181(II)[26] recommending the adoption and implementation of a plan to partition Palestine into an Arab state, a Jewish state and the City of Jerusalem.[27] On the next day, Palestine was already swept by violence, with Arab and Jewish militias executing attacks. For four months, under continuous Arab provocation and attack, the Yishuv
Yishuv
was usually on the defensive while occasionally retaliating.[28] The Arab League
Arab League
supported the Arab struggle by forming the volunteer-based Arab Liberation Army, supporting the Palestinian Arab Army of the Holy War, under the leadership of Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni and Hasan Salama. On the Jewish side, the civil war was managed by the major underground militias – the Haganah, Irgun
Irgun
and Lehi, strengthened by numerous Jewish veterans of World War II and foreign volunteers. By spring 1948, it was already clear that the Arab forces were nearing a total collapse, while Yishuv
Yishuv
forces gained more and more territory, creating a large scale refugee problem of Palestinian Arabs.[19] Popular support for the Palestinian Arabs throughout the Arab world led to sporadic violence against Jewish communities of the Middle East
Middle East
and North Africa, creating an opposite refugee wave.

Modern evolution of Palestine

v t e

1916–1922 proposals: Three proposals for the post World War I administration of Palestine. The red line is the "International Administration" proposed in the 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement, the dashed blue line is the 1919 Zionist Organization proposal at the Paris Peace Conference, and the thin blue line refers to the final borders of the 1923–48 Mandatory Palestine.

1937 proposal: The first official proposal for partition, published in 1937 by the Peel Commission. An ongoing British Mandate was proposed to keep "the sanctity of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
and Bethlehem", in the form of an enclave from Jerusalem
Jerusalem
to Jaffa, including Lydda
Lydda
and Ramle.

1947 (proposal): Proposal per the United Nations
United Nations
Partition Plan for Palestine ( UN General Assembly
UN General Assembly
Resolution 181 (II), 1947), prior to the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. The proposal included a Corpus Separatum for Jerusalem, extraterritorial crossroads between the non-contiguous areas, and Jaffa
Jaffa
as an Arab exclave.

1947 (actual): Mandatory Palestine, showing Jewish-owned regions in Palestine as of 1947 in blue, constituting 6% of the total land area, of which more than half was held by the JNF and PICA. The Jewish population had increased from 83,790 in 1922 to 608,000 in 1946.

1948–1967 (actual): The Jordanian-annexed West Bank
West Bank
(light green) and Egyptian-occupied Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
(dark green), after the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, showing 1949 armistice lines.

1967–1994: During the Six-Day War, Israel
Israel
captured the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and the Golan Heights, together with the Sinai Peninsula (later traded for peace after the Yom Kippur War). In 1980–81 Israel
Israel
annexed East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
and the Golan Heights. Neither Israel's annexation nor Palestine's claim over East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
has been internationally recognized.

1994–2006: Under the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian National Authority was created to provide civil government in certain urban areas of the West Bank
West Bank
and the Gaza Strip.

2006–present: After the Israeli disengagement from Gaza
Israeli disengagement from Gaza
and clashes between the two main Palestinian parties following the Hamas
Hamas
electoral victory, two separate executive governments took control in Gaza and the West Bank.

History Main article: History of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict Following the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel on 14 May 1948, the Arab League
Arab League
decided to intervene on behalf of Palestinian Arabs, marching their forces into former British Palestine, beginning the main phase of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.[27] The overall fighting, leading to around 15,000 casualties, resulted in cease fire and armistice agreements of 1949, with Israel holding much of the former Mandate territory, Jordan
Jordan
occupying and later annexing the West Bank
West Bank
and Egypt
Egypt
taking over the Gaza Strip, where the All-Palestine Government
All-Palestine Government
was declared by the Arab League
Arab League
on 22 September 1948.[20] Through the 1950s, Jordan
Jordan
and Egypt
Egypt
supported the Palestinian Fedayeen militants' cross-border attacks into Israel, while Israel
Israel
carried out reprisal operations in the host countries. The 1956 Suez Crisis resulted in a short-term Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
and exile of the All-Palestine Government, which was later restored with Israeli withdrawal. The All-Palestine Government
All-Palestine Government
was completely abandoned by Egypt
Egypt
in 1959 and was officially merged into the United Arab Republic, to the detriment of the Palestinian national movement. Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
then was put under the authority of Egyptian military administrator, making it a de facto military occupation. In 1964, however, a new organization, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), was established by Yasser Arafat.[27] It immediately won the support of most Arab League
Arab League
governments and was granted a seat in the Arab League. The 1967 Six-Day War
Six-Day War
exerted a significant effect upon Palestinian nationalism, as Israel
Israel
gained military control of the West Bank
West Bank
from Jordan
Jordan
and the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
from Egypt. Consequently, the PLO was unable to establish any control on the ground and established its headquarters in Jordan, home to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, and supported the Jordanian army during the War of Attrition, most notably the Battle of Karameh. However, the Palestinian base in Jordan collapsed with the Jordanian–Palestinian civil war in 1970. The PLO defeat by the Jordanians caused most of the Palestinian militants to relocate to South Lebanon, where they soon took over large areas, creating the so-called "Fatahland". Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon
Lebanon
peaked in the early 1970s, as Lebanon
Lebanon
was used as a base to launch attacks on northern Israel
Israel
and airplane hijacking campaigns worldwide, which drew Israeli retaliation. During the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian militants continued to launch attacks against Israel
Israel
while also battling opponents within Lebanon. In 1978, the Coastal Road massacre
Coastal Road massacre
led to the Israeli full-scale invasion known as Operation Litani. Israeli forces, however, quickly withdrew from Lebanon, and the attacks against Israel
Israel
resumed. In 1982, following an assassination attempt on one of its diplomats by Palestinians, the Israeli government
Israeli government
decided to take sides in the Lebanese Civil War
Lebanese Civil War
and the 1982 Lebanon
Lebanon
War commenced. The initial results for Israel
Israel
were successful. Most Palestinian militants were defeated within several weeks, Beirut was captured, and the PLO headquarters were evacuated to Tunisia
Tunisia
in June by Yasser Arafat's decision.[20] However, Israeli intervention in the civil war also led to unforeseen results, including small-scale conflict between Israel
Israel
and Syria. By 1985, Israel
Israel
withdrew to a 10 km occupied strip of South Lebanon, while the low-intensity conflict with Shia militants escalated.[19]Those Iranian-supported Shia groups gradually consolidated into Hizbullah and Amal, operated against Israel, and allied with the remnants of Palestinian organizations to launch attacks on Galilee through the late 1980s. By the 1990s, Palestinian organizations in Lebanon
Lebanon
were largely inactive.[citation needed] The first Palestinian uprising began in 1987 as a response to escalating attacks and the endless occupation. By the early 1990s, international efforts to settle the conflict had begun, in light of the success of the Egyptian–Israeli peace treaty of 1982. Eventually, the Israeli–Palestinian peace process
Israeli–Palestinian peace process
led to the Oslo Accords of 1993, allowing the PLO to relocate from Tunisia
Tunisia
and take ground in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza Strip, establishing the Palestinian National Authority. The peace process also had significant opposition among radical Islamic elements of Palestinian society, such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, who immediately initiated a campaign of attacks targeting Israelis. Following hundreds of casualties and a wave of radical anti-government propaganda, Israeli Prime Minister Rabin was assassinated by an Israeli fanatic who objected to the peace initiative. This struck a serious blow to the peace process, from which the newly elected government of Israel
Israel
in 1996 backed off.[19] Following several years of unsuccessful negotiations, the conflict re-erupted as the Second Intifada
Second Intifada
on September 2000.[20] The violence, escalating into an open conflict between the Palestinian National Security Forces and the Israel
Israel
Defense Forces, lasted until 2004/2005 and led to approximately 130 fatalities. In 2005, Israeli Prime Minister Sharon ordered the removal of Israeli settlers and soldiers from Gaza. Israel
Israel
and its Supreme Court formally declared an end to occupation, saying it "had no effective control over what occurred" in Gaza.[29] However, the United Nations, Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
and many other international bodies and NGOs continue to consider Israel
Israel
to be the occupying power of the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
as Israel
Israel
controls Gaza Strip's airspace, territorial waters and controls the movement of people or goods in or out of Gaza by air or sea.[29][30][31] In 2006, Hamas
Hamas
won a plurality of 44% in the Palestinian parliamentary election. Israel
Israel
responded it would begin economic sanctions unless Hamas
Hamas
agreed to accept prior Israeli-Palestinian agreements, forswear violence, and recognize Israel's right to exist, which Hamas rejected.[32] After internal Palestinian political struggle between Fatah
Fatah
and Hamas
Hamas
erupted into the Battle of Gaza (2007), Hamas
Hamas
took full control of the area.[33] In 2007, Israel
Israel
imposed a naval blockade on the Gaza Strip, and cooperation with Egypt
Egypt
allowed a ground blockade of the Egyptian border The tensions between Israel
Israel
and Hamas
Hamas
escalated until late 2008, when Israel
Israel
launched operation Cast Lead
Cast Lead
upon Gaza, resulting in thousands of civilian casualties and billions of dollars in damage. By February 2009, a ceasefire was signed with international mediation between the parties, though the occupation and small and sporadic eruptions of violence continued.[34] In 2011, a Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
attempt to gain UN membership as a fully sovereign state failed. In Hamas-controlled Gaza, sporadic rocket attacks on Israel
Israel
and Israeli air raids still take place.[35][36][37][38] In November 2012, the representation of Palestine in UN was upgraded to a non-member observer State, and its mission title was changed from "Palestine (represented by PLO)" to "State of Palestine". Peace process Main article: Israeli–Palestinian peace process Oslo Accords
Oslo Accords
(1993) Main article: Oslo Accords

A peace movement poster: Israeli and Palestinian flags and the words peace in Arabic and Hebrew.

In 1993, Israeli officials led by Yitzhak Rabin
Yitzhak Rabin
and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization
Palestine Liberation Organization
led by Yasser Arafat strove to find a peaceful solution through what became known as the Oslo peace process. A crucial milestone in this process was Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. In 1993, the Oslo Accords
Oslo Accords
were finalized as a framework for future Israeli–Palestinian relations. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel
Israel
would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians
Palestinians
in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, the process took a turning point at the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin
Yitzhak Rabin
and finally unraveled when Arafat and Ehud Barak
Ehud Barak
failed to reach agreement at Camp David in July 2000. Robert Malley, special assistant to US President Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
for Arab–Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that while Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat, the US did present concepts for peace which were considered by the Israeli side yet left unanswered by Arafat "the Palestinians' principal failing is that from the beginning of the Camp David summit onward they were unable either to say yes to the American ideas or to present a cogent and specific counterproposal of their own".[39] Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered.[40][41][42] Camp David Summit (2000) Main article: 2000 Camp David Summit

Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, and Yasser Arafat
Yasser Arafat
during the Oslo Accords on 13 September 1993.

In July 2000, US President Bill Clinton
Bill Clinton
convened a peace summit between Palestinian President Yasser Arafat
Yasser Arafat
and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Barak reportedly put forward the following as "bases for negotiation", via the US to the Palestinian President; a non-militarized Palestinian state split into 3–4 parts containing 87–92%[note 1] of the West Bank
West Bank
including only parts of East Jerusalem, and the entire Gaza Strip,[43][44] The offer also included that 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the West Bank's Jewish settlers) would be ceded to Israel, no right of return to Israel, no sovereignty over the Temple Mount
Temple Mount
or any core East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
neighbourhoods, and continued Israel
Israel
control over the Jordan Valley.[45][46] Arafat rejected this offer.[43][47][48][49][50][51] According to the Palestinian negotiators the offer did not remove many of the elements of the Israeli occupation regarding land, security, settlements, and Jerusalem.[52] President Clinton reportedly requested that Arafat make a counter-offer, but he proposed none. Former Israeli Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben Ami who kept a diary of the negotiations said in an interview in 2001, when asked whether the Palestinians
Palestinians
made a counterproposal: "No. And that is the heart of the matter. Never, in the negotiations between us and the Palestinians, was there a Palestinian counterproposal."[53] In a separate interview in 2006 Ben Ami stated that were he a Palestinian he would have rejected the Camp David offer.[54] No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even under intense US pressure. Clinton has long blamed Arafat for the collapse of the summit.[55] In the months following the summit, Clinton appointed former US Senator George J. Mitchell to lead a fact-finding committee aiming to identify strategies for restoring the peace process. The committee's findings were published in 2001 with the dismantlement of existing Israeli settlements and Palestinian crack down on militant activity being one strategy.[56] Developments following Camp David Main article: The Clinton Parameters Following the failed summit Palestinian and Israeli negotiators continued to meet in small groups through August and September 2000 to try to bridge the gaps between their respective positions. The United States prepared its own plan to resolve the outstanding issues. Clinton's presentation of the US proposals was delayed by the advent of the Second Intifada
Second Intifada
at the end of September.[52] Clinton's plan, eventually presented on 23 December 2000, proposed the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state in the Gaza strip and 94–96 percent of the West Bank
West Bank
plus the equivalent of 1–3 percent of the West Bank
West Bank
in land swaps from pre-1967 Israel. On Jerusalem
Jerusalem
the plan stated that, "the general principle is that Arab areas are Palestinian and that Jewish areas are Israeli." The holy sites were to be split on the basis that Palestinians
Palestinians
would have sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Noble sanctuary, while the Israelis
Israelis
would have sovereignty over the Western Wall. On refugees the plan suggested a number of proposals including financial compensation, the right of return to the Palestinian state, and Israeli acknowledgement of suffering caused to the Palestinians
Palestinians
in 1948. Security proposals referred to a "non-militarized" Palestinian state, and an international force for border security. Both sides accepted Clinton's plan[52][57][58] and it became the basis for the negotiations at the Taba Peace summit the following January.[52] Taba Summit
Taba Summit
(2001) Main article: Taba Summit The Israeli negotiation team presented a new map at the Taba Summit
Taba Summit
in Taba, Egypt
Egypt
in January 2001. The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas, and the Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation. With Israeli elections looming the talks ended without an agreement but the two sides issued a joint statement attesting to the progress they had made: "The sides declare that they have never been closer to reaching an agreement and it is thus our shared belief that the remaining gaps could be bridged with the resumption of negotiations following the Israeli elections." The following month the Likud
Likud
party candidate Ariel Sharon
Ariel Sharon
defeated Ehud Barak in the Israeli elections and was elected as Israeli prime minister on 7 February 2001. Sharon's new government chose not to resume the high-level talks.[52] Road Map for Peace Main article: Road map for peace One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations
United Nations
and the United States
United States
on 17 September 2002, was the Road Map for Peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, whose goals called for a halt to both Israeli settlement
Israeli settlement
construction and Israeli–Palestinian violence. Neither goal has been achieved as of November 2015.[59][60][61][62] Arab Peace Initiative Main article: Arab Peace Initiative The Arab Peace Initiative
Arab Peace Initiative
(Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية‎ Mubādirat as-Salām al-ʿArabīyyah) was first proposed by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia
Abdullah of Saudi Arabia
in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab–Israeli conflict
Arab–Israeli conflict
as a whole, and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in particular.[63] The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002, at the Beirut Summit, and agreed upon again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. Unlike the Road Map for Peace, it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitly on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the occupied territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees.[64] A number of Israeli officials have responded to the initiative with both support and criticism. The Israeli government
Israeli government
has expressed reservations on 'red line,' issues such as the Palestinian refugee problem, homeland security concerns, and the nature of Jerusalem.[65] However, the Arab League
Arab League
continues to raise it as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League
Arab League
and Israel
Israel
have been held.[66] Present status The peace process has been predicated on a "two-state solution" thus far, but questions have been raised towards both sides' resolve to end the dispute.[67] An article by S. Daniel Abraham, an American entrepreneur and founder of the Center for Middle East
Middle East
Peace in Washington, US, published on the website of the Atlantic magazine in March 2013, cited the following statistics: "Right now, the total number of Jews
Jews
and Arabs living ... in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza is just under 12 million people. At the moment, a shade under 50 percent of the population is Jewish."[68] Israel's settlement policy

Israeli settlers in Hebron, West Bank

Israel
Israel
has had its settlement growth and policies in the Palestinian territories harshly criticized by the European Union
European Union
citing it as increasingly undermining the viability of the two-state solution and running in contrary to the Israeli-stated commitment to resume negotiations.[69][70] In December 2011, all the regional groupings on the UN Security Council
Security Council
named continued settlement construction and settler violence as disruptive to the resumption of talks, a call viewed by Russia
Russia
as a "historic step".[71][72][73] In April 2012, international outrage followed Israeli steps to further entrench the Jewish settlements in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, which included the publishing of tenders for further settler homes and the plan to legalize settler outposts. Britain said that the move was a breach of Israeli commitments under the road map to freeze all settlement expansion in the land captured since 1967. The British Foreign Minister stated that the "Systematic, illegal Israeli settlement activity poses the most significant and live threat to the viability of the two state solution".[74] In May 2012 the 27 foreign ministers of the European Union
European Union
issued a statement which condemned continued Israeli settler violence
Israeli settler violence
and incitement.[75] In a similar move, the Quartet "expressed its concern over ongoing settler violence and incitement in the West Bank," calling on Israel
Israel
"to take effective measures, including bringing the perpetrators of such acts to justice."[76] The Palestinian Ma'an News agency reported the PA Cabinet's statement on the issue stated that the West, including East Jerusalem, were seeing "an escalation in incitement and settler violence against our people with a clear protection from the occupation military. The last of which was the thousands of settler march in East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
which included slogans inciting to kill, hate and supports violence".[77] Israeli Military Police

Chemical burns on a 15-year-old Palestinian child following Israeli bombings in the village of Khoza'a, Gaza

In a report published in February 2014 covering incidents over the three-year period of 2011–2013, Amnesty International
Amnesty International
asserted that Israeli forces employed reckless violence in the West Bank, and in some instances appeared to engage in wilful killings which would be tantamount to war crimes. Besides the numerous fatalities, Amnesty said at least 261 Palestinians, including 67 children, had been gravely injured by Israeli use of live ammunition. In this same period, 45 Palestinians, including 6 children had been killed. Amnesty's review of 25 civilians deaths concluded that in no case was there evidence of the Palestinians
Palestinians
posing an imminent threat. At the same time, over 8,000 Palestinians
Palestinians
suffered serious injuries from other means, including rubber-coated metal bullets. Only one IDF soldier was convicted, killing a Palestinian attempting to enter Israel
Israel
illegally. The soldier was demoted and given a 1-year sentence with a five-month suspension. The IDF answered the charges stating that its army held itself "to the highest of professional standards," adding that when there was suspicion of wrongdoing, it investigated and took action "where appropriate".[78][79] Incitement

A fatally wounded Israeli school boy, 2011

Following the Oslo Accords, which was to set up regulative bodies to rein in frictions, Palestinian incitement against Israel, Jews, and Zionism
Zionism
continued, parallel with Israel's pursuance of settlements in the Palestinian territories,[80] though under Abu Mazen it has reportedly dwindled significantly.[81] Charges of incitement have been reciprocal,[82][83] both sides interpreting media statements in the Palestinian and Israeli press as constituting incitement.[81] In Israeli usage, the term also covers failures to mention Israel's culture and history in Palestinian textbooks.[84] Perpetrators of murderous attack, whether against Israelis
Israelis
or Palestinians, often find strong vocal support from sections of their communities despite varying levels of condemnation from politicians.[85][86][87] Both parties to the conflict have been criticized by third-parties for teaching incitement to their children by downplaying each side's historical ties to the area, teaching propagandist maps, or indoctrinate their children to one day join the armed forces.[88][89] UN and the Palestinian state The PLO's campaign for full member status for the state of Palestine at the UN and have recognition on the 1967 borders received widespread support[90][91] though it was criticised by some countries for purportedly avoiding bilateral negotiation.[92][93] Netanyahu expressed criticism of the Palestinians
Palestinians
as he felt that they were allegedly trying to bypass direct talks,[94] whereas Abbas argued that the continued construction of Israeli-Jewish settlements was "undermining the realistic potential" for the two-state solution.[95] Although denied full member status by the UN Security Council, in late 2012 the UN General Assembly
UN General Assembly
overwhelmingly approved the de facto recognition of sovereign Palestine by granting non-member state status.[96] Public support Polling data has produced mixed results regarding the level of support among Palestinians
Palestinians
for the two-state solution. A poll was carried out in 2011 by the Hebrew University; it indicated that support for a two-state solution was growing among both Israelis
Israelis
and Palestinians. The poll found that 58% of Israelis
Israelis
and 50% of Palestinians
Palestinians
supported a two-state solution based on the Clinton Parameters, compared with 47% of Israelis
Israelis
and 39% of Palestinians
Palestinians
in 2003, the first year the poll was carried out. The poll also found that an increasing percentage of both populations supported an end to violence—63% of Palestinians
Palestinians
and 70% of Israelis
Israelis
expressing their support for an end to violence, an increase of 2% for Israelis
Israelis
and 5% for Palestinians from the previous year.[97] Issues in dispute The following outlined positions are the official positions of the two parties; however, it is important to note that neither side holds a single position. Both the Israeli and the Palestinian sides include both moderate and extremist bodies as well as dovish and hawkish bodies. One of the primary obstacles to resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is a deep-set and growing distrust between its participants. Unilateral strategies and the rhetoric of hardline political factions, coupled with violence and incitements by civilians against one another, have fostered mutual embitterment and hostility and a loss of faith in the peace process. Support among Palestinians
Palestinians
for Hamas
Hamas
is considerable, and as its members consistently call for the destruction of Israel
Israel
and violence remains a threat, security becomes a prime concern for many Israelis. The expansion of Israeli settlements
Israeli settlements
in the West Bank
West Bank
has led the majority of Palestinians
Palestinians
to believe that Israel is not committed to reaching an agreement, but rather to a pursuit of establishing permanent control over this territory in order to provide that security.[98] Jerusalem Main article: Positions on Jerusalem See also: Western Wall, Temple Mount, and Al-Aqsa Mosque

Greater Jerusalem, May 2006. CIA
CIA
remote sensing map showing what the CIA
CIA
regards as settlements, plus refugee camps, fences, and walls

The control of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
is a particularly delicate issue, with each side asserting claims over this city. The three largest Abrahamic religions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—hold Jerusalem
Jerusalem
as an important setting for their religious and historical narratives. Jerusalem
Jerusalem
is the holiest city in the world for Judaism, being the former location of the Jewish temples on the Temple Mount
Temple Mount
and the capital of the ancient Israelite kingdom. For Muslims, Jerusalem
Jerusalem
is the site of Mohammad's Night Journey to heaven, and the al-Aqsa mosque. For Christians, Jerusalem
Jerusalem
is the site of Jesus' crucifixion and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Israeli government, including the Knesset
Knesset
and Supreme Court, is centered in the "new city" of West Jerusalem
Jerusalem
and has been since Israel's founding in 1948. After Israel
Israel
captured the Jordanian-controlled East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
in the Six-Day War, it assumed complete administrative control of East Jerusalem. In 1980, Israel issued a new law stating that "Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel."[99] Many countries do not recognize Jerusalem
Jerusalem
as Israel's capital, notable exceptions being Israel, the United States,[100] and Russia.[101] The majority of UN member states and most international organisations do not recognise Israel's ownership of East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
which occurred after the 1967 Six-Day War, nor its 1980 Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Law proclamation.[102] The International Court of Justice in its 2004 Advisory opinion on the "Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory" described East Jerusalem as "occupied Palestinian territory."[103] As of 2005, there were more than 719,000 people living in Jerusalem; 465,000 were Jews
Jews
(mostly living in West Jerusalem) and 232,000 were Muslims (mostly living in East Jerusalem).[104] At the Camp David and Taba Summits in 2000–2001, the United States proposed a plan in which the Arab parts of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
would be given to the proposed Palestinian state while the Jewish parts of Jerusalem were given to Israel. All archaeological work under the Temple Mount would be jointly controlled by the Israeli and Palestinian governments. Both sides accepted the proposal in principle, but the summits ultimately failed.[105] Israel
Israel
expresses concern over the security of its residents if neighborhoods of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
are placed under Palestinian control. Jerusalem
Jerusalem
has been a prime target for attacks by militant groups against civilian targets since 1967. Many Jewish neighborhoods have been fired upon from Arab areas. The proximity of the Arab areas, if these regions were to fall in the boundaries of a Palestinian state, would be so close as to threaten the safety of Jewish residents.[106] Holy sites Israel
Israel
has concerns regarding the welfare of Jewish holy places under possible Palestinian control. When Jerusalem
Jerusalem
was under Jordanian control, no Jews
Jews
were allowed to visit the Western Wall
Western Wall
or other Jewish holy places, and the Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives
Mount of Olives
was desecrated.[105] Since 1975, Israel
Israel
has banned Muslims from worshiping at Joseph's Tomb, a shrine considered sacred by both Jews
Jews
and Muslims. Settlers established a yeshiva, installed a Torah scroll and covered the mihrab. During the Second Intifada
Second Intifada
the site was looted and burned.[107][108] Israeli security agencies routinely monitor and arrest Jewish extremists that plan attacks, though many serious incidents have still occurred.[109] Israel
Israel
has allowed almost complete autonomy to the Muslim trust (Waqf) over the Temple Mount.[105] Palestinians
Palestinians
have voiced concerns regarding the welfare of Christian and Muslim holy places under Israeli control.[110] Additionally, some Palestinian advocates have made statements alleging that the Western Wall Tunnel was re-opened with the intent of causing the mosque's collapse.[111] The Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied this claim in a 1996 speech to the United Nations[112] and characterized the statement as "escalation of rhetoric."[113] Palestinian refugees See also: Palestinian right of return, Palestinian refugee, and 1948 Palestinian exodus

Palestinian refugees, 1948

Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
are people who lost both their homes and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab–Israeli conflict[114] and the 1967 Six-Day War.[115] The number of Palestinians
Palestinians
who fled or were expelled from Israel
Israel
following its creation was estimated at 711,000 in 1949.[116] Descendants of these original Palestinian Refugees are also eligible for registration and services provided by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), and as of 2010 number 4.7 million people.[117] Between 350,000 and 400,000 Palestinians
Palestinians
were displaced during the 1967 Arab–Israeli war.[115] A third of the refugees live in recognized refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, the West Bank
West Bank
and the Gaza Strip. The remainder live in and around the cities and towns of these host countries.[114] Most of these people were born outside Israel, but are descendants of original Palestinian refugees.[114] Palestinian negotiators, most notably Yasser Arafat,[118] have so far publicly insisted that refugees have a right to return to the places where they lived before 1948 and 1967, including those within the 1949 Armistice lines, citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and UN General Assembly Resolution 194 as evidence. However, according to reports of private peace negotiations with Israel
Israel
they have countenanced the return of only 10,000 refugees and their families to Israel
Israel
as part of a peace settlement. Mahmoud Abbas, the current Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization was reported to have said in private discussion that it is "illogical to ask Israel
Israel
to take 5 million, or indeed 1 million. That would mean the end of Israel." [119] In a further interview Abbas stated that he no longer had an automatic right to return to Safed in the northern Galilee where he was born in 1935. He later clarified that the remark was his personal opinion and not official policy.[120] The Arab Peace Initiative
Arab Peace Initiative
of 2002 declared that it proposed the compromise of a "just resolution" of the refugee problem.[121] Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
on several grounds:[122][123][124]

Several scholars included in the broader New Historians
New Historians
argue that the Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun, Zionist paramilitary groups.[125][126] A number have also characterized this as an ethnic cleansing.[127][128][129][130] The New Historians
New Historians
cite indications of Arab leaders' desire for the Palestinian Arab population to stay put.[131]

Shlaim (2000) states that from April 1948 the military forces of what was to become Israel
Israel
had embarked on a new offensive strategy which involved destroying Arab villages and the forced removal of civilians.

Home in Balata
Balata
refugee camp demolished during the second Intifada, 2002

The Israeli Law of Return
Law of Return
that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination against non-Jews, especially Palestinians
Palestinians
that cannot apply for such citizenship or return to the territory which they were expelled from or fled during the course of the 1948 war.[132][133][134] According to the UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible."[135] UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians
Palestinians
to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return".[136] Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem"; however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of return.[137]

The most common arguments for opposition are:

The Israeli government
Israeli government
asserts that the Arab refugee problem is largely caused by the refusal of all Arab governments except Jordan
Jordan
to grant citizenship to Palestinian Arabs who reside within those countries' borders. This has produced much of the poverty and economic problems of the refugees, according to MFA documents.[138] The Palestinian refugee
Palestinian refugee
issue is handled by a separate authority from that handling other refugees, that is, by UNRWA
UNRWA
and not the UNHCR. Most of the people recognizing themselves as Palestinian refugees would have otherwise been assimilated into their country of current residency, and would not maintain their refugee state if not for the separate entities.[citation needed] Concerning the origin of the Palestinian refugees, the official version of the Israeli government
Israeli government
is that during the 1948 War the Arab Higher Committee and the Arab states encouraged Palestinians
Palestinians
to flee in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state or that they did so to escape the fights by fear.[138] The Palestinian narrative is that refugees were expelled and dispossessed by Jewish militias and by the Israeli army, following a plan established even before the war.[citation needed] Historians still debate the causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world was ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them.[139][140][141] Although Israel
Israel
accepts the right of the Palestinian Diaspora to return into a new Palestinian state, Israel
Israel
insists that their return into the current state of Israel
Israel
would be a great danger for the stability of the Jewish state; an influx of Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel.[142][143] Historian Benny Morris
Benny Morris
states that most of Palestine's 700,000 refugees fled because of the "flail of war" and expected to return home shortly after a successful Arab invasion. He documents instances in which Arab leaders advised the evacuation of entire communities as happened in Haifa. In his scholarly work, however, he does conclude that there were expulsions which were carried out.[144][145] Morris considers the displacement the result of a national conflict initiated by the Arabs themselves.[145] In a 2004 interview with Haaretz, he described the exodus as largely resulting from an atmosphere of transfer that was promoted by Ben-Gurion and understood by the military leadership. He also claimed that there "are circumstances in history that justify ethnic cleansing".[146] He has been criticized by political scientist Norman Finkelstein
Norman Finkelstein
for having seemingly changed his views for political, rather than historical, reasons.[147] According to Karsh the Palestinians
Palestinians
were themselves the aggressors in the 1948–1949 war who attempted to "cleanse" a neighboring ethnic community. Had the United Nations
United Nations
resolution of 29 November 1947 recommending partition in Palestine not been subverted by force by the Arab world, there would have been no refugee problem in the first place. He reports of large numbers of Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
leaving even before the outbreak of the 1948 war because of disillusionment and economic privation. The British High Commissioner for Palestine spoke of the "collapsing Arab morale in Palestine" that he partially attributed to the "increasing tendency of those who should be leading them to leave the country" and the considerable evacuations of the Arab effendi class. Huge numbers of Palestinians
Palestinians
were also expelled by their leadership to prevent them from becoming Israeli citizens and in Haifa and Tiberias, tens of thousands of Arabs were forcibly evacuated on the instructions of the Arab Higher Committee.[148]

Israeli security concerns See also: United States
United States
security assistance to the Palestinian Authority, Palestinian political violence, and 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign

Remains of an Egged bus hit by suicide bomber in the aftermath of the 2011 southern Israel
Israel
cross-border attacks. Eight people were killed, about 40 were injured.

Throughout the conflict, Palestinian violence has been a concern for Israelis. Israel,[149] along with the United States[150] and the European Union, refer to the violence against Israeli civilians and military forces by Palestinian militants as terrorism. The motivations behind Palestinian violence against Israeli civilians are multiplex, and not all violent Palestinian groups agree with each other on specifics. Nonetheless, a common motive is the desire to destroy Israel
Israel
and replace it with a Palestinian Arab state.[151] The most prominent Islamist
Islamist
groups, such as Hamas, view the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
as a religious jihad.[152] Suicide bombing is used as a tactic among Palestinian organizations like Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade
Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade
and certain suicide attacks have received support among Palestinians
Palestinians
as high as 84%.[153][154] In Israel, Palestinian suicide bombers have targeted civilian buses, restaurants, shopping malls, hotels and marketplaces.[155] From 1993–2003, 303 Palestinian suicide bombers attacked Israel. The Israeli government
Israeli government
initiated the construction of a security barrier following scores of suicide bombings and terrorist attacks in July 2003. Israel's coalition government approved the security barrier in the northern part of the green-line between Israel
Israel
and the West Bank. According to the IDF, since the erection of the fence, terrorist acts have declined by approximately 90%.[156] Since 2001, the threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel
Israel
is also of great concern for Israeli defense officials.[157] In 2006—the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip—the Israeli government
Israeli government
recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005.[149] As of January 2009, over 8,600 rockets had been launched,[158][159] causing widespread psychological trauma and disruption of daily life.[160] Over 500 rockets and mortars hit Israel
Israel
in January–September 2010 and over 1,947 rockets hit Israel
Israel
in January–November 2012.

An Israeli child wounded by a Hamas
Hamas
Grad rocket fired on the city of Beer Sheva is taken to a hospital

According to a study conducted by University of Haifa, one in five Israelis
Israelis
have lost a relative or friend in a Palestinian terrorist attack.[161] There is significant debate within Israel
Israel
about how to deal with the country's security concerns. Options have included military action (including targeted killings and house demolitions of terrorist operatives), diplomacy, unilateral gestures toward peace, and increased security measures such as checkpoints, roadblocks and security barriers. The legality and the wisdom of all of the above tactics have been called into question by various commentators.[15][unreliable source?] Since mid-June 2007, Israel's primary means of dealing with security concerns in the West Bank
West Bank
has been to cooperate with and permit United States-sponsored training, equipping, and funding of the Palestinian Authority's security forces, which with Israeli help have largely succeeded in quelling West Bank
West Bank
supporters of Hamas.[162] Palestinian violence outside Israel Some Palestinians
Palestinians
have committed violent acts over the globe on the pretext of a struggle against Israel. Many foreigners, including Americans[163] and Europeans,[164] have been killed and injured by Palestinian militants. At least 53 Americans have been killed and 83 injured by Palestinian violence since the signing of the Oslo Accords.[165][unreliable source?] During the late 1960s, the PLO became increasingly infamous for its use of international terror. In 1969 alone, the PLO was responsible for hijacking 82 planes. El Al Airlines
El Al Airlines
became a regular hijacking target.[166][167] The hijacking of Air France
France
Flight 139 by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
culminated during a hostage-rescue mission, where Israeli special forces successfully rescued the majority of the hostages. However, one of the most well-known and notorious terrorist acts was the capture and eventual murder of 11 Israeli athletes during the 1972 Olympic Games.[168] Palestinian violence against other Palestinians

Suspected Palestinian collaborator killed by Palestinians
Palestinians
during the First Intifada

Fighting among rival Palestinian and Arab movements has played a crucial role in shaping Israel's security policy towards Palestinian militants, as well as in the Palestinian leadership's own policies.[citation needed] As early as the 1930s revolts in Palestine, Arab forces fought each other while also skirmishing with Zionist and British forces, and internal conflicts continue to the present day. During the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian baathists broke from the Palestine Liberation Organization
Palestine Liberation Organization
and allied with the Shia Amal Movement, fighting a bloody civil war that killed thousands of Palestinians.[169][170] In the First Intifada, more than a thousand Palestinians
Palestinians
were killed in a campaign initiated by the Palestine Liberation Organization
Palestine Liberation Organization
to crack down on suspected Israeli security service informers and collaborators. The Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
was strongly criticized for its treatment of alleged collaborators, rights groups complaining that those labeled collaborators were denied fair trials. According to a report released by the Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group, less than 45 percent of those killed were actually guilty of informing for Israel.[171] The policies towards suspected collaborators contravene agreements signed by the Palestinian leadership. Article XVI(2) of the Oslo II Agreement states:[172]

" Palestinians
Palestinians
who have maintained contact with the Israeli authorities will not be subjected to acts of harassment, violence, retribution, or prosecution."

The provision was designed to prevent Palestinian leaders from imposing retribution on fellow Palestinians
Palestinians
who had worked on behalf of Israel
Israel
during the occupation of the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza Strip. In the Gaza Strip, Hamas
Hamas
officials have tortured and killed thousands of Fatah
Fatah
members and other Palestinians
Palestinians
who oppose their rule. During the Battle of Gaza, more than 150 Palestinians
Palestinians
died over a four-day period.[173] The violence among Palestinians
Palestinians
was described as a civil war by some commentators. By 2007, more than 600 Palestinian people had died during the struggle between Hamas
Hamas
and Fatah.[174] International status In the past, Israel
Israel
has demanded control over border crossings between the Palestinian territories
Palestinian territories
and Jordan
Jordan
and Egypt, and the right to set the import and export controls, asserting that Israel
Israel
and the Palestinian territories
Palestinian territories
are a single economic space. In the interim agreements reached as part of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
has received control over cities (Area A) while the surrounding countryside has been placed under Israeli security and Palestinian civil administration (Area B) or complete Israeli control (Area C). Israel
Israel
has built additional highways to allow Israelis
Israelis
to traverse the area without entering Palestinian cities. The initial areas under Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
control are diverse and non-contiguous. The areas have changed over time because of subsequent negotiations, including Oslo II, Wye River and Sharm el-Sheik. According to Palestinians, the separated areas make it impossible to create a viable nation and fails to address Palestinian security needs; Israel
Israel
has expressed no agreement to withdrawal from some Areas B, resulting in no reduction in the division of the Palestinian areas, and the institution of a safe pass system, without Israeli checkpoints, between these parts. Water resources Further information: Water supply and sanitation in the Palestinian territories and Water politics in the Jordan
Jordan
River basin In the Middle East, water resources are of great political concern. Since Israel
Israel
receives much of its water from two large underground aquifers which continue under the Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Israel withdraws most water from these areas, but it also supplies the West Bank with approximately 40 million cubic metres annually, contributing to 77% of Palestinians' water supply in the West Bank, which is to be shared for a population of about 2.6 million.[175] While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel
Israel
consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. Although this water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border, the sources of the water are nevertheless from the shared groundwater basins located under both West Bank
West Bank
and Israel.[176] In the Oslo II Accord, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
established the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank, subject to a Joint Water Committee (JWC). Moreover, Israel
Israel
obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer, also subject to the Joint Water Committee.[177] Many Palestinians
Palestinians
counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. In 1999, Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it continued to honor its obligations under the Interim Agreement.[178] The water that Israel
Israel
receives comes mainly from the Jordan
Jordan
River system, the Sea of Galilee and two underground sources. According to a 2003 BBC article the Palestinians
Palestinians
lack access to the Jordan
Jordan
River system.[179] According to a report of 2008 by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, water resources were confiscated for the benefit of the Israeli settlements
Israeli settlements
in the Ghor. Palestinian irrigation pumps on the Jordan
Jordan
River were destroyed or confiscated after the 1967 war and Palestinians
Palestinians
were not allowed to use water from the Jordan River system. Furthermore, the authorities did not allow any new irrigation wells to be drilled by Palestinian farmers, while it provided fresh water and allowed drilling wells for irrigation purposes at the Jewish settlements in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza Strip.[180] A report was released by the UN in August 2012 and Max Gaylard, the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in the occupied Palestinian territory, explained at the launch of the publication: "Gaza will have half a million more people by 2020 while its economy will grow only slowly. In consequence, the people of Gaza will have an even harder time getting enough drinking water and electricity, or sending their children to school". Gaylard present alongside Jean Gough, of the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), and Robert Turner, of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). The report projects that Gaza's population will increase from 1.6 million people to 2.1 million people in 2020, leading to a density of more than 5,800 people per square kilometre.[181] Future and financing Numerous foreign nations and international organizations have established bilateral agreements with the Palestinian and Israeli water authorities. It is estimated that a future investment of about US$1.1bn for the West Bank
West Bank
and $0.8bn[clarification needed] is needed for the planning period from 2003 to 2015.[182] In order to support and improve the water sector in the Palestinian territories, a number of bilateral and multilateral agencies have been supporting many different water and sanitation programs. There are three large seawater desalination plants in Israel
Israel
and two more scheduled to open before 2014. When the fourth plant becomes operational, 65% of Israel's water will come from desalination plants, according to Minister of Finance Dr. Yuval Steinitz.[183] In late 2012, a donation of $21.6 million was announced by the Government of the Netherlands—the Dutch government stated that the funds would be provided to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), for the specific benefit of Palestinian children. An article, published by the UN News website, stated that: "Of the $21.6 million, $5.7 will be allocated to UNRWA's 2012 Emergency Appeal for the occupied Palestinian territory, which will support programmes in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza aiming to mitigate the effects on refugees of the deteriorating situation they face."[181] Israeli military occupation of the West Bank See also: Israeli-occupied territories, West Bank
West Bank
§ Status, Positions on Jerusalem, and Status of territories captured by Israel

Demonstration against land confiscation held at Bil'in, 2011

Occupied Palestinian Territory is the term used by the United Nations to refer to the West Bank, including East Jerusalem,[184] and the Gaza Strip—territories which were captured by Israel
Israel
during the 1967 Six-Day War, having formerly been controlled by Egypt
Egypt
and Jordan.[185] The Israeli government
Israeli government
uses the term Disputed Territories, to argue that some territories cannot be called occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and there was no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel
Israel
acquired them in June 1967.[186][187] The area is still referred to as Judea and Samaria, based on the historical regional names from ancient times. This is also the name used on the 1947 UN Partition Plan.[188] In 1980, Israel
Israel
annexed East Jerusalem.[189] Israel
Israel
has never annexed the West Bank, apart from East Jerusalem, or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations
United Nations
has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" – the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See Interpretations. It has been the position of Israel
Israel
that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank
West Bank
(without major Jewish settlements), as well as the entire Gaza Strip, must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State; however, the precise borders of this state are in question. At Camp David, for example, then-Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak offered Arafat an opportunity to establish a non-militarized Palestinian State. The proposed state would consist of 77% of the West Bank split into two or three areas, followed by: an increase of 86–91% of the West Bank
West Bank
after six to twenty-one years; autonomy, but not sovereignty for some of the Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem surrounded by Israeli territory; the entire Gaza Strip; and the dismantling of most settlements.[46] Arafat rejected the proposal without providing a counter-offer. A subsequent settlement proposed by President Clinton offered Palestinian sovereignty over 94 to 96 percent of the West Bank
West Bank
but was similarly rejected with 52 objections.[45][190][191][192][193] The Arab League
Arab League
has agreed to the principle of minor and mutually agreed land-swaps as part of a negotiated two state settlement based on June 1967 borders.[194] Official U.S. policy also reflects the ideal of using the 1967 borders as a basis for an eventual peace agreement.[195][196] Some Palestinians
Palestinians
claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel
Israel
says it is justified in not ceding all this land, because of security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion.[118] Palestinians
Palestinians
claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel
Israel
considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be. Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, have in the past insisted that Palestinians
Palestinians
must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel
Israel
proper. For this reason, Hamas has viewed the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable".[152] Israeli settlements
Israeli settlements
in the West Bank Main article: Israeli settlement

A neighbourhood in Ariel, home to the Ariel University

According to the Arizona
Arizona
Department of Emergency and Military Affairs (DEMA), "In the years following the Six-Day War, and especially in the 1990s during the peace process, Israel
Israel
re-established communities destroyed in 1929 and 1948 as well as established numerous new settlements in the West Bank."[197] These settlements are, as of 2009, home to about 301,000 people.[198] DEMA added, "Most of the settlements are in the western parts of the West Bank, while others are deep into Palestinian territory, overlooking Palestinian cities. These settlements have been the site of much inter-communal conflict."[197] The issue of Israeli settlements
Israeli settlements
in the West Bank
West Bank
and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip, have been described by the UK[199] and the WEU[200] as an obstacle to the peace process. The United Nations
United Nations
and the European Union
European Union
have also called the settlements "illegal under international law."[201][202] However, Israel
Israel
disputes this;[203] several scholars and commentators disagree with the assessment that settlements are illegal, citing in 2005 recent historical trends to back up their argument.[204][205] Those who justify the legality of the settlements use arguments based upon Articles 2 and 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council
Security Council
Resolution 242.[206] On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians
Palestinians
are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations. In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was enacted. All residents of Jewish settlements in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished.[207] Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel
Israel
retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as, the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims.[208][209] Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank
West Bank
land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression,[210] and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.[186][187] Former US President George W. Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel
Israel
to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines
1949 armistice lines
because of "new realities on the ground."[211] One of the main compromise plans put forth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel
Israel
to keep some settlements in the West Bank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre-1967 borders of Israel. In return, Palestinians
Palestinians
would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country.[208] The current US administration views a complete freeze of construction in settlements on the West Bank
West Bank
as a critical step toward peace. In May and June 2009, President Barack Obama said, "The United States
United States
does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements,"[212] and the Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, stated that the President "wants to see a stop to settlements—not some settlements, not outposts, not 'natural growth' exceptions."[213] However, Obama has since declared that the United States will no longer press Israel
Israel
to stop West Bank
West Bank
settlement construction as a precondition for continued peace-process negotiations with the Palestinian Authority.[214] Gaza blockade Main article: Blockade of the Gaza Strip

Israel's attack on Gaza in 2009

The Israeli government
Israeli government
states it is justified under international law to impose a blockade on an enemy for security reasons. The power to impose a naval blockade is established under customary international law and Laws of armed conflict, and a United Nations
United Nations
commission has ruled that Israel's blockade is "both legal and appropriate."[215][216] The Israeli Government's continued land, sea and air blockage is tantamount to collective punishment of the population, according to the United Nations
United Nations
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.[217] The Military Advocate General of Israel
Israel
has provided numerous reasonings for the policy:

"The State of Israel
Israel
has been engaged in an ongoing armed conflict with terrorist organizations operating in the Gaza strip. This armed conflict has intensified after Hamas
Hamas
violently took over Gaza, in June 2007, and turned the territory under its de facto control into a launching pad of mortar and rocket attacks against Israeli towns and villages in southern Israel."[218]

According to Oxfam, because of an import-export ban imposed on Gaza in 2007, 95% of Gaza's industrial operations were suspended. Out of 35,000 people employed by 3,900 factories in June 2005, only 1,750 people remained employed by 195 factories in June 2007.[219] By 2010, Gaza's unemployment rate had risen to 40% with 80% of the population living on less than 2 dollars a day.[220] In January 2008, the Israeli government
Israeli government
calculated how many calories per person were needed to prevent a humanitarian crisis in the Gaza strip, and then subtracted eight percent to adjust for the "culture and experience" of the Gazans. Details of the calculations were released following Israeli human rights organization Gisha's application to the high court. Israel's Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, who drafted the plan, stated that the scheme was never formally adopted, this was not accepted by Gisha.[221][222][223] Starting 7 February 2008, the Israeli Government reduced the electricity it sells directly to Gaza. This follows the ruling of Israel's High Court of Justice's decision, which held, with respect to the amount of industrial fuel supplied to Gaza, that, "The clarification that we made indicates that the supply of industrial diesel fuel to the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
in the winter months of last year was comparable to the amount that the Respondents now undertake to allow into the Gaza Strip. This fact also indicates that the amount is reasonable and sufficient to meet the vital humanitarian needs in the Gaza Strip." Palestinian militants killed two Israelis
Israelis
in the process of delivering fuel to the Nahal Oz
Nahal Oz
fuel depot.[224] With regard to Israel's plan, the Court stated that, "calls for a reduction of five percent of the power supply in three of the ten power lines that supply electricity from Israel
Israel
to the Gaza Strip, to a level of 13.5 megawatts in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third line, we [the Court] were convinced that this reduction does not breach the humanitarian obligations imposed on the State of Israel in the framework of the armed conflict being waged between it and the Hamas
Hamas
organization that controls the Gaza Strip. Our conclusion is based, in part, on the affidavit of the Respondents indicating that the relevant Palestinian officials stated that they can reduce the load in the event limitations are placed on the power lines, and that they had used this capability in the past."

Palestinian militants with rockets

On 20 June 2010, Israel's Security Cabinet approved a new system governing the blockade that would allow practically all non-military or dual-use items to enter the Gaza strip. According to a cabinet statement, Israel
Israel
would "expand the transfer of construction materials designated for projects that have been approved by the Palestinian Authority, including schools, health institutions, water, sanitation and more – as well as (projects) that are under international supervision."[225] Despite the easing of the land blockade, Israel will continue to inspect all goods bound for Gaza by sea at the port of Ashdod.[226] Prior to a Gaza visit, scheduled for April 2013, Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan explained to Turkish newspaper Hürriyet that the fulfilment of three conditions by Israel
Israel
was necessary for friendly relations to resume between Turkey
Turkey
and Israel: an apology for the May 2010 Gaza flotilla raid
Gaza flotilla raid
(Prime Minister Netanyahu had delivered an apology to Erdogan by telephone on 22 March 2013), the awarding of compensation to the families affected by the raid, and the lifting of the Gaza blockade by Israel. The Turkish prime minister also explained in the Hürriyet
Hürriyet
interview, in relation to the April 2013 Gaza visit, "We will monitor the situation to see if the promises are kept or not."[227] At the same time, Netanyahu affirmed that Israel
Israel
would only consider exploring the removal of the Gaza blockade if peace ("quiet") is achieved in the area.[228] Agriculture See also: Economy of the State of Palestine § Israeli–Palestinian relations Since the beginning of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the conflict has been about land.[229] When Israel
Israel
became a state after the war in 1948, 77% of Palestine's land was used for the creation on the state.[citation needed] The majority of those living in Palestine at the time became refugees in other countries and this first land crisis became the root of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[230] Because the root of the conflict is with land, the disputes between Israel
Israel
and Palestine are well-manifested in the agriculture of Palestine. In Palestine, agriculture is a mainstay in the economy. The production of agricultural goods supports the population's sustenance needs and fuels Palestine's export economy.[231] According to the Council for European Palestinian Relations, the agricultural sector formally employs 13.4% of the population and informally employs 90% of the population.[231] Over the past 10 years, unemployment rates in Palestine have increased and the agricultural sector became the most impoverished sector in Palestine. Unemployment rates peaked in 2008 when they reached 41% in Gaza.[232] Palestinian agriculture suffers from numerous problems including Israeli military and civilian attacks on farms and farmers, blockades to exportation of produce and importation of necessary inputs, widespread confiscation of land for nature reserves as well as military and settler use, confiscation and destruction of wells, and physical barriers within the West Bank.[233] The West Bank
West Bank
barrier

The barrier between Israel
Israel
and Palestine and an example of one of the Israeli-controlled checkpoints

With the construction of the separation barrier, the Israeli state promised free movement across regions. However, border closures, curfews, and checkpoints has significantly restricted Palestinian movement.[234] In 2012, there were 99 fixed check points and 310 flying checkpoints.[235] The border restrictions impacted the imports and exports in Palestine and weakened the industrial and agricultural sectors because of the constant Israeli control in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza.[236] In order for the Palestinian economy to be prosperous, the restrictions on Palestinian land must be removed.[233] According to The Guardian
The Guardian
and a report for World Bank, the Palestinian economy lost $3.4bn (%35 of the annual GDP) to Israeli restrictions in the West Bank alone.[237] Boycotts See also: Economy of the Palestinian territories
Economy of the Palestinian territories
and Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions In Gaza, the agricultural market suffers from economic boycotts and border closures and restrictions placed by Israel.[citation needed] The PA's Minister of Agriculture estimates that around US $1.2 billion were lost in September 2006 because of these security measures. There has also been an economic embargo initiated by the west on Hamas-led Palestine, which has decreased the amount of imports and exports from Palestine.[citation needed] This embargo was brought on by Hamas' refusal to recognize Israel's right to statehood. As a result, the PA's 160,000 employees have not received their salaries in over one year.[238] Actions toward stabilizing the conflict In response to a weakening trend in Palestinian violence and growing economic and security cooperation between Israel
Israel
and the Palestinian Authority, the Israeli military has removed over 120 check points in 2010 and plans on disengaging from major Palestinian population areas. According to the IDF, terrorist activity in the West Bank
West Bank
decreased by 97% compared to violence in 2002.[239] PA– Israel
Israel
efforts in the West Bank
West Bank
have "significantly increased investor confidence", and the Palestinian economy grew 6.8% in 2009.[240][241][242][243][244]

Bank of Palestine

Since the Second Intifada, Israel
Israel
has banned Jewish Israelis
Israelis
from entering Palestinian cities. However, Israeli Arabs are allowed to enter West Bank
West Bank
cities on weekends. The Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
has petitioned the Israeli military to allow Jewish tourists to visit West Bank
West Bank
cities as "part of an effort" to improve the Palestinian economy. Israeli general Avi Mizrahi
Avi Mizrahi
spoke with Palestinian security officers while touring malls and soccer fields in the West Bank. Mizrahi gave permission to allow Israeli tour guides into Bethlehem, a move intended to "contribute to the Palestinian and Israeli economies."[245] Mutual recognition Beginning in 1993 with the Oslo peace process, Israel
Israel
recognizes "the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people", though Israel does not recognize the State of Palestine.[246] In return, it was agreed that Palestinians
Palestinians
would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel
Israel
among their own people. Despite Yasser Arafat's official renunciation of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel
Israel
as a legitimate political entity.[19][247][unreliable source?] Palestinians
Palestinians
state that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. It is widely felt among Israelis
Israelis
that Palestinians
Palestinians
did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist.[248][249] One of Israel's major reservations in regards to recognizing Palestinian sovereignty is its concern that there is not genuine public support by Palestinians
Palestinians
for co-existence and elimination of militantism and incitement.[248][249][250] Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, the political party founded by PLO leaders, state they are willing to foster co-existence depending on the Palestinians
Palestinians
being steadily given more political rights and autonomy. President of Palestine, Mahmoud Abbas
Mahmoud Abbas
has in recent years refused to recognize Israel
Israel
as a Jewish state citing concerns for Israeli Arabs and a possible future right to return for Palestinian refugees, though Palestine continues to recognize Israel
Israel
as a state.[251][252] The leader of al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, which is Fatah's official military wing, has stated that any peace agreement must include the right of return of Palestinian refugees
Palestinian refugees
into lands now part of Israel, which some Israeli commenters view as "destroying the Jewish state".[253] In 2006, Hamas
Hamas
won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains the majority party. Hamas' charter openly states they seek Israel's destruction, though Hamas leaders have spoken of long-term truces with Israel
Israel
in exchange for an end to the occupation of Palestinian territory.[247][254] Government The Palestinian Authority
Palestinian Authority
is considered corrupt by a wide variety of sources, including some Palestinians.[255][256][257] Some Israelis argue that it provides tacit support for militants via its relationship with Hamas
Hamas
and other Islamic militant movements, and that therefore it is unsuitable for governing any putative Palestinian state or (especially according to the right wing of Israeli politics), even negotiating about the character of such a state.[118] Because of that, a number of organizations, including the previously ruling Likud party, declared they would not accept a Palestinian state based on the current PA. Societal attitudes Societal attitudes in both Israel
Israel
and Palestine are a source of concern to those promoting dispute resolution. According to a May 2011 poll carried out by the Palestinian Center For Public Opinion that asked Palestinians
Palestinians
from the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
and the West Bank
West Bank
including East Jerusalem, "which of the following means is the best to end the occupation and lead to the establishing of an independent Palestinian state", 5.0% supported "military operations", 25.0% supported non-violent popular resistance, 32.1% favored negotiations until an agreement could be reached, 23.1% preferred holding an international conference that would impose a solution on all parties, 12.4% supported seeking a solution through the United Nations, and 2.4% otherwise. Approximately three quarters of Palestinians
Palestinians
surveyed believed that a military escalation in the Gaza Strip would be in Israel's interest and 18.9% said it would be in Hamas's interest. Regarding the resumption of launching Al-Qassam missiles from Gaza into Israel, 42.5% said "strongly oppose", 27.1% "somewhat oppose", 16.0% "somewhat support", 13.8% "strongly support", and 0.2% expressed no opinion.[258] The Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs has expressed concerns that Hamas
Hamas
promote incitement against and overall non-acceptance of Israel, including promotion of violence against Israel.[248][249] Palestinian army The Israeli Cabinet issued a statement expressing that it does not wish the Palestinians
Palestinians
to build up an army capable of offensive operations, considering that the only party against which such an army could be turned in the near future is Israel
Israel
itself. However, Israel has already allowed for the creation of a Palestinian police that can conduct police operations and also carry out limited-scale warfare. Palestinians[vague] have argued that the Israel
Israel
Defense Forces, a large and modern armed force, poses a direct and pressing threat to the sovereignty of any future Palestinian state, making a defensive force for a Palestinian state a matter of necessity. To this, Israelis claim that signing a treaty while building an army is a show of bad intentions. Since 2006, the United States
United States
has been training, equipping, and funding the Palestinian Authority's security forces, which have been cooperating with Israel
Israel
at unprecedented levels in the West Bank
West Bank
to quell supporters of Hamas, the main Palestinian Islamist
Islamist
group that opposes direct negotiations with Israel.[162] The United States government has spent over 500 million building and training the Palestinian National Security Forces
Palestinian National Security Forces
and Presidential Guard.[162] The IDF maintains the US-trained forces will soon be capable of "overrunning small IDF outposts and isolated Israeli communities" in the event of a conflict.[259] Fatalities 1948–2011 See also: Israeli casualties of war
Israeli casualties of war
and Palestinian casualties of war

Bar chart showing Israeli and Palestinian deaths from September 2000 to July 2014

A variety of studies provide differing casualty data for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 13,000 Israelis
Israelis
and Palestinians
Palestinians
were killed in conflict with each other between 1948 and 1997.[260] Other estimations give 14,500 killed between 1948–2009.[260][261] Palestinian fatalities during the 1982 Lebanon War were 2,000 PLO combatants killed in armed conflict with Israel.[262]

This table may rely excessively on sources too closely associated with the subject, potentially preventing the article from being verifiable and neutral. Please help improve it by replacing them with more appropriate citations to reliable, independent, third-party sources. (May 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)

Civilian casualty figures for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
from B'tselem
B'tselem
and Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1987 and 2010[263][264] (numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18)

Year Deaths

Palestinians Israelis

2011 118 (13) 11 (5)

2010 81 (9) 8 (0)

2009 1034 (314) 9 (1)

2008 887 (128) 35 (4)

2007 385 (52) 13 (0)

2006 665 (140) 23 (1)

2005 190 (49) 51 (6)

2004 832 (181) 108 (8)

2003 588 (119) 185 (21)

2002 1032 (160) 419 (47)

2001 469 (80) 192 (36)

2000 282 (86) 41 (0)

1999 9 (0) 4 (0)

1998 28 (3) 12 (0)

1997 21 (5) 29 (3)

1996 74 (11) 75 (8)

1995 45 (5) 46 (0)

1994 152 (24) 74 (2)

1993 180 (41) 61 (0)

1992 138 (23) 34 (1)

1991 104 (27) 19 (0)

1990 145 (25) 22 (0)

1989 305 (83) 31 (1)

1988 310 (50) 12 (3)

1987 22 (5) 0 (0)

Total 7978 (1620) 1503 (142)

Note: Figures includes 1,593 Palestinian fatalities attributed to intra-Palestinian violence. Figures do not include the 600 Palestinians
Palestinians
killed by other Palestinians
Palestinians
in the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
since 2006.[174]

Demographic percentages for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict according to Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
from September 2000 until the end of July 2007.[265]

Belligerent Combatant Civilian Male Female Children Children Male Children Female

Palestinian 41% 59% 94% 6% 20% 87% 13%

Israeli 31% 69% 69% 31% 12% Not available Not available

Partial casualty figures for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
from the OCHAoPt[266] (numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18)

Year Deaths Injuries

Palestinians Israelis Palestinians Israelis

2008[267] 464 (87) 31 (4)

2007 396 (43) 13 (0) 1843 (265) 322 (3)

2006 678 (127) 25 (2) 3194 (470) 377 (7)

2005 216 (52) 48 (6) 1260 (129) 484 (4)

Total 1754 (309) 117 (12) 6297 (864) 1183 (14)

All numbers refer to casualties of direct conflict between Israelis and Palestinians
Palestinians
including in IDF military operations, artillery shelling, search and arrest campaigns, Barrier demonstrations, targeted killings, settler violence etc. The figures do not include events indirectly related to the conflict such as casualties from unexploded ordnance, etc., or events when the circumstances remain unclear or are in dispute. The figures include all reported casualties of all ages and both genders.[266] Figures include both Israeli civilians and security forces casualties in West Bank, Gaza and Israel. Criticism of casualty statistics As reported by the Israeli human rights group B'Tselem, since 29 September 2000 a total of 7,454 Palestinian and Israeli individuals were killed due to the conflict. According to the report, 1,317 of the 6,371 Palestinians
Palestinians
were minors, and at least 2,996 did not participate in fighting at time of death. Palestinians
Palestinians
killed 1,083 Israelis, including 741 civilians. 124 of those killed were minors.[268] The Israeli-based International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism criticized the methodology of Israeli and Palestinian rights groups, including B'tselem, and questioned their accuracy in classifying civilian/combatant ratios.[269][270][271] In a study published by Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, Elihu D. Richter and Dr. Yael Stein examined B'tselem
B'tselem
methods in calculating casualties during Operation Cast Lead. They argue that B'tselem's report contains "errors of omission, commission and classification bias which result in overestimates of the ratio of non-combatants to combatants."[272] Stein and Richter claim the high male/female ratios among Palestinians, including those in their mid-to-late teens, "suggests that the IDF classifications are combatant and non-combatant status are probably far more accurate than those of B’Tselem."[272] In a study on behalf of the International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism, Don Radlauer suggested that "almost all Palestinians
Palestinians
killed in this conflict have been male – and absent any other reasonable explanation for such a non-random pattern of fatalities – this suggests that large numbers of Palestinian men and teenaged boys made a choice to confront Israeli forces, even after many of their compatriots had been killed in such confrontations."[273] Land mine
Land mine
and explosive remnants of war casualties A comprehensive collection mechanism to gather land mine and explosive remnants of war (ERW) casualty data does not exist for the Palestinian territories.[274] In 2009, the United Nations
United Nations
Mine Action Centre reported that more than 2,500 mine and explosive remnants of war casualties occurred between 1967 and 1998, at least 794 casualties (127 killed, 654 injured and 13 unknown) occurred between 1999 and 2008 and that 12 people have been killed and 27 injured since the Gaza War.[274] The UN Mine Action Centre identified the main risks as coming from "ERW left behind by Israeli aerial and artillery weapon systems, or from militant caches targeted by the Israeli forces."[274] There are at least 15 confirmed minefields in the West Bank
West Bank
on the border with Jordan. The Palestinian National Security Forces
Palestinian National Security Forces
do not have maps or records of the minefields.[274] See also

Israel
Israel
portal Palestine portal

Bibliography of the Arab–Israeli conflict Children in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict History of the State of Palestine International law
International law
and the Arab–Israeli conflict Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions List of Middle East
Middle East
peace proposals List of modern conflicts in the Middle East OneVoice Movement Pan-Arabism Peace Now Seeds of Peace

Notes

^ Three factors made Israel's territorial offer less forthcoming than it initially appeared. First, the 91 percent land offer was based on the Israeli definition of the West Bank, but this differs by approximately 5 percentage points from the Palestinian definition. Palestinians
Palestinians
use a total area of 5,854 square kilometers. Israel, however, omits the area known as No Man's Land (50 km2 near Latrun), post-1967 East Jerusalem
Jerusalem
(71 km2), and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea (195 km2), which reduces the total to 5,538 km2. Thus, an Israeli offer of 91 percent (of 5,538 km2 of the West Bank
West Bank
translates into only 86 percent from the Palestinian perspective. Jeremy Pressman, International Security, vol 28, no. 2, Fall 2003, "Visions in Collision: What Happened at Camp David and Taba?". On [1]. See pp. 16–17

References

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Iran
Shipping Arm to Hamas
Hamas
and Hezbollah?". The Blaze. 9 April 2014.  ^ Pollack, Kenneth, M., Arabs at War: Military Effectiveness, University of Nebraska Press, (2002), pp. 93–94, 96. ^ Monty G. Marshall. Major Episodes of Political Violence 1946-2012. SystemicPeace.org. "Ethnic War with Arab Palestinians
Palestinians
/ PLO 1965-2013". Updated 12 June 2013 "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 21 January 2014. Retrieved 2013-11-14.  ^ a b "A History of Conflict: Introduction". A History of Conflict. BBC News.  ^ The Roots of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: 1882-1914 ^ Chris Rice Archived 6 February 2016 at the Wayback Machine., quoted in Munayer Salim J, Loden Lisa, Through My Enemy's Eyes: Envisioning Reconciliation in Israel-Palestine, quote: "The Palestinian-Israeli divide may be the most intractable conflict of our time." ^ Virginia Page Fortna Archived 31 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine., Peace Time: Cease-fire Agreements and the Durability of Peace, page 67, "Britain's contradictory promises to Arabs and Jews during World War I sowed the seeds of what would become the international community's most intractable conflict later in the century." ^ Avner Falk, Fratricide in the Holy Land: A Psychoanalytic View of the Arab–Israeli Conflict, Chapter 1, page 8, "Most experts agree that the Arab–Israeli conflict
Arab–Israeli conflict
is the most intractable conflict in our world, yet very few scholars have produced any psychological explanation—let alone a satisfactory one—of this conflict's intractability" ^ "Canadian Policy on Key Issues in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Government of Canada.  ^ "Movement and Access Restrictions in the West Bank: Uncertainty and Inefficiency in the Palestinian Economy" (PDF). World Bank. 9 May 2007. Retrieved 29 March 2010. Currently, freedom of movement and access for Palestinians
Palestinians
within the West Bank
West Bank
is the exception rather than the norm contrary to the commitments undertaken in a number of Agreements between GOI and the PA. In particular, both the Oslo Accords and the Road Map were based on the principle that normal Palestinian economic and social life would be unimpeded by restrictions  ^ Edward Wright, 'Tourism Curbed in Palestinians
Palestinians
Areas,' Los Angeles Times, 28 May 2000. ^ Yaar, Ephraim; Hermann, Tamar (11 December 2007). "Just another forgotten peace summit". Haaretz.  ^ Kurtzer, Daniel; Lasensky, Scott; Organization (2008). Negotiating Arab-Israeli Peace: American Leadership in the Middle East. United States Institute of Peace Press. p. 79. ISBN 9781601270306.  ^ Lev Luis Grinberg, Politics and Violence in Israel/Palestine: Democracy Versus Military Rule,, Routledge 2009 p.214 ^ a b Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab–Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005 ^ Yaar & Hermann 2007: "The source of the Jewish public's skepticism – and even pessimism – is apparently the widespread belief that a peace agreement based on the 'two states for two peoples' formula would not lead the Palestinians
Palestinians
to end their conflict with Israel." ^ CRS Report for Congress, 27 June 2006, U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians ^ Spangler, Eve (2015). Understanding Israel/Palestine Race, Nation, and Human Rights in the Conflict. Springer. pp. 161–162. ISBN 978-94-6300-088-8.  ^ a b c d e f g Sela 2002, pp. 58–121, "Arab- Israel
Israel
Conflict" ^ a b c d e "History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict" (PDF). PBS. December 2001. Retrieved 14 March 2013.  ^ Sela, Avraham, ed. (2002). "Palestine Arabs". The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. New York: Continuum. pp. 664–673. ISBN 9780826414137.  ^ Sela 2002, p. 361, "al-Husseini, Hajj (Muhammad) Amin"

"He [Husseini] incited and headed anti-Jewish riots in April 1920. ... He promoted the Muslim character of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
and ... injected a religious character into the struggle against Zionism. This was the backdrop to his agitation concerning Jewish rights at the Western (Wailing) Wall that led to the bloody riots of August 1929...[H]e was the chief organizer of the riots of 1936 and the rebellion from 1937, as well as of the mounting internal terror against Arab opponents."

^ Louis, William Roger (2006). Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization. I.B.Tauris. p. 391. ISBN 9781845113476.  ^ Morris, Benny (2009). One State, Two States: Resolving the Israel/Palestine Conflict. Yale University Press. p. 66. ISBN 0300156049.  ^ Morris, Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. p. 48. ISBN 9780521009676.  ^ "A/RES/181(II) of 29 November 1947". United Nations. Archived from the original on 24 May 2012. Retrieved 28 May 2013.  ^ a b c Baum, Noa. "Historical Time Line for Israel/Palestine." Archived 19 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine. UMass Amherst. 5 April 2005. 14 March 2013. ^ Morris, Benny (2008). 1948: a history of the first Arab-Israeli war. Yale University Press. p. 79.  ^ a b Levs, Josh (6 January 2009). "Is Gaza 'occupied' territory?". CNN. Retrieved 30 May 2009.  ^ "Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories: The conflict in Gaza: A briefing on applicable law, investigations and accountability". Amnesty International. 2009-01-19. Archived from the original on 12 May 2009. Retrieved 2009-06-05.  ^ "Human Rights Council Special
Special
Session on the Occupied Palestinian Territories" July 6, 2006; Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch
considers Gaza still occupied. ^ Steven Erlanger, Hamas
Hamas
Leader Faults Israeli Sanction Plan, New York Times, 18 February 2006 ^ Oren, Michael B. (2007). Power, Faith, and Fantasy: America in the Middle East, 1776 to the Present. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 607. ISBN 9780393058260.  ^ "Operation Cast Lead
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– Gaza Facts". Israel
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Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on 21 April 2013. Retrieved 19 March 2013.  ^ Bohn, Lauren E. "Hamas: Rockets will stop when Gaza borders are opened." USA Today. 19 November 2012. 14 March 2013. ^ "Abbas: No justification for Gaza rocket attacks". Jerusalem
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Hamas
and Violence." Bloomberg. 19 November 2012. 14 March 2012. ^ Malley, Robert and Hussein Agha. "Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors." The New York Review of Books. 9 August 2001. ^ de Jong, Jan and Philippe Rekacewicz. "Propositions israéliennes, de Camp David (2000) à Taba (2001)." Le Monde Diplomatique. September 2001. 22 April 2007. ^ Agha, Hussein and Robert Malley. "Camp David and After: An Exchange (2. A Reply to Ehud Barak)." The New York Review of Books. 13 June 2002. ^ Morris, Benny and Ehud Barak. "Camp David and After—Continued." The New York Review of Books. 27 June 2002. ^ a b Karsh, Efraim. Arafat's War: The Man and His Battle for Israeli Conquest. New York: Grove Press, 2003. p. 168. "Arafat rejected the proposal" (emphasis added). ^ Morris, Benny. "Camp David and After: An Exchange (1. An Interview with Ehud Barak)." The New York Review of Books. 13 June 2002. 1 June 2012.

"The proposals included the establishment of a demilitarized Palestinian state on some 92 percent of the West Bank
West Bank
and 100 percent of the Gaza Strip, with some territorial compensation for the Palestinians
Palestinians
from pre-1967 Israeli territory; the dismantling of most of the settlements and the concentration of the bulk of the settlers inside the 8 percent of the West Bank
West Bank
to be annexed by Israel; the establishment of the Palestinian capital in East Jerusalem, in which some Arab neighborhoods would become sovereign Palestinian territory and others would enjoy 'functional autonomy'; Palestinian sovereignty over half the Old City of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
(the Muslim and Christian quarters) and 'custodianship,' though not sovereignty, over the Temple Mount; a return of refugees to the prospective Palestinian state though with no 'right of return' to Israel
Israel
proper; and the organization by the international community of a massive aid program to facilitate the refugees' rehabilitation."

^ a b Robert Malley and Hussein Agha. "Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors". New York Review of Books. Retrieved 18 October 2014.  ^ a b Jeremy Pressman, International Security, vol 28, no. 2, Fall 2003, "Visions in Collision: What Happened at Camp David and Taba?". On [2]. See pp. 7, 15–19 ^ Ginosaur, Yossi. "The Camp David Summit—What Went Wrong?: Americans, Israelis, and ..." Google Books. 15 June 2012. "Another interesting point that I heard from [US Ambassador Martin] Indyk is that he was not at all surprised when Yasser Arafat
Yasser Arafat
rejected the proposals made at Camp David" (emphasis added). ^ Wright, Robert. "Was Arafat the Problem?" Slate. 18 April 2002. 12 June 2012. "One thing nearly all pundits seem to agree on is that Yasser Arafat's rejection of the land-for-peace offer made by Ehud Barak at Camp David in the summer of 2000 was indefensible" (emphasis added). ^ Bennet, James. "Clinton criticizes Arafat actions." Chicago Tribune. 21 January 2002. 14 January 2012. "'Chairman Arafat missed a golden opportunity,' [President Bill] Clinton said in a speech Sunday night, referring to Arafat's rejection of a peace proposal made at Camp David in 2000" (emphasis added). ^ Rubin, Barry M. and Judith Colp Rubin. "Chronologies of Modern Terrorism." Google Books. 15 June 2012. "Negotiations collapse when Arafat rejects the American-mediated Israeli offer of an independent state in all of the Gaza Strip
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and most of the West Bank
West Bank
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Keinon, Herb. "Critical EU paper draws fire from Israeli officials". The Jerusalem
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Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 17 December 2007. Scroll down to paragraph beginning, "This is neither ..." ^ "Abbas says there is 'no way' he'll recognize Israel
Israel
as Jewish state".  ^ Associated, The (11 May 1949). "Report: Abbas reiterates refusal to recognize Israel
Israel
as 'Jewish state'". Haaretz. Retrieved 2 January 2012.  ^ Klein, Aaron (4 October 2006). " Fatah
Fatah
member: Abbas recognition of Israel
Israel
political". YNet. Retrieved 24 September 2011.  ^ "Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah
Fatah
& Hamas." BBC News. 17 June 2007. ^ Sela 2002, pp. 673–679, "Palestinian Authority" ^ Bard. Will Israel
Israel
Survive? New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. ^ Massad, Joseph. "The (Anti-) Palestinian Authority." Archived 25 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine. Al Ahram Weekly. 15–21 June 2006. 8 May 2008. ^ "Poll No. 176". Palestinian Center For Public Opinion. 14 May 2011. Archived from the original on 27 October 2011. Retrieved 7 July 2011.  ^ Glick, Caroline B. "Column One: Israel's American-made foes." Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Post. 8 June 2010. ^ a b Twentieth Century Atlas – Death Tolls." RCN D.C. Metro. December 2005. ^ "All wars in the 20th century." The Polynational War Memorial. ^ White, Matthew. "WebCite query result." WebCite. 2005. ^ Data tabulated from "B'Tselem – Statistics – Fatalities in the first Intifada." B'Tselem. ^ "Fatal Terrorist Attacks in Israel
Israel
Since the DOP (Sept 1993)." Israel
Israel
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 24 September 2000. ^ "Israeli-Palestinian Fatalities Since 2000 – Key Trends." Archived 3 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine. United Nations
United Nations
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. August 2007. PDF. ^ a b "The Humanitarian Monitor." Archived 16 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine. United Nations
United Nations
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. December 2007. PDF. Tables on pages 5 and 7, all numbers refer to casualties of the direct conflict as defined therein (page 23). ^ Data tabulated from "B'Tselem – Statistics – Fatalities." Archived 2 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine. B'Tselem. Note that the data may change due to ongoing research, which produces new information about the events. ^ "B'Tselem: Since 2000, 7,454 Israelis, Palestinians
Palestinians
killed." Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Post. 27 September 2010. ^ Mor, Avi, et al. "Casualties in Operation Cast Lead: A closer look." Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya. 2009. PDF. ^ "Targeted Killings: Evaluating the Effectiveness of a Counterterrorism Poicy" (PDF). January 2005. Retrieved 9 August 2010.  ^ "B'Tselem: 773 of Palestinians
Palestinians
killed in Cast Lead
Cast Lead
were civilians." Ynetnews. 9 September 2009. ^ a b Richter, Elihu D. and Yael Stein. "Comments on B'Tselem's Civilian Casualty Estimates in Operation Cast Lead." Scholars for Peace in the Middle East. 13 September 2009. ^ Radlauer, Don. "An Engineered Tragedy: Statistical Analysis of Casualties in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict, September 2000-June 2002." International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism. 29 November 2002. Retrieved 8 March 2013. ^ a b c d "Country Overviews – Occupied Palestinian Territory". United Nations
United Nations
Mine Action Service. 2009. Archived from the original on 26 September 2010. Retrieved 2 February 2010. 

External links

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Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)

U.S. Attempts at Peace between Israel
Israel
and Palestine from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives GazaSderot : Life in spite of everything – a webdocumentary produced by arte.tv, in which daily video-chronicles (2 min. each) show the life of 5 people (men, women, children) in Gaza and Sderot, on both sides of the border. Global Politician – Middle-East Section Middle East
Middle East
Policy Council The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Aix Group – Joint Palestinian-Israeli-international economic working group. Crash Course World History 223: Conflict in Israel
Israel
and Palestine – Renowned author and YouTube educator John Green gives a brief history lesson (13 minutes) on the conflict. The Israeli–Palestinian Conflict—An overview of the conflict between Israel
Israel
and the Palestinians
Palestinians
from 1948 through the present day. From the History Guy Website. The Media Line – A non-profit news agency which provides credible, unbiased content, background and context from across the Middle East. Inter Press Service – Israel-Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War Independent coverage of the Middle East
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Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel
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A Timeline of Israeli-Palestinian history and the conflict A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict

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and Maps of "Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab–Israeli Conflict

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Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites

The Origin of the Palestine – Israel
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Conflict, Published by Jews
Jews
for Justice in the Middle East

Other sites:

Arabs and Israelis
Israelis
held hostage by a common enemy Salom Now! And METalks are two experimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. However, such popular, grassroots action is held hostage by some common enemies: despair, hatred, antipathy and distrust. (Jan 2007) Exchange of friendly fire Anat el-Hashahar, an Israeli and founder of METalks, debates the Arab–Israeli conflict
Arab–Israeli conflict
– from Oslo to Lebanon – with Khaled Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer. Website with information (articles, reports, maps, books, links, etc.) on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Map of Palestinian Refugee Camps 1993 (UNRWA/C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Israel
Israel
2008 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Israeli Settlements in the West Bank
West Bank
Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Israeli Settlements in the Gaza Strip
Gaza Strip
Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Mar. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Map of Jericho and Vicinity Jan. 1994 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) Pew Global Research – worldwide public opinion Policy publications on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at the Berman Jewish Policy Archive

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Israeli–Palestinian conflict

Participants

Israel

Israel
Israel
Defense Forces Israel
Israel
Police Mossad Shabak (Shin Bet)

Palestinians

Principals

All-Palestine Protectorate Palestine Liberation Organization
Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) Fatah Hamas Palestinian National Authority

Other groups

al-Aqsa Brigades DFLP PLF PIJ PPSF PFLP PFLP-GC PRC

Third-party groups

Arab League Hezbollah

Individuals

Israelis

Moshe Arens Ami Ayalon Ehud Barak Menachem Begin Meir Dagan Moshe Dayan Avi Dichter Yuval Diskin David Ben-Gurion Efraim Halevy Dan Halutz Tzipi Livni Golda Meir Shaul Mofaz Yitzhak Mordechai Benjamin Netanyahu Ehud Olmert Shimon Peres Yaakov Peri Yitzhak Rabin Amnon Lipkin-Shahak Yitzhak Shamir Ariel Sharon Shabtai Shavit Moshe Ya'alon Danny Yatom Zvi Zamir

Palestinians

Abu Abbas Mahmoud Abbas Moussa Arafat Yasser Arafat Yahya Ayyash Marwan Barghouti Mohammed Dahlan Mohammed Deif George Habash Wadie Haddad Ismail Haniyeh Nayef Hawatmeh Amin al-Husayni Ghazi Jabali Ahmed Jibril Abu Jihad Salah Khalaf Leila Khaled Sheikh Khalil Khaled Mashal Zuheir Mohsen Abu Ali Mustafa Abu Nidal Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Jibril Rajoub Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi Ali Hassan Salameh Salah Shehade Ramadan Shalah Fathi Shaqaqi Ahlam Tamimi Ahmed Yassin

Timeline

Background

1920–1948

1920

Nebi Musa riots Battle of Tel Hai

1921  Jaffa
Jaffa
riots 1929 Palestine riots

Hebron
Hebron
massacre Safed massacre

1936–39 Arab revolt 1944–47 Jewish insurgency 1947–48 Civil War

 

1948–1970

1948 Arab–Israeli War

massacres

1948–present Fedayeen insurgency

1951–1967 Attacks against Israeli civilians 1950s–1960s IDF reprisal operations

1953 Qibya massacre 1956 Kafr Qasim / Khan Yunis / Rafah massacres 1967 Six-Day War 1967–70 War of Attrition

1968 Battle of Karameh

Palestinian insurgency

1968–1982

1970 Avivim school bus massacre 1972 Sabena Flight 571 / Munich massacre / Operation "Wrath of God" (1973 Lillehammer affair) 1974 Kiryat Shmona massacre / Ma'alot massacre 1975 Savoy Hotel attack 1976 Operation "Entebbe" 1978 Coastal Road massacre / South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict 1980 Misgav Am hostage crisis

 

1973–1987

1973 Yom Kippur War 1975 Zion Square bombing 1982  Lebanon
Lebanon
War

Siege of Beirut

1984 Bus 300 affair 1985 Achille Lauro hijacking / Operation "Wooden Leg" 1987 Night of the Gliders

First Intifada

1987–1991

1988 Tunis Raid 1989 Bus 405 attack 1990  Temple Mount
Temple Mount
riots 1990s Palestinian suicide attacks 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre

Second Intifada

2000–2005

Palestinian rocket attacks

list

Palestinian suicide attacks Israeli assassinations 2000 October events 2001 Santorini 2002 Karine A / Operation "Defensive Shield" / Battle of Jenin / Battle of Nablus / Operation "Determined Path" 2003 Abu Hasan / Ain es Saheb airstrike 2004 Operation "Rainbow" / Beit Hanoun raid / Operation "Days of Penitence"

 

2006–present

2006 Operation "Bringing Home the Goods" 2008 Mercaz HaRav / Jerusalem
Jerusalem
bulldozer attack 2009  Temple Mount
Temple Mount
riots 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign 2015  Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
(2015–2016) 2017  Temple Mount
Temple Mount
crisis

Gaza–Israel conflict

2006–present

2006 Gaza beach explosion / Gaza cross-border raid / Operation "Summer Rains" / Operation "Autumn Clouds" / Beit Hanoun shelling 2008 Gaza– Egypt
Egypt
border breach / Operation "Hot Winter" 2008–09 Gaza War 2010 Gaza flotilla raid 2012 Operation "Returning Echo" / Operation "Pillar of Defense" 2014 Operation "Protective Edge" 2015 Freedom Flotilla III 2018 Land Day incidents

Diplomacy

Timeline

1948–1991

1948 Palestinian exodus

depopulated Arab settlements

1949 Lausanne Conference 1967–present Israeli settlement

settler violence international law

1990s

1991 Madrid Conference 1993/95 Oslo Accords 1994  Protocol on Economic Relations (Paris Protocol) 1994 Gaza–Jericho Agreement 1994–present US security assistance to PNA 1997  Hebron
Hebron
Agreement 1998 Wye River Memorandum 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum

2000s

2000 Camp David Summit / Clinton Parameters 2001 Taba Summit 2002 Quartet established 2003 Road Map 2005 Israeli disengagement from Gaza 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access 2006 Valley of Peace initiative 2007 Annapolis Conference 2009 Aftonbladet Israel
Israel
controversy

2010s

2010–11 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks 2011 Palestine Papers 2013–14 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks

United Nations

1947 UN Resolution 181 1948 UN Resolution 194 1967 UN Resolution 242

Links to related articles

v t e

Ongoing armed conflicts

Africa

ADF insurgency Batwa-Luba clashes Boko Haram insurgency Burundian unrest Central African Republic Civil War Communal conflicts in Nigeria
Communal conflicts in Nigeria
(Herder–farmer conflicts in Nigeria) Conflict in the Niger Delta Eritrean–Ethiopian border conflict

Second Afar insurgency

Ethnic violence in South Sudan

South Sudanese Civil War

Insurgency in Egypt Insurgency in the Maghreb ISIL insurgency in Tunisia Islamist
Islamist
insurgency in Mozambique Ituri conflict Kamwina Nsapu rebellion‎ Katanga insurgency Kivu conflict Libyan Crisis

Second Civil War

Lord's Resistance Army insurgency Northern Mali conflict Ogaden insurgency Oromo-Somali clashes RENAMO insurgency Sinai insurgency Somali Civil War

War in Somalia

Sudanese conflict in South Kordofan and Blue Nile Sudanese nomadic conflicts War in Darfur

Americas

Colombian conflict EPP insurgency Mexican Drug War Peruvian internal conflict Mapuche conflict

East and South Asia

Balochistan conflict

Sistan and Baluchestan insurgency

Insurgency in Laos Insurgency in Northeast India

Assam Meghalaya Manipur Nagaland

Insurgency in the Philippines

CPP–NPA–NDF Moro

Internal conflict in Bangladesh Internal conflict in Myanmar

Kachin Karen Rohingya

Kashmir conflict Naxalite–Maoist insurgency Papua conflict Sectarianism in Pakistan South Thailand insurgency War in Afghanistan

2001–present

War in North-West Pakistan Xinjiang conflict

Europe

Insurgency in the North Caucasus War in Donbass Islamic terrorism in Europe

West Asia

Arab separatism in Khuzestan Iraqi Civil War (2014–present) Israeli–Palestinian conflict Kurdish separatism in Iran

West Iran
Iran
clashes

Kurdish–Turkish conflict

2015–present

Lebanese conflict Nagorno-Karabakh conflict Qatif conflict

2017 Qatif unrest

Syrian Civil War Yemeni Crisis

civil war

in World maps

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Arab–Israeli conflict

v t e

Countries Authorities Organizations

Primary countries and authorities

All-Palestine Egypt Hamas
Hamas
Gaza Iraq Kuwait Israel Jordan Lebanon Pakistan Palestinian National Authority Saudi Arabia Syria

Organizations

Active

Abu Nidal
Abu Nidal
Organization Amal al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades Syrian Social Nationalist Party Arab League Arab Liberation Front Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine Fatah Guardians of the Cedars Hamas Hezbollah Jaish al-Islam Kataeb Lebanese Forces al-Mourabitoun Muslim Brotherhood Palestinian Islamic Jihad Palestine Liberation Front Palestine Liberation Organization Palestinian Popular Struggle Front Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine
– General Command Popular Resistance Committees as-Sa'iqa

Inactive or former

Arab Higher Committee Arab Liberation Army Black Hand Black September Haganah Holy War Army Irgun
Irgun
(Etzel) Japanese Red Army Lehi Palmach Revolutionary Cells South Lebanon
Lebanon
Army

Other countries

Algeria China Cuba France Iran Kuwait Libya Morocco North Korea Norway Pakistan Russia Sudan Tunisia Turkey Uganda United Arab Emirates United Kingdom United States Venezuela Yemen

Transnational

European Union United Nations

Former states

Mandatory Palestine Soviet Union United Arab Republic

v t e

Armed engagements

Background

1920 Battle of Tel Hai 1936–39 Arab revolt 1944 Operation ATLAS 1947–48 Civil War in Mandatory Palestine

1948–1950s

1948–49 Arab–Israeli War 1950s  Palestinian Fedayeen
Palestinian Fedayeen
attacks (Reprisal operations) 1956 Suez Crisis

1960s

1966 Operation Shredder 1967 Six-Day War 1967–70 War of Attrition

1968 Battle of Karameh

Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon

1968 Operation Gift

1970s–1980

1973 Yom Kippur War

Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon

1972 Operation Isotope / Lod Airport massacre / Munich Olympics massacre 1972–79  Operation Wrath of God (Airstrike, Spring of Youth) 1973 Libyan Arab Airlines Flight 114 1974 Ma'alot massacre 1975 Savoy Operation 1976 Operation Entebbe 1978 Coastal Road massacre / Operation Litani 1980 Misgav Am hostage crisis

1980s

1981 Operation Opera 1982  Lebanon
Lebanon
War 1982–2000 South Lebanon
Lebanon
conflict 1984 Bus 300 affair 1985 Operation Wooden Leg 1987–93 First Intifada

1988 Mothers' Bus rescue / Tunis raid

1990s

1992 Operation Bramble Bush 1993–2008 Palestinian suicide attacks 1993 Operation Accountability 1996 Operation Grapes of Wrath

2000s

2000–05 Al-Aqsa Intifada (Second Intifada) 2000–06 Shebaa Farms conflict 2001–present Rocket and mortar attacks on southern Israel 2003 Ain es Saheb airstrike 2006 Operation Bringing Home the Goods / Operation Summer Rains / Operation Autumn Clouds / Lebanon
Lebanon
War 2006–present Gaza– Israel
Israel
conflict

2007–08 Operation Hot Winter 2008–09 Gaza War

2007–present Lebanese rocket attacks

2010s

2010 Adaisseh skirmish / Palestinian militancy campaign Gaza– Israel
Israel
conflict

2011 Southern Israel
Israel
cross-border attacks 2012 Operation Returning Echo / Operation Pillar of Defense 2014 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict 2015  Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
(2015–2016)

v t e

Diplomacy and peace proposals

To 1948

1914 Damascus Protocol 1915 McMahon–Hussein Correspondence 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement 1917 Balfour Declaration 1918 Declaration to the Seven / Anglo-French Declaration 1919 Faisal–Weizmann Agreement 1920 San Remo conference 1922 Churchill White Paper 1937 Peel Commission 1939 White Paper 1947 UN Partition Plan 1948 American trusteeship proposal

1948–91

1948  UN General Assembly
UN General Assembly
(UNGA) Resolution 194 1949 Armistice agreements / Lausanne Conference 1950  Tripartite Declaration 1964 Palestinian National Covenant 1967 Khartoum Resolution / UN Security Council
Security Council
(UNSC) Resolution 242 1973 UNSC Resolution 338 / UNSC Resolution 339 1974 Israel– Syria
Syria
disengagement agreement / UNSC Resolution 350 1978 UNSC Resolution 425 / Camp David Accords 1979 UNSC Resolution 446 / Egypt– Israel
Israel
Peace Treaty / UNSC Resolution 452 1980 UNSC Resolution 478 1981 UNSC Resolution 497 1983 Israel– Lebanon
Lebanon
agreement

1991–present

1991 Madrid Conference 1993 Oslo Accords 1994 Gaza–Jericho Agreement / Israel– Jordan
Jordan
peace treaty 1995 Beilin-Abu Mazen agreement 1998 Wye River Memorandum 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum 2000 Camp David Summit / Clinton Parameters 2001 Taba Summit 2002  Beirut Summit and peace initiative / Road map 2003 Geneva Initiative 2004 UNSC Resolution 1559 / UNSC Resolution 1566 2005 UNSC Resolution 1583 / Sharm el-Sheikh Summit / Israeli disengagement from Gaza / Agreement on Movement and Access 2006 UNSC Resolution 1701 2007 Annapolis Conference 2010 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks 2013 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks

v t e

Zionism
Zionism
and the Land of Israel

Historic region of Israel Independent Israel Modern Israel

History

Prehistory / History of the Levant History of ancient Israel
Israel
and Judah Laws and customs of the Land of Israel
Israel
in Judaism

The Jewish people

Timeline of Jewish history History of the Jews
Jews
and Judaism in the Land of Israel
Israel
(leaders) Modern Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel

History of Israel Israeli Jews Culture of Israel Law of Return

History to 1948

Zionism
Zionism
(history · timeline) Aliyah Theodor Herzl Balfour Declaration

History

UN Partition Plan Declaration of Independence

Politics

Arab–Israeli conflict · Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict
(Peace process · Disengagement from Gaza Society and economy

Kibbutzim and Moshavim · Exodus from Arab countries · Development towns · Austerity · Agriculture technology

Green Line

Israeli settlements Timeline International law

West Bank Judea and Samaria
Judea and Samaria
Area

Gaza Strip Geography Hof Aza Regional Council

East Jerusalem Positions on Jerusalem

v t e

Palestinian nationalism
Palestinian nationalism
and the region of Palestine

Palestine (British Mandate borders) State of Palestine Palestinian National Authority

Name Timeline of the name "Palestine"

History Time periods Demographics Israeli–Palestinian conflict

Palestinians Culture

Refugees Diaspora

Right of return

Political status History Palestine Liberation Organization Green Line

Palestinian territories

West Bank

History Geography

Gaza Strip

History Geography

East Jerusalem Positions on Jerusalem Jerusalem
Jerusalem
Governorate

Oslo Accords Interim Agreement ("Oslo 2")

Politics Cities (PNA–administered) Electoral districts Foreign relations Governorates Law Legislative Council

Political parties

Fatah Hamas

v t e

Foreign relations of Israel

Africa

Algeria Angola Botswana Cameroon Egypt Eritrea Ethiopia Ghana Guinea Kenya Malawi Mauritania Namibia Niger Nigeria Sierra Leone South Africa South Sudan Sudan Tunisia Uganda Zimbabwe

Americas

Argentina Brazil Canada Chile Colombia Cuba Haiti Mexico Paraguay Peru United States

military

Uruguay Venezuela

Asia

Afghanistan Armenia Azerbaijan Bahrain Bangladesh Cambodia China

Hong Kong

Cyprus East Timor Georgia India Indonesia Iran Iraq

Iraqi Kurdistan

Japan Jordan Kazakhstan Kuwait Lebanon Malaysia Maldives Myanmar Nepal North Korea Oman Pakistan Palestine Philippines Qatar Saudi Arabia Singapore South Korea Sri Lanka Syria Thailand Turkey United Arab Emirates Vietnam Yemen

Europe

Albania Austria Belarus Belgium Croatia Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany

East Germany

Greece Holy See Iceland Ireland Italy Kosovo Lithuania Macedonia Netherlands Norway Poland Romania Russia Serbia Spain Sweden Switzerland Ukraine United Kingdom

Oceania

Australia Fiji Marshall Islands Micronesia Nauru New Zealand Palau Papua New Guinea

Multilateral

United Nations European Union Arab–Israeli conflict

Arab League Soviet Union Peace with Egypt / Jordan / Palestine

Iran– Israel
Israel
proxy conflict

Russia

Missions

Diplomatic missions of / in Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs International recognition

Legitimacy / Right to exist

Category

v t e

Foreign relations of the State of Palestine

Africa

Algeria Burkina Faso Egypt South Africa

Americas

Brazil Chile Honduras Mexico United States Uruguay Venezuela

Asia

China India Indonesia Iran Iraq
Iraq
(Iraqi Kurdistan) Israel Malaysia North Korea Pakistan United Arab Emirates Vietnam

Europe

Albania Denmark Iceland Romania Russia Serbia Turkey United Kingdom Vatican City

Disputes

Israeli–Palestinian conflict Palestinian political violence

Fatah– Hamas
Hamas
conflict

International organizations

Arab League European Union Non-Aligned Movement United Nations

Related topics

Foreign Affairs Minister Diplomatic missions of / in Palestine Recognition of statehood Legal status Palestine 194 Pa

.