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Imperial State of Iran

Regency Council[a] Resurgence Party Imperial Iranian Army[b] Imperial Guard SAVAK Shahrbani Gendarmerie

Revolution
Revolution
Council Interim Government

Opposition groups:

Confederation of Iranian Students Islamic Association of Students Combatant Clergy Association Islamic Coalition Societies Fedayeen of Islam Islamist Guerrillas Movement of Militant Muslims JAMA National Front Freedom Movement Nation Party Tudeh Party People's Mujahedin Union of Communist Militants Peykar People's Fedai Guerrillas

Lead figures

Shah
Shah
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi

Prime Ministers:

Jamshid Amouzegar Jafar Sharif-Emami Gholam-Reza Azhari Shapour Bakhtiar

Directors of SAVAK:

Nematollah Nassiri  Nasser Moghadam 

Military Commanders:

Gholam-Reza Azhari Abbas Gharabaghi Gholam Ali Oveisi

Ruhollah Khomeini

Mehdi Bazargan
Mehdi Bazargan
PM of Interim Government Morteza Motahari
Morteza Motahari
Head of Revolutionary Council

Casualties

2,781 killed in demonstrations during 1978–79[1][2]

^ Regency Council was practically dissolved on 22 January 1979, when its head resigned to meet Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini. ^ Imperial Iranian Army
Imperial Iranian Army
revoked their allegiance to the throne and declared neutrality on 11 February 1979.

Play media

Pro-government demonstration in Amjadieh stadium, 23 January 1979.

Part of a series on the

History of the Iranian Revolution

Topics

Timeline Background Consolidation Casualties Ideology Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists

Revolutionary leaders

Mohammad Javad Bahonar Abulhassan Banisadr Mehdi Bazargan Mohammad Beheshti Mostafa Chamran Sadegh Ghotbzadeh Hassan Habibi Hashemi Rafsanjani Ali Khamenei Ahmad Khomeini Ruhollah Khomeini Mahdavi Kani Hussein-Ali Montazeri Morteza Motahhari Mousavi Ardabili Mohammad Ali Rajai Ezzatollah Sahabi Yadollah Sahabi Ali Shariati Mahmoud Taleghani Ebrahim Yazdi

Parties and organizations

CCA Guerrilla
Guerrilla
groups Freedom Movement Fedai Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
Party MIRO Student Followers of the Imam's Line OIPFG MKO Tudeh

Official institutions

The Interim Government Islamic republic Sepah Basij Assembly of Experts
Assembly of Experts
for Constitution

Events

Movement of 15 Khordad Black Friday Ruhollah Khomeini's return
Khomeini's return
to Iran Hostage crisis Cultural Revolution

See also

Human rights in Iran

v t e

The Iranian Revolution
Revolution
(Persian: انقلاب ایران‎, translit. Enqelāb-e Iran; also known as the Islamic Revolution or the 1979
1979
Revolution)[3][4][5][6][7][8] refers to events involving the overthrow of the Pahlavi dynasty
Pahlavi dynasty
under Mohammad Reza Shah
Shah
Pahlavi, who was supported by the United States,[9] and eventual replacement of 2,500 years of continuous Persian monarchy with an Islamic Republic under the Grand Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the revolution, supported by a wide range of people including various Islamist and leftist organizations[10] and student movements. Demonstrations against the Shah
Shah
commenced in October 1977, developing into a campaign of civil resistance that included both secular and religious elements[11][12][13] and which intensified in January 1978.[14] Between August and December 1978, strikes and demonstrations paralyzed the country. The Shah
Shah
left Iran
Iran
for exile on 16 January 1979, as the last Persian monarch, leaving his duties to a regency council and Shapour Bakhtiar
Shapour Bakhtiar
who was an opposition-based prime minister. Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
was invited back to Iran
Iran
by the government,[15][16] and returned to Tehran
Tehran
to a greeting by several million Iranians.[17] The royal reign collapsed shortly after on 11 February when guerrillas and rebel troops overwhelmed troops loyal to the Shah
Shah
in armed street fighting, bringing Khomeini
Khomeini
to official power.[18][19] Iran
Iran
voted by national referendum to become an Islamic Republic
Republic
on 1 April 1979,[20] and to approve a new theocratic-republican constitution[11][12][21][22] whereby Khomeini became Supreme Leader of the country in December 1979. The revolution was unusual for the surprise it created throughout the world:[23] it lacked many of the customary causes of revolution (defeat at war, a financial crisis, peasant rebellion, or disgruntled military),[24] occurred in a nation that was experiencing relative prosperity,[15][22] produced profound change at great speed,[25] was massively popular, resulted in the exile of many Iranians,[26] and replaced a pro-Western authoritarian monarchy[15] with an anti-Western authoritarian theocracy[15][21][22][Note 1][28] based on the concept of Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists (or velayat-e faqih). It was a relatively non-violent revolution, and it helped to redefine the meaning and practice of modern revolutions (although there was violence in its aftermath).[29]

Contents

1 Background 2 Historical background

2.1 Tobacco Protest 2.2 Persian Constitutional Revolution 2.3 Reza Shah 2.4 Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh
and The Anglo Iranian Oil Company (today BP) 2.5 1953 Iranian coup d'état 2.6 White Revolution 2.7 Rise of Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Khomeini

2.7.1 Ideology of the Iranian Revolution 2.7.2 Opposition groups and organizations

2.8 1970–1977

3 Revolution

3.1 Outbreak

3.1.1 Beginning of protests 3.1.2 Consolidation of the opposition

3.1.2.1 Government reaction

3.1.3 Early summer

3.2 Renewed protests

3.2.1 Cinema Rex
Cinema Rex
fire 3.2.2 Appointment of Jafar Sharif-Emami as prime minister 3.2.3 Declaration of martial law and Black Friday

3.2.3.1 Reactions to Black Friday

3.3 General
General
strike, increasing opposition, and military government

3.3.1 Nationwide strikes 3.3.2 Khomeini
Khomeini
moves to the West 3.3.3 Continued conflict 3.3.4 Appointment of a military government

3.4 Muharram
Muharram
protests

3.4.1 Tasu'a
Tasu'a
and Ashura marches

3.5 The Shah's exile and Khomeini's return

3.5.1 Demoralization of the Army 3.5.2 American and Internal Negotiations with the opposition 3.5.3 The Shah
Shah
leaves 3.5.4 Bakhtiar's premiership and Khomeini's return

3.6 Armed battles and collapse of the monarchy 3.7 Women's Role

3.7.1 Khomeini's Rhetoric on Women's Participation 3.7.2 Variation within Women's Participation 3.7.3 Academic Literature on Women's Participation

3.8 Casualties 3.9 Songs of Iranian Revolution

4 Aftermath

4.1 Consolidation of power by Khomeini

4.1.1 Conflicts among revolutionaries 4.1.2 Organizations of the revolution 4.1.3 1979
1979
uprisings 4.1.4 Establishment of Islamic republic
Islamic republic
government

4.1.4.1 Referendum of 12 Farvardin 4.1.4.2 Writing of the constitution

4.1.5 Hostage crisis 4.1.6 Suppression of opposition

4.1.6.1 Newspaper closings 4.1.6.2 Muslim People's Republican Party 4.1.6.3 Islamist left

4.2 Impact

4.2.1 International

4.2.1.1 Persian Gulf and the Iran– Iraq
Iraq
War 4.2.1.2 Western/U.S.–Iranian relations 4.2.1.3 Other countries

4.2.2 Domestic

4.2.2.1 Human development 4.2.2.2 Politics and government 4.2.2.3 Women 4.2.2.4 Economy

5 Islamic political culture 6 Gallery 7 See also 8 References

8.1 Notes 8.2 Citations 8.3 Bibliography

9 Further reading 10 External links

Background[edit] Main article: Background and causes of the Iranian Revolution Reasons advanced for the occurrence of the revolution and its populist, nationalist and, later, Shi'a
Shi'a
Islamic character include a conservative backlash against the Westernizing and secularizing efforts of the Western-backed Shah,[30] a rise in expectations created by the 1973 oil revenue windfall and an overly ambitious economic program, anger over a short, sharp economic contraction in 1977–78,[Note 2] and other shortcomings of the previous regime. The Shah's regime became increasingly oppressive, brutal,[35][36] corrupt, and extravagant.[35][37] It also suffered from basic functional failures that brought economic bottlenecks, shortages, and inflation.[38] The Shah
Shah
was perceived by many as beholden to – if not a puppet of – a non-Muslim Western power (the United States)[39][40] whose culture was affecting that of Iran. At the same time, support for the Shah
Shah
may have waned among Western politicians and media – especially under the administration of U.S. President Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
– as a result of the Shah's support for OPEC petroleum price increases earlier in the decade.[41] When President Carter enacted a human-rights policy which said countries guilty of human-rights violations would be deprived of American arms or aid, this helped give some Iranians the courage to post open letters and petitions in the hope that the repression by the government might subside.[42] The revolution that replaced the monarchy of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi with Islamism
Islamism
and Khomeini
Khomeini
rather than with another leader and ideology, is credited in part to the spread of the Shia version of the Islamic revival
Islamic revival
that opposed Westernization
Westernization
and saw Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Khomeini as following in the footsteps of the Shi'a
Shi'a
Imam Husayn ibn Ali
Husayn ibn Ali
and the Shah
Shah
in the role of Husayn's foe, the hated tyrant Yazid I.[43] Other factors include the underestimation of Khomeini's Islamist movement by both the Shah's reign – who considered them a minor threat compared to the Marxists and Islamic socialists[44][45][46] – and by the secularist, opponents of the government – who thought the Khomeinists could be sidelined.[47] Historical background[edit] Tobacco Protest[edit] Main article: Tobacco Protest The Shi'a
Shi'a
clergy (Ulema) had a significant influence on Iranian society. The clergy first showed itself to be a powerful political force in opposition to the monarchy with the 1891 Tobacco Protest. On 20 March 1890, Nasir al-Din Shah
Shah
granted a concession to Major G. F. Talbot for a full monopoly over the production, sale, and export of tobacco for fifty years.[48] At the time the Persian tobacco industry employed over 200,000 people and therefore the concession represented a major blow to Persian farmers and bazaaris whose livelihoods were largely dependent on the lucrative tobacco business.[49] The boycotts and protests against it were widespread and extensive because of Mirza Hasan Shirazi's fatwa (judicial decree).[50] Finally Nasir al-Din Shah found himself powerless to stop the popular movement and cancelled the concession.[51] The Tobacco Protest
Tobacco Protest
was the first significant Iranian resistance against the Shah
Shah
and foreign interests, and revealed the power of the people and the Ulema
Ulema
influence among them.[48]

Mohammad Reza Shah
Shah
Pahlavi. Press conference on international oil policies. Niavaran Palace, Tehran, 1971.

Persian Constitutional Revolution[edit] Main article: Persian Constitutional Revolution The growing discontent continued until the Constitutional Revolution (1905-1911). The revolution led to the establishment of a Parliament and approval of the first constitution. Although the constitutional revolution was successful in weakening the autocracy of the Qajar regime, it failed to provide a powerful alternative government. Consequently, within the decades following the establishment of the new parliament, a number of critical events took place. Many of these events can be viewed as a continuation of the struggle between the constitutionalists and the Shahs of Persia, many of whom were backed by foreign powers against the parliament. Reza Shah[edit] Main article: Rezā Shāh Insecurity and chaos created after the Constitutional Revolution
Revolution
led to the rise of General
General
Reza Khan, the commander of the elite Persian Cossack Brigade who seized power in a coup d'état in February 1921. He established a constitutional monarchy, deposing the last of the Qajar shah in 1925 and introduced many social, economic, and political reforms during his reign. A number of these reforms led to public discontent which provides circumstances for an Iranian revolution. Mohammad Reza Shah
Shah
Pahlavi's father, Reza Shah, replaced Islamic laws with Western ones, which forbade traditional Islamic clothing, separation of the sexes and veiling of women's faces with the niqab.[52] Police forcibly removed and tore chadors off women who resisted his ban on the public hijab. In 1935, dozens were killed and hundreds injured in the Goharshad Mosque rebellion.[53][54][55] On the other hand, in the early rise of Reza Shah, Abdul-Karim Ha'eri Yazdi founded the Qom Seminary
Qom Seminary
and created important changes in seminaries. However, he would avoid entering into political issues, as did other religious leaders who followed him. Hence, no widespread anti-government attempts were organized by clergy during the Reza Shah Rule. However, the future Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
was a student of Sheikh Abdul Karim Ha’eri.[56] Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh
and The Anglo Iranian Oil Company (today BP)[edit] Main articles: Mohammad Mosaddegh
Mohammad Mosaddegh
and Anglo-Persian Oil Company From 1901 on, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company
Anglo-Persian Oil Company
(renamed the Anglo-Iranian oil company in 1931) - a British oil company - enjoyed the monopoly on sale and production of Iranian oil. It was the most profitable British business in the world. Most Iranians lived in poverty while the wealth generated from Iranian oil played a decisive role in maintaining Britain at the top of the world. In 1951 Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh
Mohammad Mosaddegh
pledged to throw the company out of Iran, reclaim the petroleum reserves and free Iran
Iran
from foreign powers. Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh
nationalized the Anglo-Iranian oil company and became a national hero. The British, however, were outraged and accused him of stealing. The British demanded punishment by the World Court and the United Nations, sent warships to the Persian Gulf and finally imposed a crushing embargo. Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh
was unmoved by Britain's campaign against him. One European newspaper, the Frankfurter Neue Presse, reported that Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh
"would rather be fried in Persian oil than make the slightest concession for the British". The British considered an armed invasion, but U.S. President Harry S. Truman
Harry S. Truman
refused his support. U.K. Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Winston Churchill
decided for a coup. Mosaddegh, however, learned of their plans and ordered the British embassy shuttered in October 1952. All British diplomats and agents had to leave the country. The British asked Truman for help; Truman, however, sympathized with nationalist movements like Mosaddegh's and had nothing but contempt for old-style imperialists like those who ran Anglo-Iranian. However, Dwight D. Eisenhower's election as U.S. President in November 1952 changed the U.S.'s stance toward the conflict. On 20 January 1953, U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles
John Foster Dulles
and his brother, director of the C.I.A. Allen Dulles, told their British counterparts that they were ready to move against Mosaddegh. In their eyes, any country not decisively allied with the United States
United States
was a potential enemy. Iran had immense oil wealth, a long border with the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and a nationalist Prime Minister. A fall into communism and a "second China" terrified the Dulles brothers. Operation Ajax
Operation Ajax
was born, deposing the only democratic government Iran
Iran
ever had.[57] 1953 Iranian coup d'état[edit] Main article: 1953 Iranian coup d'état In 1941 Reza Shah
Shah
was deposed and his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was installed by an invasion of allied British and Soviet troops. In 1953, foreign powers (American and British) again came to the Shah's aid – after the young Shah
Shah
fled the country to Italy, the British MI6
MI6
aided an American CIA
CIA
operative in organizing a military coup d'état to oust the nationalist and democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh.[58] Mohammad Reza Shah
Shah
Pahlavi, who was the son of Reza Shah, maintained a close relationship with the U.S. government, both regimes sharing an opposition to the expansion of the Soviet Union, Iran's powerful northern neighbor. Like his father's government, the Shah's was known for its autocracy, its focus on modernization and Westernization
Westernization
and for its disregard for religious[59] and democratic measures in Iran's constitution. Leftist and Islamist groups attacked his government (often from outside Iran
Iran
as they were suppressed within) for violating the Iranian constitution, political corruption, and the political oppression by the SAVAK
SAVAK
secret police. White Revolution[edit] Main article: White Revolution The White Revolution
White Revolution
was a far-reaching series of reforms in Iran launched in 1963 by Shah
Shah
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi
and lasted until 1978. Mohammad Reza Shah's reform program was built especially to weaken those classes that supported the traditional system. It consisted of several elements including: the land reform; sales of some state-owned factories to finance the land reform; the enfranchisement of women; nationalization of forests and pastures; formation of a literacy corps; and institution of profit sharing schemes for workers in industry.[60] The Shah
Shah
advertised the White Revolution
White Revolution
as a step towards westernization[61] and was a way for him to legitimize the Pahlavi dynasty. Part of the reason for launching the White Revolution
White Revolution
was that the Shah
Shah
hoped to get rid of the landlords' influence and create a new base of support among the peasants and working class.[62][63] Thus the White Revolution
White Revolution
in Iran
Iran
represented a new attempt to introduce reform from above and preserve traditional power patterns. Through land reform, the essence of the White Revolution, the Shah hoped to ally himself with the peasantry in the countryside, and hoped to sever their ties with the aristocracy in the city. What the Shah did not expect was that the White Revolution
White Revolution
led to new social tensions that helped create many of the problems the Shah
Shah
had been trying to avoid. The Shah's reforms more than quadrupled the combined size of the two classes that had posed the most challenges to his monarchy in the past – the intelligentsia and the urban working class. Their resentment towards the Shah
Shah
also grew since they were now stripped of organizations that had represented them in the past, such as political parties, professional associations, trade unions, and independent newspapers. The land reform, instead of allying the peasants with the government, produced large numbers of independent farmers and landless laborers who became loose political cannons, with no feeling of loyalty to the Shah. Many of the masses felt resentment towards the increasingly corrupt government; their loyalty to the clergy, who were seen as more concerned with the fate of the populace, remained consistent or increased. As Ervand Abrahamian pointed out, The White Revolution
White Revolution
had been designed to preempt a Red Revolution. Instead, it paved the way for an Islamic Revolution.[64] The White Revolution's economic "trickle-down" strategy also did not work as intended. In theory, oil money funneled to the elite was supposed to be used to create jobs and factories, eventually distributing the money, but instead the wealth tended to get stuck at the top and concentrated in the hands of the very few.[65] Rise of Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Khomeini[edit]

Khomeini

Main article: Ruhollah Khomeini See also: Movement of 15 Khordad

People of Tehran
Tehran
in the demonstrations of 5 June 1963 with pictures of Ruhollah Khomeini
Ruhollah Khomeini
in their hands.

Protesters carrying the body of one of the victims

The post-revolutionary leader – Shia cleric Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini
Khomeini
– first came to political prominence in 1963 when he led opposition to the Shah
Shah
and his White Revolution. Khomeini
Khomeini
was arrested in 1963 after declaring the Shah
Shah
a "wretched miserable man" who had "embarked on the [path toward] destruction of Islam
Islam
in Iran."[66] Three days of major riots throughout Iran
Iran
followed, with 15,000 dead from police fire as reported by opposition sources.[67] However, anti-revolutionary sources conjectured that just 32 were killed.[68] Khomeini
Khomeini
was released after eight months of house arrest and continued his agitation, condemning Iran's close cooperation with Israel
Israel
and its capitulations, or extension of diplomatic immunity to American government personnel in Iran. In November 1964 Khomeini
Khomeini
was re-arrested and sent into exile where he remained for 15 years, until the revolution. Ideology of the Iranian Revolution[edit] Main article: Ideology of the Iranian Revolution In this interim period of "disaffected calm"[69] the budding Iranian revival began to undermine the idea of Westernization
Westernization
as progress that was the basis of the Shah's secular reign, and to form the ideology of the 1979
1979
revolution. Jalal Al-e-Ahmad's idea of Gharbzadegi – that Western culture was a plague or an intoxication to be eliminated;[70] Ali Shariati's vision of Islam
Islam
as the one true liberator of the Third World from oppressive colonialism, neo-colonialism, and capitalism;[71] and Morteza Motahhari's popularized retellings of the Shia faith, all spread and gained listeners, readers and supporters.[70] Most importantly, Khomeini
Khomeini
preached that revolt, and especially martyrdom, against injustice and tyranny was part of Shia Islam,[72] and that Muslims should reject the influence of both liberal capitalism and communism, ideas that inspired the revolutionary slogan "Neither East, nor West – Islamic Republic!" Away from public view, Khomeini
Khomeini
developed the ideology of velayat-e faqih (guardianship of the jurist) as government, that Muslims – in fact everyone – required "guardianship," in the form of rule or supervision by the leading Islamic jurist or jurists.[73] Such rule was ultimately "more necessary even than prayer and fasting" in Islam,[Note 3] as it would protect Islam
Islam
from deviation from traditional sharia law and in so doing eliminate poverty, injustice, and the "plundering" of Muslim land by foreign non-believers.[74] This idea of rule by Islamic jurists was spread through his book Islamic Government, mosque sermons, smuggled cassette speeches by Khomeini,[75] among Khomeini's opposition network of students (talabeh), ex-students (able clerics such as Morteza Motahhari, Mohammad Beheshti, Mohammad-Javad Bahonar, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Mofatteh), and traditional businessmen (bazaari) inside Iran.[75] Opposition groups and organizations[edit] Main article: Organizations of the Iranian Revolution Other opposition groups included constitutionalist liberals – the democratic, reformist Islamic Freedom Movement of Iran, headed by Mehdi Bazargan, and the more secular National Front. They were based in the urban middle class, and wanted the Shah
Shah
to adhere to the Iranian Constitution of 1906
Iranian Constitution of 1906
rather than to replace him with a theocracy,[76] but lacked the cohesion and organization of Khomeini's forces.[77] Marxist groups – primarily the communist Tudeh Party of Iran
Iran
and the Fedaian guerrillas[Note 4] – had been weakened considerably by government repression. Despite this the guerrillas did help play an important part in the final February 1979
1979
overthrow[79] delivering "the regime its coup de grace."[80] The most powerful guerrilla group – the People's Mujahedin – was leftist Islamist and opposed the influence of the clergy as reactionary. Some important clergy did not follow Khomeini's lead. Popular ayatollah Mahmoud Taleghani
Mahmoud Taleghani
supported the left, while perhaps the most senior and influential ayatollah in Iran
Iran
– Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari – first remained aloof from politics and then came out in support of a democratic revolution.[81] Khomeini
Khomeini
worked to unite this opposition behind him (except for the unwanted `atheistic Marxists`),[82][83] focusing on the socio-economic problems of the Shah's government (corruption and unequal income and development),[82][84] while avoiding specifics among the public that might divide the factions,[85] – particularly his plan for clerical rule which he believed most Iranians had become prejudiced against as a result of propaganda campaign by Western imperialists.[Note 5][86] In the post- Shah
Shah
era, some revolutionaries who clashed with his theocracy and were suppressed by his movement complained of deception,[87] but in the meantime anti- Shah
Shah
unity was maintained.[88] 1970–1977[edit] Several events in the 1970s set the stage for the 1979
1979
revolution. The 1971 2,500th anniversary of the founding of the Persian Empire
Persian Empire
at Persepolis, organized by the government, was attacked for its extravagance. "As the foreigners reveled on drink forbidden by Islam, Iranians were not only excluded from the festivities, some were starving."[89] Five years later the Shah
Shah
angered pious Iranian Muslims by changing the first year of the Iranian solar calendar from the Islamic hijri to the ascension to the throne by Cyrus the Great. "Iran jumped overnight from the Muslim year 1355 to the royalist year 2535."[90] The oil boom of the 1970s produced "alarming" increase in inflation, waste and an "accelerating gap" between the rich and poor, the city and the country,[91] along with the presence of tens of thousands of unpopular skilled foreign workers. Many Iranians were also angered by the fact that the shah's family was the foremost beneficiary of the income generated by oil, and the line between state earnings and family earnings blurred. By 1976, the shah had accumulated upward of $1 billion from oil revenue; his family – including 63 princes and princesses had accumulated between $5 and $20 billion; and the family foundation controlled approximately $3 billion[92] By mid-1977 economic austerity measures to fight inflation disproportionately affected the thousands of poor and unskilled male migrants to the cities working construction. Culturally and religiously conservative,[93] many went on to form the core of the revolution's demonstrators and "martyrs".[94] All Iranians were required to join and pay dues to a new political party, the Rastakhiz
Rastakhiz
party – all other parties being banned.[95] That party's attempt to fight inflation with populist "anti-profiteering" campaigns – fining and jailing merchants for high prices – angered and politicized merchants while fueling black markets.[96] In 1977 the Shah
Shah
responded to the "polite reminder" of the importance of political rights by the new American president, Jimmy Carter, by granting amnesty to some prisoners and allowing the Red Cross to visit prisons. Through 1977 liberal opposition formed organizations and issued open letters denouncing the government.[97] Against this background a first crucial manifestation of public expression of social discontent and political protest against the regime took place in October 1977 when the German-Iranian Cultural Association in Teheran hosted a series of literature reading sessions, organized by the newly revived Iranian Writers Association and the German Goethe-Institut. In these ″Ten Nights″ (Dah Shab) 57 of Iran's most prominent poets and writers read their works to thousands of listeners. They demanded the end of censorship and claimed the freedom of expression.[98] That year also saw the death of the popular and influential modernist Islamist theorist Ali Shariati. This both angered his followers, who considered him a martyr at the hands of SAVAK, and removed a potential revolutionary rival to Khomeini. Finally, in October Khomeini's son Mostafa died of an alleged heart attack, his death also blamed on SAVAK. A subsequent memorial service for Mostafa in Tehran
Tehran
put Khomeini
Khomeini
back in the spotlight.[99][100] Revolution[edit]

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Outbreak[edit] By 1977, the Shah's policy of political liberalization was underway. Secular opponents of the Shah
Shah
began to meet in secret to denounce the government.[29][101] Led by the leftist intellectual Saeed Soltanpour, the Iranian Writers Association met at the Goethe Institute in Tehran
Tehran
to read anti-government poetry.[29] Ali Shariati's death in the United Kingdom shortly after led to another public demonstration, with the opposition accusing the Shah
Shah
of murdering him (although it was later ruled he died naturally of a heart attack).[16][29] The chain of events began with the death of Mostafa Khomeini, chief aide and eldest son of Ruhollah Khomeini. He mysteriously died at midnight of 23 October 1977. SAVAK
SAVAK
and Iraqi government declared heart attack as the cause of demise, though many believed his death was attributed to SAVAK.[102] Khomeini
Khomeini
remained silent after the incident, but in Iran
Iran
with the spread of the news there was a wave of protest in several cities and mourning ceremonies in major cities were held.[103][104] The mourning of Mostafa was given a political cast by Khomeini's political credentials, their enduring opposition to the monarchy and their exile. Thus dimension of the ceremonies went beyond the religious credentials of the family.[21] Beginning of protests[edit] On 7 January 1978, an article (" Iran
Iran
and Red and Black Colonization") appeared in the national daily Ettela'at
Ettela'at
newspaper. Written under a pseudonym by a government agent, it denounced Khomeini
Khomeini
as a "British agent" and a "mad Indian poet" conspiring to sell out Iran
Iran
to neo-colonialists and communists.[15][16] Upon the publishing of the article, religious seminary students in the city of Qom, angered over the insult to Khomeini, clashed with police. According to the government, two were killed in the clash; according to the opposition, seventy were killed and over five hundred were injured. However, the casualty figures are different in different sources.[15][16][101][105][106][107] Consolidation of the opposition[edit] According to the Shi'ite customs, memorial services (referred to as chehelom) are held forty days after a person's death.[108] Encouraged by Khomeini
Khomeini
(who declared that the blood of martyrs must water the "tree of Islam"),[101] radicals pressured the mosques and moderate clergy to commemorate the deaths of the students, and used the occasion to generate protests.[109] The informal network of mosques and bazaars, which for years had been used to carry out religious events, increasingly became consolidated as a coordinated protest organization.[21][108][110][111] On 18 February, forty days after Qom
Qom
clashes, demonstrations broke out in various different cities.[112] The largest was in Tabriz, which descended into a full-scale riot. "Western" and government symbols such as cinemas, bars, state-owned banks, and police stations were set ablaze.[108] Units of Imperial Iranian Army
Imperial Iranian Army
were deployed to the city to restore order, and the death toll, according to government was 6,[113] while Khomeini
Khomeini
claimed hundreds were "martyred".[12][29][101][114] Forty days later (29 March), demonstrations were organized in at least 55 cities, including Tehran.[108] In an increasingly predictable pattern, deadly riots broke out in major cities,[108][115] and again forty days later on 10 May. It led to an incident in which army commandos opened fire on Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Shariatmadari's house, killing one of his students. Shariatmadari immediately made a public announcement declaring his support for a "constitutional government", and a return to the policies of the 1906 Constitution.[12][101][108] Government reaction[edit]

Resurgence Party
Resurgence Party
pro- Shah
Shah
demonstration in Tabriz

The Shah
Shah
was taken completely by surprise by the protests;[12][22] to make matters worse he often became indecisive during times of crisis.[15] Virtually every major decision he would make backfired on his government, and inflamed the revolutionaries.[15] The Shah
Shah
decided to continue on his plan of liberalization, and decided to negotiate rather than to use force against the still nascent protest movement.[108][109][110][115] He promised that fully democratic elections for the Majlis would be held in 1979. Censorship was relaxed, and a resolution was drafted to help reduce corruption within the royal family and the government.[110] Protesters were tried in civilian courts rather than by military court-martials, and were quickly released.[112][115] Iran's security forces had not received any riot control training nor equipment since 1963.[113] Police forces were unable to control demonstrations and the army frequently was deployed in that role.[115] Soldiers were instructed not to use deadly force, yet there were instances of inexperienced soldiers reacting excessively, inflaming the violence without cowing the opposition, and receiving official condemnation from the Shah.[113](The Carter Administration also refused to sell non-lethal tear gas and rubber bullets to Iran).[101][116] As early as the Tabriz
Tabriz
riots in February, the Shah
Shah
fired all the SAVAK officials in the city in a concession to the opposition, and soon began to dismiss civil servants and government officials whom he felt the public blamed.[12][22][22][115] In the first national concession, he replaced the hardline SAVAK
SAVAK
chief General
General
Nematollah Nassiri with the more moderate General
General
Nasser Moghaddam.[15][115] The government also negotiated to moderate religious leaders such as Shariatmadari (apologizing to the latter for the raid on his house).[16]

The Shah
Shah
of Iran
Iran
(left) meeting with members of the U.S. government: Alfred Atherton, William Sullivan, Cyrus Vance, Jimmy Carter, and Zbigniew Brzezinski, 1977

Early summer[edit] By summer, the protests had stagnated. They remained at a steady state for four months – about ten thousand participants in each major city (with the exception of Isfahan
Isfahan
where protests were larger and Tehran where they were smaller), protesting every 40 days. This amounted to a small minority of the more than 15 million adults in Iran.[117] Against the wishes of Khomeini, Shariatmadari called for 17 June mourning protests to be carried out as a one-day stay.[108] Although tensions remained in the air, the Shah's policy appeared to have worked, leading Amuzegar to declare that "the crisis is over." A CIA analysis concluded that Iran
Iran
"is not in a revolutionary or even a pre-revolutionary situation."[118] Indeed, these and later events in Iran
Iran
are frequently cited as one of the most consequential strategic surprises that the United States
United States
has experienced since the CIA
CIA
was established in 1947.[119] As a sign of easing of government restrictions, three prominent opposition leaders from the secular National Front: Karim Sanjabi, Shahpour Bakhtiar, and Dariush Forouhar were allowed to write an open letter to the Shah
Shah
demanding that he reign according to the constitution of Iran.[12][101][110] Renewed protests[edit] Cinema Rex
Cinema Rex
fire[edit] On 19 August, in the southwestern city of Abadan, four arsonists barred the door of the Cinema Rex
Cinema Rex
movie theatre and set it on fire. In what was the largest terrorist attack in history prior to the September 11, 2001 attacks,[120] 422 people inside the theatre were burned to death. Khomeini
Khomeini
immediately blamed the Shah
Shah
and SAVAK
SAVAK
for setting the fire.[12][101][121] Due to the pervasive revolutionary atmosphere, the public also blamed the Shah
Shah
for starting the fire, despite the government's insistence that they were uninvolved. Tens of thousands of people took to the streets shouting "Burn the Shah!" and "The Shah
Shah
is the guilty one!".[112] After the revolution, many claimed it were Islamist militants who started the fire.[120][122][123][124][125][126] After the Islamic Republic
Republic
government executed a police officer for the act, a man claiming to be the lone surviving arsonist, claimed he was responsible to starting the fire.[127][128] After forcing the resignation of the presiding judges in an attempt to hamper the investigation, the new government finally executed Hossein Talakhzadeh for "setting the fire on the Shah's orders" (despite his insistence he did it on his own accord as an ultimate sacrifice for the revolutionary cause).[122][127][128] Appointment of Jafar Sharif-Emami as prime minister[edit] By August, the protests had "kick[ed] ... into high gear,"[129] and the number of demonstrators mushroomed to hundreds of thousands.[117] In an attempt to dampen inflation the Amuzegar administration cut spending and reduced business, but the cutbacks led to a sharp rise in layoffs – particularly among young, unskilled, male workers living in the working class districts. By summer 1978, the working class joined the street protests in massive numbers.[114] In addition, it was the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, bringing a sense of increased religiosity among many people.[108] A series of escalating protests broke out in major cities, and deadly riots broke out in Isfahan
Isfahan
where protesters fought for the release of Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Jalaluddin Taheri.[11][108] Martial law
Martial law
was declared in the city on 11 August as symbols of Western culture and government buildings were burned, and a bus full of American workers was bombed.[108][110] Due to his failure to stop the protests, Prime Minister Amuzegar offered his resignation. The Shah
Shah
increasingly felt that he was losing control of the situation and hoped to regain it through complete appeasement.[12][101] He decided to appoint Jafar Sharif-Emami to the post of prime minister, himself a veteran prime minister. Emami was chosen due to his family ties to the clergy, but had a reputation of corruption during his previous premiership.[15][16] Under the Shah's guidance, Sharif-Emami effectively began a policy of "appeasing the opposition's demands before they even made them".[16] The government abolished the Rastakhiz
Rastakhiz
Party, legalized all political parties and released political prisoners, increased freedom of expression, curtailed SAVAK's authority and dismissed 34 of its commanders,[110] closed down casinos and nightclubs, and abolished the imperial calendar. The government also began to prosecute corrupt government and royal family members. Sharif-Emami entered into negotiations with Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Shariatmadari and National Front leader Karim Sanjabi
Karim Sanjabi
in order to help organize future elections.[110] Censorship was effectively terminated, and the newspapers began reporting heavily on demonstrations, often highly critically and negatively of the Shah. The Majlis (Parliament) also began issuing resolutions against the government.[15] Declaration of martial law and Black Friday[edit]

Demonstration of Sep 8, 1978, the sentence on placard: "We want an Islamic government, led by Imam Khomeini".

Demonstration of "Black Friday" of Iran
Iran
(Sep 8, 1978): "Islamic government"

Victims of Black Friday.

4 September was Eid-e-Fitr, the holiday celebrating the end of the month of Ramadan. A permit for an open air prayer was granted, in which 200,000–500,000 people attended.[108] Instead, the clergy directed the crowd on a large march through the center of Tehran
Tehran
(the Shah
Shah
reportedly watched the march from his helicopter, unnerved and confused).[108] A few days later even larger protests took place, and for the first time protesters called for Khomeini's return
Khomeini's return
and the establishment of an Islamic republic.[108] At midnight on 8 September, the Shah
Shah
declared martial law in Tehran and 11 other major cities throughout the country. All street demonstrations were banned, and a night-time curfew was established. Tehran's martial law commander was General
General
Gholam-Ali Oveissi, who was known for his severity against opponents.[12][15][16][29][101][114][120] However, the Shah
Shah
made clear that once martial law was lifted he intended to continue with the liberalization, he retained Sharif-Emami's civilian government, hoping that protesters would avoid taking the streets.[101][109][110] However, 5,000 protesters took to the streets, either in defiance or because they had missed hearing the declaration, and faced off with soldiers at Jaleh Square.[12][21][101] After the firing warning shots failed to disperse the crowd, troops fired directly into the mob, killing 64,[108] while General
General
Oveissi claimed that 30 soldiers were killed by armed snipers in surrounding buildings.[12][16][22][101][108][111][121] Additional clashes throughout the day (which would be called Black Friday by the opposition) brought the opposition death toll to 89.[15][114] Reactions to Black Friday[edit] The deaths shocked the country, and damaged any attempt at reconciliation between the Shah
Shah
and the opposition. Khomeini immediately declared that "4,000 innocent protesters were massacred by Zionists", and gave him a pretext to reject any further compromise with the government. The Shah
Shah
himself was horrified by the events of Black Friday, and harshly criticized the events, though this did little to sway public perception of him as being responsible for the shooting.[15][108][113] While martial law officially remained in effect, the government decided not to break up any more demonstrations or strikes (in effect "martial law without there exactly being martial law", according to Sharif-Emami), instead continuing to negotiate with protest leaders.[110] Consequently, protest gatherings often took place without any serious intervention by soldiers.[115] General
General
strike, increasing opposition, and military government[edit] Nationwide strikes[edit] On 9 September 700 workers at Tehran's main oil refinery went on strike, and on 11 September the same occurred at refineries in 5 other cities. On 13 September, central government workers in Tehran simultaneously went on strike.[15][16][29] By late October, a nationwide general strike was declared, with workers in virtually all major industries walking off their jobs, most damagingly in the oil industry and the print media.[21][29] Special "strike committees" were set up throughout major industries to organize and coordinate the activities.[11] The Shah
Shah
did not attempt to crack down on strikers,[110] but instead gave them generous wage increases, and allowed strikers who lived in government housing to remain in their homes.[12][15][110] By the beginning of November, many important officials in the Shah's government were demanding from the Shah
Shah
forceful measures to bring the strikers back to work.[12][15][29][101] Khomeini
Khomeini
moves to the West[edit] Hoping to break Khomeini's contacts with the opposition, the Shah pressured the Iraqi government to expel him from Najaf. Khomeini
Khomeini
left Iraq, instead moving to a house bought by Iranian exiles in Neauphle-le-Château, a village near Paris, France. The Shah
Shah
hoped that Khomeini
Khomeini
would be cut off from the mosques of Najaf and be cut off from the protest movement. Instead, the plan backfired badly. With superior French telephone and postal connections (compared to Iraqi ones), his supporters flooded Iran
Iran
with tapes and recordings of his sermons.[16][101][115]

Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
at Neauphle-le-Château
Neauphle-le-Château
surrounded by journalists

Worse for the Shah, the Western media, especially the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), immediately put Khomeini
Khomeini
into the spotlight.[16][130] Khomeini
Khomeini
rapidly became a household name in the west, portraying himself as an "Eastern mystic" who did not seek power, but instead sought to "free" his people from "oppression". The normally critical western media rapidly became a docile tool in Khomeini's hands.[16][101] In addition, the media coverage eroded the influence of other, more moderate clergy such as Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Shariatmadari and Ayatollah Taleghani.[108][110][115] The BBC itself later issued a statement admitting to having a "critical" disposition to the Shah, saying that its broadcasts helped to "change the collective perception of the population."[15] In November, secular National Front leader Karim Sanjabi
Karim Sanjabi
flew to Paris to meet Khomeini. There the two signed an agreement for a draft constitution that would be "Islamic and democratic". It signaled the now official alliance between the clergy and the secular opposition.[15][108] In order to help create a democratic facade, Khomeini
Khomeini
placed Westernized figures (such as Sadegh Qotbzadeh and Ebrahim Yazdi) as the public spokesmen of the opposition, and never spoke to the media of his intentions to create a theocracy.[15] Continued conflict[edit] Street demonstrations continued at full force with little response from the military; by late October, government officials effectively even ceded the University of Tehran
Tehran
to student protesters.[110][115] Worse, the opposition was increasingly becoming armed with weapons, firing at soldiers and attacking banks and government buildings in an attempt to destabilize the country.[22][101] On 5 November, demonstrations at University of Tehran
Tehran
became deadly after a fight broke out with armed soldiers.[11][21][110][115] Within hours, Tehran
Tehran
broke out into a full-scale riot. Block after block of Western symbols such as movie theaters and department stores, as well as government and police buildings, were seized, looted, and burned. The British embassy in Tehran
Tehran
was partially burned and vandalized as well, and the American embassy nearly suffered the same fate (the event became known to foreign observers as "The Day Tehran Burned").[12][101][115][131] Many of the rioters were young teenage boys, often organized by the mosques in southern Tehran, and encouraged by their mullahs to attack and destroy western and secular symbols.[21][115][131] The army and police, confused about their orders and under pressure from the Shah not to risk initiating violence, effectively gave up and did not intervene.[101][115][131][132] Appointment of a military government[edit] As the situation on the streets spiraled out of control, many well known and reputable figures within the country began to approach the Shah, begging him to stop the chaos.[15][22][101][115] On 6 November, the Shah
Shah
dismissed Sharif-Emami from the post of prime minister, and chose to appoint a military government in its place.[15][131] General
General
Gholam-Reza Azhari
Gholam-Reza Azhari
was chosen to be prime minister. Azhari was chosen by the Shah
Shah
because of his mild-mannered approach to the situation.[12][101][131] The cabinet he would choose was a military cabinet in name only, and consisted primarily of civilian leaders.[131] The same day, the Shah
Shah
made a speech on Iranian television.[15][16][132] He referred to himself as Padeshah (king), instead of the more grandiose Shahanshah (king of kings), which he insisted on being called previously.[110] In his speech he stated "I have heard the voice of your revolution"..."this revolution cannot but be supported by me, the king of Iran".[110][133] He apologized for mistakes that were committed during his reign, and promised to ensure that corruption would no longer exist.[115][132] He stated he would begin to work with the opposition to bring democracy, and would form a coalition government.[12][115][132] In effect, the Shah
Shah
intended to restrain the military government (which he described as a temporary caretaker government) from carrying out a full crackdown.[110] The speech backfired when the revolutionaries sensed weakness from the Shah
Shah
and "smelled blood".[115][133] Khomeini
Khomeini
announced that there would be no reconciliation with the Shah
Shah
and called on all Iranians to overthrow him.[115][133] Military authorities declared martial law in Khuzestan
Khuzestan
province (Iran's main oil producing province), and deployed troops to its oil facilities. Navy personnel were also used as strikebreakers in the oil industry.[12][101][131] Street marches declined and oil production began increasing once again, nearly reaching pre-revolutionary levels.[101][131] In a symbolic blow to the opposition, Karim Sanjabi, who had visited Khomeini
Khomeini
in Paris, was arrested upon his return to Iran.[110] However, the government still continued the policy of appeasement and negotiation.[15][16][115][132] The Shah
Shah
ordered the arrest of 100 officials from his own government for charges of corruption, including former prime minister Amir Abbas-Hoveyda and former SAVAK
SAVAK
head Nematollah Nassiri.[15][16][115] Muharram
Muharram
protests[edit]

Play media

Part of the marching of the people during the Iranian Revolution
Revolution
1979

Mohammad Beheshti
Mohammad Beheshti
Participates in Tehran
Tehran
Ashura Demonstration, 11 December 1978.

Khomeini
Khomeini
condemned the military government and called for continued protests.[108][134] He and the protest organizers planned a series of escalating protests during the holy Islamic month of Muharram, to culminate with massive protests on the days of Tasu'a
Tasu'a
and Ashura (commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Hussein ibn Ali, the third Shia Muslim imam).[108] While the military authorities banned street demonstrations and extended the curfew, the Shah
Shah
faced deep misgivings about the potential violence.[110] On the second of December 1978, the Muharram
Muharram
protests began. Named for the Islamic month they began in, the Muharram
Muharram
protests were impressively huge and pivotal. Over two million protesters[135] (many of whom were teenagers organized by the mullahs from the mosques of southern Tehran) took to the streets, crowding Shahyad Square. Protesters frequently went out at night, defying the set curfew (often taking to rooftops and shouting "Allahu-Akbar" (God is Great). According to one witness, many of the clashes on the street had an air of playfulness rather than seriousness, with security forces using "kid gloves" against the opposition[115] (nevertheless, the government reported at least 12 opposition deaths).[134] The protesters demanded that Shah
Shah
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi step down from power, and that Grand Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini
Ruhollah Khomeini
be returned from exile. The protests grew incredibly fast, reaching between six million and nine million in strength in the first week. About 10% of the entire population had taken to the streets in the Muharram
Muharram
protests. Both beginning and ending in the month of Muharram, the protests succeeded and Shah
Shah
stepped down from power later in the month.[135] After the success of what would become known as a revolution, Grand Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini
Ruhollah Khomeini
returned to Iran
Iran
as its religious and political leader for life. Khomeini
Khomeini
had been an opposition leader to Shah
Shah
for many years, rising to prominence after the death of his mentor, renowned scholar Yazdi Ha'iri, in the 1930s.[136] Even in his years in exile, Khomeini
Khomeini
remained relevant in Iran. Supporting the protests from beyond Iran's borders, he proclaimed that "freedom and liberation from the bonds of imperialism" was imminent.[136] Tasu'a
Tasu'a
and Ashura marches[edit]

Tehran
Tehran
Ashura Demonstration, 11 December 1978

As the days of Tasu'a
Tasu'a
and Ashura ( 10 and 11 December) approached, in order to prevent a deadly showdown the Shah
Shah
began to draw back. In negotiations with Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Shariatmadari, the Shah
Shah
ordered the release of 120 political prisoners and Karim Sanjabi, and on 8 December revoked the ban on street demonstrations. Permits were issued for the marchers, and troops were removed from the procession's path. In turn, Shariatmadari pledged that to make sure that there would be no violence during the demonstrations.[110] On 10 and 11 December, the days of Tasu'a
Tasu'a
and Ashura, between six and nine million anti-shah demonstrators marched throughout Iran. According to one historian, "even discounting for exaggeration, these figures may represent the largest protest event in history."[137] The marches were led by Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Taleghani and National Front leader Karim Sanjabi, thus symbolizing the "unity" of the secular and religious opposition. The mullahs and bazaar merchants effectively policed the gathering, and protesters who attempted to initiate violence were restrained.[108]

More than 10% of the country marched in anti-shah demonstrations on December 10 and 11, 1978,[26] possibly a higher percentage than any previous revolution. It is rare for a revolution to involve as much as 1 percent of a country's population; the French, Russian, and Romanian revolutions may have passed the 1 percent mark.

A protester giving flowers to an army officer

The Shah's exile and Khomeini's return[edit]

Play media

Video of people welcoming Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
in the streets of Tehran after his return from exile

Main article: Ruhollah Khomeini's return
Khomeini's return
to Iran

Khomeini
Khomeini
returns to Iran
Iran
after 14 years exile on 1 February 1979. He is helped off the plane by one of the Air France
France
pilots.

Much of Iranian society was in euphoria about the coming revolution. Secular and leftist politicians piled onto the movement hoping to gain power in the aftermath, ignoring the fact that Khomeini
Khomeini
was the very antithesis to all of the positions they supported.[15] While it was increasingly clear to more secular Iranians that Khomeini
Khomeini
was not a liberal, he was widely perceived as a figurehead, and that power would eventually be handed to the secular groups.[15][115] Demoralization of the Army[edit] The military leadership was increasingly paralyzed by indecision, and rank-and-file soldiers were demoralized, having been forced to confront demonstrators while prohibited from using their own weapons (and being condemned by the Shah
Shah
if they did).[113] Increasingly, Khomeini
Khomeini
called on the soldiers of the armed forces to defect to the opposition.[101][112] Revolutionaries gave flowers and civilian clothes to deserters, while threatening retribution to those who stayed. On 11 December, a dozen officers were shot dead by their own troops at Tehran's Lavizan barracks. Fearing further mutinies, many soldiers were returned to their barracks.[113] Mashhad
Mashhad
(the second largest city in Iran) was abandoned to the protesters, and in many provincial towns demonstrators were effectively in control.[108] American and Internal Negotiations with the opposition[edit]

Cartoon depicting Shapour Bakhtiar
Shapour Bakhtiar
and Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh
in 22 January 1978 issue of Ettela'at, during the revolution.

The Carter Administration increasingly became locked in a debate about continued support for the monarchy.[138] As early as November, ambassador William Sullivan sent a telegram to Carter ([138] the "Thinking the Unthinkable" telegram). The telegram effectively declared his belief that the Shah
Shah
would not survive the protests, and that the US should consider withdrawing its support for his government and persuading the monarch to abdicate. The United States
United States
would then help assemble a coalition of pro-Western military officers, middle class professionals, and moderate clergy, with Khomeini
Khomeini
installed as a Gandhi-like spiritual leader.[138] The telegram touched off a vigorous debate in the American cabinet, with some (such as National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski[138]) rejecting it outright. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
Cyrus Vance
rejected a military crackdown;[108] he and his supporters believed in the "moderate and progressive" intentions of Khomeini
Khomeini
and his circle.[116][138] Increasing contact was established with the pro- Khomeini
Khomeini
camp. Based on the revolutionaries responses, some American officials (especially Ambassador Sullivan) felt that Khomeini
Khomeini
was genuinely intent on creating a democracy.[15] According to historian Abbas Milani, this resulted in the United States
United States
effectively helping to facilitate Khomeini's rise to power.[15] The Shah
Shah
began to search for a new prime minister, one who was a civilian and a member of the opposition. On 28 December, he secured an agreement with another major National Front figure, Shahpour Bakhtiar. Bakhtiar would be appointed prime minister (a return to civilian rule), while the Shah
Shah
and his family would leave the country for a "vacation". His royal duties would be carried out by a Regency Council, and three months after his departure a referendum would be submitted to the people deciding on whether Iran
Iran
would remain a monarchy or become a republic. A former opponent of the Shah, Bakhtiar became motivated to join the government because he was increasingly aware of Khomeini's intentions to implement hard-line religious rule rather than a democracy.[16] Karim Sanjabi
Karim Sanjabi
immediately expelled Bakhtiar from the National Front, and Bakhtiar was denounced by Khomeini
Khomeini
(who declared that acceptance of his government was the equivalent of "obedience to false gods").[15][139] The Shah
Shah
leaves[edit] The Shah, hoping to see Bakhtiar established, kept delaying his departure. Consequently, to the Iranian public, Bakhtiar was seen as the Shah's last prime minister, undermining his support.[108] American General
General
Robert Huyser, the Deputy Commander of NATO, entered Iran.[15] While the option of a pro- Shah
Shah
military coup still was a possibility, Huyser met with military leaders (but not the Shah), and established meetings between them and Khomeini
Khomeini
allies, for the purpose of agreeing on Bakhtiar's transitional government.[15][101][108][140] Ambassador Sullivan disagreed, and attempted to pressure Huyser to ignore the military and work directly with Khomeini's opposition.[108][140] Nevertheless, Huyser won out and continued to work with both the military and opposition. He left Iran
Iran
on 3 February.[108][140] The Shah
Shah
was privately embittered by Huyser's mission, and felt that the United States
United States
no longer wanted him in power.[101] On the morning of 16 January 1979, Bakhtiar was officially appointed prime minister. The same day, a tearful Shah
Shah
and his family left Iran for exile in Egypt, never to return.[15] Bakhtiar's premiership and Khomeini's return[edit] When news of the Shah's departure was announced, there were spontaneous scenes of joy throughout the country. Millions poured onto the streets, virtually every remaining sign of the monarchy was torn down by the crowds.[108][141] Bakhtiar dissolved SAVAK
SAVAK
and freed all remaining political prisoners. He ordered the army to allow mass demonstrations, promised free elections and invited the revolutionaries into a government of "national unity".[139][142] Bakhtiar invited Khomeini
Khomeini
back to Iran, with the intention of creating a Vatican-like state in the holy city of Qom, declaring that "We will soon have the honor of welcoming home the Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Khomeini".[139] On 1 February 1979
1979
Khomeini
Khomeini
returned to Tehran
Tehran
in a chartered Air France
France
Boeing 747.[143] The welcoming crowd of several million Iranians was so large he was forced to take a helicopter after the car he was being transported in from the airport was overwhelmed by an enthusiastic welcoming crowd.[144] Khomeini
Khomeini
was now not only the undisputed leader of the revolution,[145] he had become what some called a "semi-divine" figure, greeted as he descended from his airplane with cries of 'Khomeini, O Imam, we salute you, peace be upon you.'[146] Crowds were now known to chant "Islam, Islam, Khomeini, We Will Follow You," and even " Khomeini
Khomeini
for King."[147] When asked by a reporter how he felt returning to his home country after a long exile, Khomeini
Khomeini
replied "Nothing". On the day of his arrival Khomeini
Khomeini
made clear his rejection of Bakhtiar's government in a speech promising, "I shall kick their teeth in. I appoint the government, I appoint the government in support of this nation".[139] On 5 February at his headquarters in the Refah School in southern Tehran, he declared a provisional revolutionary government, and appointed opposition leader Mehdi Bazargan
Mehdi Bazargan
(from the religious-nationalist Freedom Movement, affiliated with the National Front), as his own prime minister, and commanded Iranians to obey Bazargan as a religious duty.[11][16][108][139]

Iranian prime minister Mehdi Bazargan
Mehdi Bazargan
was an advocate of democracy and civil rights. He also opposed the cultural revolution and US embassy takeover.

[T]hrough the guardianship [Velayat] that I have from the holy lawgiver [the Prophet], I hereby pronounce Bazargan as the Ruler, and since I have appointed him, he must be obeyed. The nation must obey him. This is not an ordinary government. It is a government based on the sharia. Opposing this government means opposing the sharia of Islam
Islam
... Revolt against God's government is a revolt against God. Revolt against God is blasphemy.[148][149]

Angered, Bakhtiar made a speech of his own. Reaffirming himself as the legitimate leader, he declared that:

Iran
Iran
has one government. More than this is intolerable, either for me or for you or for any other Iranian. As a Muslim, I had not heard that jihad refers to one Muslim against other Muslims.... I will not give permission to Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
to form an interim government. In life there comes a time when one must stand firm and say no.... I have never seen a book about an Islamic Republic; neither has anyone else for that matter.... Some of the people surrounding the Ayatollah
Ayatollah
are like violent vultures.... The clergy should go to Qom
Qom
and build a wall around themselves and create their own Vatican.[139]

Armed battles and collapse of the monarchy[edit] Tensions between the two rival governments increased rapidly. To demonstrate his support, Khomeini
Khomeini
called for demonstrators to occupy the streets throughout the country. He also sent a letter to American officials warning them to withdraw support for Bakhtiar.[15] Bakhtiar became increasingly isolated, with members of the government (including the entire Regency Council) defecting to Khomeini. The military was crumbling, with its leadership completely paralyzed, unsure of whether to support Bakhtiar or act on their own, and rank-and-file soldiers either demoralized or deserting.[108][113] On 9 February, a rebellion of pro- Khomeini
Khomeini
air force technicians broke out at the Doshan Tappeh air base. A unit of the pro- Shah
Shah
Immortal Guards attempted to apprehend the rebels, and an armed battle broke out. Soon large crowds took to the streets, building barricades and supporting the rebels, while Islamic-Marxist guerillas with their weapons joined in support.[108]

Iranian armed rebel during the Islamic revolution in Iran
Iran
in 1979

The armed rebels attacked a weapons factory, capturing nearly 50,000 machine guns and distributing them to civilians who joined in the fighting. The rebels began storming police stations and military bases throughout Tehran. The city's martial law commander General
General
Mehdi Rahimi decided not to use his 30,000 loyal Immortal Guards to crush the rebellion for fear of producing civilian casualties.[132] The final collapse of the provisional non-Islamist government came at 2 pm 11 February when the Supreme Military Council declared itself "neutral in the current political disputes… in order to prevent further disorder and bloodshed."[150][151] All military personnel were ordered back to their bases, effectively yielding control of the entire country to Khomeini.[113] Revolutionaries took over government buildings, TV and radio stations, and palaces of the Pahlavi dynasty, marking the end of the monarchy in Iran. Bakhtiar escaped the palace under a hail of bullets, fleeing Iran
Iran
in disguise. He was later assassinated by an agent of the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
in 1991 in Paris. This period, from 1 to 11 February, is celebrated every year in Iran as the "Decade of Fajr."[152][153] 11 February is "Islamic Revolution's Victory Day", a national holiday with state sponsored demonstrations in every city.[154][155] Women's Role[edit]

Iranian women protesting

The Iranian Revolution
Revolution
was a gendered revolution; much of the new regime’s rhetoric was centered on the position of women in Iranian society.[156] Beyond rhetoric, thousands of women were also heavily mobilized in the revolution itself,[157] and different groups of women actively participated alongside their male counterparts.[158] Not only participating through voting, women contributed to the revolution through marches, demonstrations and chanting slogans.[159] The revolution was non-violent in nature which facilitated women’s involvement within it. For example, women were involved in caring for the wounded, female doctors responding to calls for help and opening their homes for those who needed assistance. While women themselves were often killed, tortured, arrested or injured and some were involved in guerilla activities, most contributed in non-violent ways.[160] Many women were instrumental not only in being involved in the revolution themselves but in mobilizing men and other non-political women. Many women protested while carrying children and their presence was one of the main reasons for disarming soldiers (who were there on behalf of the regime) who were ordered to shoot if necessary.[161] Khomeini's Rhetoric on Women's Participation[edit] Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
asserted that "You ladies here have proved that your are at the forefront of this movement. You have a great share in our Islamic movement. The future of our country depends on your support."[162] He invoked the image of the hejab as a symbol of the revolution, saying that, “a nation whose respected women demonstrate in modest garb [hejab] to express their disgust with the shah’s regime- such a nation will be victorious.”[163] He also said that, "women from all levels of society took part in the recent demonstrations, which we are calling the "referendum of the streets"...women fought side by side with men in the struggle for their independence and their liberty."[164] Khomeini
Khomeini
pleaded women to participate in anti- Shah
Shah
demonstrations in various cities. Furthermore, women later responded to Khomeini’s urge to vote in favor of the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
and new constitution cities.[159] Women were so pivotal to the revolution that in response to a suggestion from a top aid to ban women from coming to group audience, Khomeini said "I threw the shah out with these women, there's no problem in their coming."[163] After the revolution, Khomeini
Khomeini
credited the much of the success of the movement to women, even commending the women for mobilizing men, "you ladies have proved that you are in the vanguard of the movement, you have proved that you lead the men, men get their inspiration from you, the men of Iran
Iran
have learnt lessons from the honourable ladies of Iran ...You are in the vanguard of the movement."[162] It has been argued that Khomeini
Khomeini
and his fellow leaders danced around the issue of women's rights and rather focused their rhetoric on mobilizing women through encouraging them to participate in protests and fueling their anti-shah sentiments.[165] Variation within Women's Participation[edit]

The presence of women in Tehran
Tehran
Ashura Demonstration, 11 December 1978.

The contributions of women to the revolutions and the intentions behind these contributions are complex and layered. The motivations of women for being part of the revolutions were complex and varied among a plethora of religious, political and economic reasons[166] and women participating were from various classes and backgrounds.[167] Many Western educated upper-middle class women from secular, urban and professional families were involved as well as many women from working-class and rural backgrounds.[160] There were groups as varied as the Fida’iyan-i Khalq
Fida’iyan-i Khalq
and the Mujahedin were functioning as guerrilla units during the revolutions in opposition to the Shah’s regime.[160] There were also other groups of women with various agendas that sometimes converged and sometimes diverged from the Islamic Republic's political positions. For example, organized feminism which was around since the Pahlavi dynasty, joined the revolutionary movement after the Shah
Shah
dropped the cabinet position on Women's Affairs to appease the Islamists.[163] Members of the Women's Organization of Iran
Iran
marched in support for the revolution and it was important that women very much linked to the government also turned against the Shah's regime.[165] Yet, there were later some tension between feminists' dress and the revolution's stance on women's clothing and they began to feel uncomfortable at opposition events.[166] Some argue that this politicization and mobilization of women made it difficult for the new regime to push them out of the public and political spheres. The revolution resulted in an unprecedented opening for Iranian women into politics (mostly through demonstrations and voting),[168] and some authors argue that this had a lasting impact on Iranian women's political participation and role in the public sphere.[159] Some women were also part of the inner circle of the leaders of the new regime such as Marzieh Hadidchi. Other than the politicization of women, there were particular circumstances during the revolution which pushed women into being involved with politics. For example, "the combination of marital law with its curfew hours and the closing down of shops and workplaces, together with the cold of the fall and winter months resulted in the centers of political discussion often being within the home."[169] Women engaged with news and media as well as political discussions alongside their male counterparts as "the revolution was the only topic of interest to anyone, regardless of age or sex."[169] During 1978
1978
and 1979
1979
there many gatherings in women's homes where they exchanged interpersonal news and anecdotes. These personal accounts were valuable in a time where the official coverage of news was not trusted by many people.[160] Women who were activists, religious women and women dissatisfied with the regime were able to unite under the anti- Shah
Shah
umbrella. However it's important to note that "women were not united in their opinions of the revolution and its outcome as much as they were not united in their reasons for joining the revolution".[170] Despite this mobilization and high rate participation of women, they were still kept out of leadership positions which were exclusive to men; women are thought to be part of the rank and file rather than the elite strata of the revolution.[165] Academic Literature on Women's Participation[edit] While there has been some academic literature exploring individual narratives of women on the revolution,[159] most of the academic work produced focuses on the effect of the revolution on women rather than the role of Iranian women during the revolution. Scholar Guity Nashat highlights this neglected aspect of the revolution, “Although women’s participation in the events leading to the February 11 revolution was instrumental in its success, most studies have not addressed the reasons for their involvement or their contribution.”[171] Janet Baur argues the necessity of examine the daily lives of women, their living conditions and their relationship to other groups in order to understand their participation in the socio-political events of the revolution. She further explains that the cultural, ideological, social and material factors shaping the social life and class differences in the period just prior to the revolution need to be studied in order to understand how the Iranian women's social consciousness developed and how it led them to take part in public protests.[160] Caroline M. Brooks argues that women were left to express their concerns through the protest rather than in the Majlis. Thus, this created a "dangerous bargaining position for activist women" since rather than arguing and their position through intellect they were only able to "argue by numbers in the streets and be repelled by force".[165] There are some contesting understandings in academic literature regarding the reasons behind the mobilization of women. While some argue that the micro level actions of women can be understood through religious and political ideologies, others argue that that it is in fact the effect of manipulations of information, symbols and context which should be studied.[160] Casualties[edit] Further information: Casualties of the Iranian Revolution Some sources (such as Emadeddin Baghi, a researcher at the Martyrs Foundation) claim 2,781 protesters and revolutionaries were killed in 1978–79 during the Revolution.[1][172] Khomeini
Khomeini
reported of a much larger number; he said that "60,000 men, women and children were martyred by the Shah's regime."[2][173][174] According to at least one western source (historian Ervand Abrahamian), the number executed by revolutionary courts as the revolution was consolidated (8000 opponents between June 1981 and June 1985[175]) exceeded those killed by the royalist government trying to stop the revolution.[176] While Iranians believed the opposition's casualty figures, post-revolution western and thus anti-revolution estimates mostly supported the defeated government's casualty figures.[1][2][12][21][22] Songs of Iranian Revolution[edit] Iranian revolutionary songs are ballads epic that composed during the Islamic Revolution
Revolution
in Iran
Iran
in support of the revolution and opposition the Pahlavi dynasty.[177] Before the victory of revolution, these chants were made by various political supporters and many of them recorded on cassette tapes in underground and home studios. Many of the songs on the anniversary of the revolution were broadcast by Iranian state television. In schools, these songs were sung as part of the celebrations Fajr decades by students.[178] " Iran
Iran
Iran" or "Allah Allah" chants are famous revolutionary songs.[179] Aftermath[edit] Consolidation of power by Khomeini[edit] Main article: Consolidation of the Iranian Revolution

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From early 1979
1979
to either 1982 or 1983 Iran
Iran
was in a "revolutionary crisis mode".[180] After the system of despotic monarchy had been overthrown,[181] the economy and the apparatus of government had collapsed, military and security forces were in disarray. Yet, by 1982 Khomeini
Khomeini
and his supporters had crushed the rival factions, defeated local rebellions and consolidated power. Events that made up both the crisis and its resolution were the Iran
Iran
hostage crisis, the invasion of Iran
Iran
by Saddam Hussein's Iraq, and the presidency of Abolhassan Banisadr.[182][183] Conflicts among revolutionaries[edit]

Khomeini
Khomeini
told questioners that "the religious dignitaries do not want to rule."[184]

Some observers believe "what began as an authentic and anti-dictatorial popular revolution based on a broad coalition of all anti- Shah
Shah
forces was soon transformed into an Islamic fundamentalist power-grab,"[185] that except for his core supporters, the members of the coalition thought Khomeini
Khomeini
intended to be more a spiritual guide than a ruler[186] – Khomeini
Khomeini
being in his mid-70s, having never held public office, having been out of Iran
Iran
for more than a decade, and having told questioners "the religious dignitaries do not want to rule."[187][188] However, nobody could deny the unanimous central role of the Imam, and the other factions were too small to have any real impact. Another view is Khomeini
Khomeini
had "overwhelming ideological, political and organizational hegemony,"[189] and non-theocratic groups never seriously challenged Khomeini's movement in popular support.[Note 6] Supporters of the new rule themselves have claimed that Iranians who opposed Khomeini
Khomeini
were "fifth columnists" led by foreign countries attempting to overthrow the Iranian government.[190] Khomeini
Khomeini
and his loyalists in the revolutionary organizations implemented Khomeini's velayat-e faqih design for an Islamic Republic led by himself as Supreme Leader[191] by exploiting temporary allies[192] such as Mehdi Bazargan's Provisional Government of Iran, whom they later eliminated from Iran's political stage one by one.[193] Organizations of the revolution[edit] Main article: Organizations of the Iranian Revolution The most important bodies of the revolution were the Revolutionary Council, the Revolutionary Guards, Revolutionary Tribunals, Islamic Republican Party, and Revolutionary Committees (komitehs).[194] While the moderate Bazargan and his government (temporarily) reassured the middle class, it became apparent they did not have power over the "Khomeinist" revolutionary bodies, particularly the Revolutionary Council (the "real power" in the revolutionary state),[195][196] and later the Islamic Republican Party. Inevitably, the overlapping authority of the Revolutionary Council (which had the power to pass laws) and Bazargan's government was a source of conflict,[197] despite the fact that both had been approved by and/or put in place by Khomeini. This conflict lasted only a few months however. The provisional government fell shortly after American Embassy officials were taken hostage on 4 November 1979. Bazargan's resignation was received by Khomeini
Khomeini
without complaint, saying "Mr. Bazargan ... was a little tired and preferred to stay on the sidelines for a while." Khomeini later described his appointment of Bazargan as a "mistake."[198] The Revolutionary Guard, or Pasdaran-e Enqelab, was established by Khomeini
Khomeini
on 5 May 1979, as a counterweight both to the armed groups of the left, and to the Shah's military. The guard eventually grew into "a full-scale" military force,[199] becoming "the strongest institution of the revolution."[200] Serving under the Pasdaran were/are the Baseej-e Mostaz'afin, ("Oppressed Mobilization")[201] volunteers in everything from earthquake emergency management to attacking opposition demonstrators and newspaper offices.[202] The Islamic Republican Party[203] then fought to establish a theocratic government by velayat-e faqih. Thousands of komiteh or Revolutionary Committees[204] served as "the eyes and ears" of the new rule and are credited by critics with "many arbitrary arrests, executions and confiscations of property".[205] Also enforcing the will of the government were the Hezbollahi (the Party of God), "strong-arm thugs" who attacked demonstrators and offices of newspapers critical of Khomeini.[206] Two major political groups that formed after the fall of the shah that clashed with and were eventually suppressed by pro- Khomeini
Khomeini
groups, were the moderate religious Muslim People's Republican Party (MPRP) which was associated with Grand Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, and the secular leftist National Democratic Front (NDF). 1979
1979
uprisings[edit] Further information: 1979
1979
Khuzestan
Khuzestan
uprising and 1979
1979
Kurdish rebellion in Iran Following the events of the revolution, Marxist guerrillas and federalist parties revolted in some regions comprising Khuzistan, Kurdistan and Gonbad-e Qabus, which resulted in fighting between them and revolutionary forces. These revolts began in April 1979
1979
and lasted between several months to over a year, depending on the region. Establishment of Islamic republic
Islamic republic
government[edit] Referendum of 12 Farvardin[edit] Main article: Iranian Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
referendum, March 1979 On 30 and 31 March (Farvardin 10, 11) a referendum was held over whether to replace the monarchy with an "Islamic Republic". Khomeini called for a massive turnout[207] and only the National Democratic Front, Fadayan, and several Kurdish parties opposed the vote.[207] The results show that 98.2% had voted in favor of the Islamic Republic.[207] Writing of the constitution[edit] Main articles: Assembly of Experts
Assembly of Experts
for Constitution; Iranian Constitutional Convention election, 1979; and Iranian constitutional referendum, December 1979 In June 1979
1979
the Freedom Movement released its draft constitution for the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
that it had been working on since Khomeini
Khomeini
was in exile. It included a Guardian Council
Guardian Council
to veto un-Islamic legislation, but had no guardian jurist ruler.[208] Leftists found the draft too conservative and in need of major changes but Khomeini
Khomeini
declared it `correct`.[188][209] To approve the new constitution and prevent leftist alterations, a relatively small seventy-three-member Assembly of Experts for Constitution was elected that summer. Critics complained that "vote-rigging, violence against undesirable candidates and the dissemination of false information" was used to "produce an assembly overwhelmingly dominated by clergy, all took active roles during the revolution and loyal to Khomeini."[210] Khomeini
Khomeini
(and the assembly) now rejected the constitution – its correctness notwithstanding – and Khomeini
Khomeini
declared that the new government should be based "100% on Islam."[211] In addition to the president, the new constitution included a more powerful post of guardian jurist ruler intended for Khomeini,[212] with control of the military and security services, and power to appoint several top government and judicial officials. It increased the power and number of clerics on the Council of Guardians
Council of Guardians
and gave it control over elections[213] as well as laws passed by the legislature. The new constitution was also approved overwhelmingly by referendum, but with more opposition [Note 7] and smaller turnout.[214] Hostage crisis[edit] Main article: Iran
Iran
hostage crisis Holding 52 American diplomats hostage for 444 days played a role in helping to pass the constitution, suppressing moderates, and otherwise radicalising the revolution. In late October 1979, the exiled and dying Shah
Shah
was admitted into the United States
United States
for cancer treatment. In Iran
Iran
there was an immediate outcry and both Khomeini
Khomeini
and leftist groups demanding the Shah's return to Iran
Iran
for trial and execution. On 4 November 1979
1979
youthful Islamists, calling themselves Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, invaded the embassy compound and seized its staff. Revolutionaries were angry because of how the Shah
Shah
had fled abroad while the Embassy-based American CIA
CIA
and British intelligence organized a coup d'état to overthrow his nationalist opponent who was a legitimately elected official. The holding of hostages was very popular and continued for months even after the death of the Shah. As Khomeini
Khomeini
explained to his future President Banisadr,

This action has many benefits. ... This has united our people. Our opponents do not dare act against us. We can put the constitution to the people's vote without difficulty ...[215]

With great publicity the students released documents from the American embassy or "nest of spies," showing moderate Iranian leaders had met with U.S. officials (similar evidence of high-ranking Islamists having done so did not see the light of day).[216] Among the casualties of the hostage crisis was Prime Minister Bazargan and his government who resigned in November unable to enforce the government's order to release the hostages.[217] The prestige of Khomeini
Khomeini
and the hostage taking was further enhanced with the failure of a hostage rescue attempt, widely credited to divine intervention.[218] It ended with the signing of the Algiers Accords in Algeria on 19 January 1981. The hostages were formally released into United States custody the following day, just minutes after the new American president Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan
was sworn in. The hostages had been held at the U.S. embassy in Tehran
Tehran
for 444 days. Suppression of opposition[edit] See also: Nojeh coup plot In early March Khomeini
Khomeini
announced, "do not use this term, ‘democratic.’ That is the Western style," giving pro-democracy liberals (and later leftists) a taste of disappointments to come.[219] In succession the National Democratic Front was banned in August 1979, the provisional government was disempowered in November, the Muslim People's Republican Party banned in January 1980, the People's Mujahedin of Iran
Iran
guerrillas came under attack in February 1980, a purge of universities was begun in March 1980, and leftist Islamist Abolhassan Banisadr
Abolhassan Banisadr
was impeached in June 1981.[citation needed] After the revolution, human rights groups estimated the number of casualties suffered by protesters and prisoners of the new system to be several thousand. The first to be executed were members of the old system – senior generals, followed by over 200 senior civilian officials,[220] as punishment and to eliminate the danger of a coup d’État. Brief trials lacking defense attorneys, juries, transparency or opportunity for the accused to defend themselves,[221] were held by revolutionary judges such as Sadegh Khalkhali, the Sharia judge. By January 1980 "at least 582 persons had been executed."[222] Among those executed was Amir Abbas Hoveida, former Prime Minister of Iran.[citation needed] Between January 1980 and June 1981, when Bani-Sadr was impeached, at least 900 executions took place,[223] for everything from drug and sexual offenses to `corruption on earth, ` from plotting counter-revolution and spying for Israel
Israel
to membership in opposition groups.[224] In the 12 months following that Amnesty International documented 2,946 executions, with several thousand more killed in the next two years according to the anti-government guerillas People's Mujahedin of Iran.[225] Newspaper closings[edit] In mid August, shortly after the election of the constitution-writing assembly, several dozen newspapers and magazines opposing Khomeini's idea of theocratic rule by jurists were shut down.[226][227][228] When protests were organized by the National Democratic Front (NDF), Khomeini
Khomeini
angrily denounced them saying, "we thought we were dealing with human beings. It is evident we are not."[229]

... After each revolution several thousand of these corrupt elements are executed in public and burnt and the story is over. They are not allowed to publish newspapers.[230]

Hundreds were injured by "rocks, clubs, chains and iron bars" when Hezbollahi attacked the protesters,[231] and shortly after, a warrant was issued for the arrest of the NDF's leader.[232] Muslim People's Republican Party[edit]

Kazem Shariatmadari
Kazem Shariatmadari
and Khomeini.

In December the moderate Islamic party Muslim People's Republican Party (MPRP), and its spiritual leader Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari had become a rallying point for Iranians who wanted democracy not theocracy.[233] Riots broke out in Shariatmadari's Azeri home region with members of the MPRP and Shariatmadari's followers seizing the Tabriz
Tabriz
television station, and using it to "broadcast demands and grievances." The regime reacted quickly, sending Revolutionary Guards to retake the TV station, mediators to defuse complaints and activists to stage a massive pro- Khomeini
Khomeini
counter-demonstration.[234] The party was suppressed[233] and in 1982 Shariatmadari was "demoted" from the rank of Grand Ayatollah
Ayatollah
and many of his clerical followers purged.[235] Islamist left[edit] In January 1980 Abolhassan Banisadr
Abolhassan Banisadr
was elected president of Iran. Though an adviser to Khomeini, he was a leftist who clashed with another ally of Khomeini, the theocratic Islamic Republic Party
Islamic Republic Party
(IRP) – the controlling power in the new parliament.[236]

Banisadr
Banisadr
in 1980.

At the same time, erstwhile revolutionary allies of Khomeini
Khomeini
– the Islamist modernist guerrilla group People's Mujahedin of Iran
Iran
(or MEK) – were being suppressed by Khomeini's revolutionary organizations. Khomeini
Khomeini
attacked the MEK as monafeqin (hypocrites) and kafer (unbelievers).[237] Hezbollahi people attacked meeting places, bookstores, newsstands of Mujahideen and other leftists[238] driving them underground. Universities were closed to purge them of opponents of theocratic rule as a part of the "Cultural Revolution", and 20,000 teachers and nearly 8,000 military officers deemed too westernized were dismissed.[239] By mid-1981 matters came to a head. An attempt by Khomeini
Khomeini
to forge a reconciliation between Banisadr
Banisadr
and IRP leaders had failed[240] and now it was Banisadr
Banisadr
who was the rallying point "for all doubters and dissidents" of the theocracy, including the MEK.[241] When leaders of the National Front called for a demonstration in June 1981 in favor of Banisadr, Khomeini
Khomeini
threatened its leaders with the death penalty for apostasy "if they did not repent."[242] Leaders of the Freedom Movement of Iran
Iran
were compelled to make and publicly broadcast apologies for supporting the Front's appeal.[243] Those attending the rally were menaced by Hezbollahi and Revolutionary Guards and intimidated into silence.[244] The MEK retaliated with a campaign of terror against the IRP. On 28 June 1981, a bombing of the office of the IRP killed around 70 high-ranking officials, cabinet members and members of parliament, including Mohammad Beheshti, the secretary-general of the party and head of the Islamic Republic's judicial system. The government responded with thousands of arrests and hundreds of executions.[245] Despite these and other assassinations[203] the hoped-for mass uprising and armed struggle against the Khomeiniists was crushed. The MEK bombings were not the only violent opposition to the Khomeinist rule. In May 1979, the Furqan Group (Guruh-i Furqan) assassinated an important lieutenant of Khomeini, Morteza Motahhari.[246] Impact[edit] Further information: History of the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
of Iran Views differ on the impact of the revolution.[Note 8] For some it was "the most significant, hopeful and profound event in the entirety of contemporary Islamic history,"[248] while other Iranians believe that the revolution was a time when "for a few years we all lost our minds",[249] and which "promised us heaven, but... created a hell on earth."[250] International[edit] Further information: 1979
1979
energy crisis Internationally, the initial impact of the revolution was immense. In the non-Muslim world it changed the image of Islam, generating much interest in Islam
Islam
– both sympathetic[251] and hostile[252] – and even speculation that the revolution might change "the world balance of power more than any political event since Hitler's conquest of Europe."[253] The Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
positioned itself as a revolutionary beacon under the slogan "neither East nor West, only Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
( “Na Sharq, Na Gharb, Faqat Jumhuri-e Islami,”) (i.e. neither Soviet nor American/West European models), and called for the overthrow of capitalism, American influence, and social injustice in the Middle East and the rest of the world. Revolutionary leaders in Iran
Iran
gave and sought support from non-Muslim causes– e.g. the Sandinistas
Sandinistas
in Nicaragua, IRA in Ireland and anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa – even to the point of favoring leftist revolutionaries over Islamist, but ideologically different and strategically harmful causes, such as the neighboring Afghan Mujahideen.[254] Persian Gulf and the Iran– Iraq
Iraq
War[edit] Main article: Iran– Iraq
Iraq
War

Obverse of Iranian 20 Rials coin – monument of 3rd anniversary of Iranian Revolution

Reverse of Iranian 20 Rials coin – monument of 3rd anniversary of Iranian Revolution

In its region, Iranian Islamic revolutionaries called specifically for the overthrow of monarchies and their replacement with Islamic republics, much to the alarm of its smaller Sunni-run Arab neighbors Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the other Persian Gulf States
Persian Gulf States
– most of whom were monarchies and all of whom had sizable Shi'a
Shi'a
populations. It was with one of these countries that the Iran– Iraq
Iraq
War, which killed hundreds of thousands and dominated life in the Islamic Republic
Republic
for the next eight years, was fought. Although Iraq
Iraq
invaded Iran, most of the war was fought after Iran
Iran
had regained most of its land back and after the Iraqi government had offered a truce. Khomeini rejected it, announcing the only condition for peace was that "the regime in Baghdad must fall and must be replaced by an Islamic Republic,"[255] but ultimately the war ended with no Islamic revolution in Iraq. In September 1980 the Arab Nationalist and Sunni
Sunni
Muslim-dominated regime of Saddam Hussein
Saddam Hussein
of neighboring Iraq
Iraq
invaded Iran
Iran
in an attempt to take advantage of revolutionary chaos and destroy the revolution in its infancy.[citation needed] Iran
Iran
was "galvanized"[256] and Iranians rallied behind their new government helping to stop and then reversing the Iraqi advance. By early 1982 Iran
Iran
regained almost all the territory lost to the invasion. Like the hostage crisis, the war served in part as an opportunity for the government to strengthen revolutionary ardour and revolutionary groups;[257] the Revolutionary Guard and committees at the expense of its remaining allies-turned-opponents, such as the MEK.[258][259] While enormously costly and destructive, the war "rejuvenate[d] the drive for national unity and Islamic revolution" and "inhibited fractious debate and dispute" in Iran.[260] Western/U.S.–Iranian relations[edit] Main articles: Iran–United Kingdom relations
Iran–United Kingdom relations
and Iran–United States relations after 1979 Iran
Iran
experienced difficult relations with some Western countries, especially the United States. Iran
Iran
was under constant US unilateral sanctions, which were tightened under the presidency of Bill Clinton. Once having political relations with Iran
Iran
dating back to the late Ilkhanate
Ilkhanate
period (13th century),[261] Britain suspended all diplomatic relations with Iran. Britain did not have an embassy until it was reopened in 1988.[262] Other countries[edit] In the Mideast and Muslim world, particularly in its early years, it triggered enormous enthusiasm and redoubled opposition to western intervention and influence. Islamist insurgents rose in Saudi Arabia (1979), Egypt (1981), Syria (1982), and Lebanon (1983).[263] Although ultimately only the Lebanese Islamists succeeded, other activities have had more long-term impact. The Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Khomeini's 1989 fatwa calling for the killing of Indian-born British citizen Salman Rushdie
Salman Rushdie
had international impact. The Islamic revolutionary government itself is credited with helping establish Hezbollah
Hezbollah
in Lebanon[264] and the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution
Revolution
in Iraq. On the other side of the ledger, at least one observer argues that despite great effort and expense the only countries outside Iran
Iran
the revolution had a "measure of lasting influence" on are Lebanon and Iraq.[265] Others claim the devastating Iran–Iraq War
Iran–Iraq War
"mortally wounded ... the ideal of spreading the Islamic revolution,"[183] or that the Islamic Republic's pursuit of an ideological rather than a "nationalist, pragmatic" foreign policy has weakened Iran's "place as a great regional power".[266] Domestic[edit]

People celebrating anniversary of the revolution in Mashhad
Mashhad
in 2014.

Fireworks in Tehran
Tehran
for celebrating the revolution anniversary.

Anniversary of 1979 Revolution
1979 Revolution
2017 in Tehran.

Internally, Iran
Iran
has had some success in recent years in the broadening of education and health care for the poor, and particularly governmental promotion of Islam, and the elimination of secularism and American influence in government. Criticisms have been raised with regards to political freedom, governmental honesty and efficiency, economic equality and self-sufficiency, or even popular religious devotion.[267][268] Opinion polls and observers report widespread dissatisfaction, including a "rift" between the revolutionary generation and younger Iranians who find it "impossible to understand what their parents were so passionate about."[269] Human development[edit] Literacy has continued to increase under the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
which uses Islamic principles.[270][271] By 2002, illiteracy rates dropped by more than half.[272][273] Maternal and infant mortality rates have also been cut significantly.[274] Population growth was first encouraged, but discouraged after 1988.[275] Overall, Iran's Human development Index rating has climbed significantly from 0.569 in 1980 to 0.732 in 2002, on par with neighbour Turkey.[276][277] Iran
Iran
has since fallen 8 spots below Turkey in the latest HDI however.[278] Politics and government[edit] Main article: Politics of Iran Iran
Iran
has elected governmental bodies at the national, provincial, and local levels. Although these bodies are subordinate to theocracy – which has veto power over who can run for parliament (or Islamic Consultative Assembly) and whether its bills can become law – they have more power than equivalent organs in the Shah's government. Iran's Sunni
Sunni
minority (about 8%) has seen some unrest.[279] Five of the 290 parliamentary seats are allocated to their communities.[280] The members of the Bahá'í Faith have been declared heretical and subversive.[281] While persecution occurred before the Revolution since then more than 200 Bahá'ís have been executed or presumed killed, and many more have been imprisoned, deprived of jobs, pensions, businesses, and educational opportunities. Bahá'í holy places have been confiscated, vandalized, or destroyed. More recently, Bahá'ís in Iran
Iran
have been deprived of education and work. Several thousand young Bahá'ís between the ages of 17 and 24 have been expelled from universities. Whether the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
has brought more or less severe political repression is disputed. Grumbling once done about the tyranny and corruption of the Shah
Shah
and his court is now directed against "the Mullahs."[282] Fear of SAVAK
SAVAK
has been replaced by fear of Revolutionary Guards, and other religious revolutionary enforcers.[283] Violations of human rights by the theocratic government is said to be worse than during the monarchy,[284] and in any case extremely grave.[285] Reports of torture, imprisonment of dissidents, and the murder of prominent critics have been made by human rights groups. Censorship is handled by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, without whose official permission, "no books or magazines are published, no audiotapes are distributed, no movies are shown and no cultural organization is established. All forms of popular music are banned. Men and women are not allowed to dance or swim with each other."[286] Women[edit] See also: Women's rights in Iran
Iran
and Women's rights movement in Iran Throughout the beginning of the 20th century and prior to the revolution, many women leaders emerged and demanded basic social rights for women.[287] During the reign of Reza Shah, the government mandated the removal of the veil and promoted the education of young girls.[287] However, the push-back of the Shii clerics made progress difficult, and the government had to contain its promotion of basic women's rights to the norms of the patriarchal social hierarchy in order to accommodate the clergy.[287] After the abdication of Reza Shah
Shah
in 1941, the discipline of the government decreased, and women were able to further exercise their rights, including the ability to wear the veil if they wanted.[287] More organization of women's groups occurred in the 1960s and 70s, and they used the government’s modernization to define and advocate for women’s issues.[287] During these decades, women became active in formerly male domains such as the parliament, the cabinet, armed forces, legal professions, and fields of science and technology.[287] Additionally, women achieved the right to vote in 1963.[287] Many of these achievements and rights that Iranian women had gained in the decades leading up to the revolution were reversed by the Islamic Revolution.[287] The revolutionary government rewrote laws in an attempt to force women to leave the workforce by promoting the early retirement of female government employees, the closing of childcare centers, enforcing full Islamic cover in offices and public places, as well as preventing women from studying in 140 fields in higher education.[287] Women fought back against these changes, and as activist and writer Mahnaz Afkhami writes, "The regime succeeded in putting women back in the veil in public places, but not in resocializing them into fundamentalist norms.[287]" After the revolution, women often had to work hard to support their families as the post-revolutionary economy suffered.[287] Women also asserted themselves in the arts, literature, education, and politics.[287] Women – especially those from traditional backgrounds – participated on a large scale in demonstrations leading up to the revolution.[288] They were encouraged by Ayatollah Khomeini
Ayatollah Khomeini
to join him in overthrowing the Pahlavi dynasty.[289] However, most of these women expected the revolution to lead to an increase in their rights and opportunities rather than the restrictions that actually occurred.[289] The policy enacted by the revolutionary government and its attempts to limit the rights of women were challenged by the mobilization and politicization of women that occurred during and after the revolution.[289] Women's resistance included remaining in the work force in large numbers and challenging Islamic dress by showing hair under their head scarves.[289] The Iranian government has had to reconsider and change aspects of its policies towards women because of their resistance to laws that restrict their rights.[289]

Late 1970s[when?] Women in Iran Early 2010s[when?]

42.3% Literacy (15–24)[290] 98.5%

69.4% Literacy (>15)[290] 80.7%

48,845 Students[291] 2,191,409

122,753 Graduates[292] 5,023,992

2.4% Graduates (%)[292] 18.4%

19.7 Age at 1st marriage[293] 23.4

Since the revolution, university enrollment and the number of women in the civil service and higher education has risen[294] and several women have been elected to the Iranian parliament. Economy[edit] See also: Economy of Iran Iran's post-revolutionary economy has a significant state-owned or parastatal sector, including businesses owned by the Revolutionary Guards and Bonyad
Bonyad
foundations.[295][296] Since the revolution Iran's GDP(PPP) has grown from $114 billion in 1980 to $858 billion in 2010.[297] GDP
GDP
per capita (PPP) has grown from $4295 in 1980 to $11,396 in 2010.[297] Since the revolution Iran's GDP(Nominal) has grown from $90.392 billion in 1979
1979
to $385.874 in 2015.[298] GDP
GDP
per capita(nominal) has grown from $2290 in 1979
1979
to $5470 in 2016.[299] The value of Iran's currency declined precipitously after the revolution.Whereas on 15 March 1978, 71.46 rials equaled one U.S. dollar, in January 2018, 44,650 rials amounted to one dollar.[300] The economy has become more diversified since the revolution, with 80% of Iranian GDP
GDP
dependent on oil and gas as of 2010,[301] comparing to above 90% at the end of the Pahlavi period.[citation needed] The Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
lags some countries in transparency and ease of doing business according to international surveys. Transparency International ranked Iran
Iran
136th out of 175 countries in transparency (i.e. lack of corruption) for its 2014 index;[295] and the IRI was ranked 130th out of the 189 countries surveyed in the World Bank
World Bank
2015 Doing Business Report.[302] Islamic political culture[edit] It is said that there are attempts to incorporate modern political and social concepts into Islamic canon since 1950. The attempt was a reaction to the secular political discourse namely Marxism, liberalism and nationalism. However we could observe the great influence of western culture in Iran
Iran
after coup d’etat in 1953. Following the death of Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Boroujerdi, some of the scholars like Murtaza Mutahhari, Muhammad Beheshti and Muhmud Talighani found new opportunity to change conditions. Before them, Boroujerdi was considered as a conservative Marja. They tried to reform conditions after the death of the ayatollah. They presented their arguments by rendering lectures in 1960 and 1963 in Tehran. The result of the lectures was the book "An inquiry into principles of Mar’jaiyat". Some of the major issues highlighted were the government in Islam, the need for the clergy's independent financial organization, Islam
Islam
as a way of life, advising and guiding youth and necessity of being community. Allameh Tabatabei refers to velayat as a political philosophy for Shia and velayat faqih for Shia community. There are also other attempts to formulate a new attitude of Islam
Islam
such as the publication of three volumes of Maktab Tashayyo. Also somebodies believe that it is indispensable to revive the religious gathered in Hoseyniyeh-e-Ershad.[303] Gallery[edit]

An injured revolutionary during protests against Pahlavi regime.

Protests in summer 1978.

Revolutionary victims.

Black Friday.

Women protesting during Iranian Revolution
Revolution
in 1979.

Current Iranian leader, Ali Khamenei
Ali Khamenei
in a Revolutionary protest in Mashhad.

Shah
Shah
visiting Bakhtiar cabinet before his exit from Iran.

Row of men holding Khomeini's photos.

People celebrating Shah's exit from the country.

Removal of Shah's statue by the people in University of Tehran.

Khomeini
Khomeini
at Mehrabad Airport.

People accompanying Khomeini
Khomeini
from Mehrabad to Behesht Zahra.

Khomeini
Khomeini
in Behesht Zahra.

Executed Generals of Imperial Army: Reza Naji, Mehdi Rahimi, and Manuchehr Khosrowdad

Khomeini
Khomeini
before a speech at Alavi school.

See also[edit]

Islam
Islam
portal Iran
Iran
portal Military history portal Politics portal 1970s portal

Revolution-related topics:

Background and causes of the Iranian Revolution Civil resistance History of Iran Ruhollah Khomeini History of the Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
of Iran 1979
1979
energy crisis History of political Islam
Islam
in Iran Iran
Iran
hostage crisis Organizations of the Iranian Revolution Guadeloupe conference Fajr decade

Related conflicts:

Persian Constitutional Revolution 1953 Iranian coup d'état White Revolution Iran– Iraq
Iraq
war Kurdish Rebellion
Rebellion
of 1983 List of modern conflicts in the Middle East

General:

Human rights in Islamic Republic
Islamic Republic
of Iran People's Mujahedin of Iran Persecution
Persecution
of Bahá'ís International rankings of Iran Leftist guerrilla groups of Iran Island of Stability (speech)

References[edit] Notes[edit]

^ In the book "Jimmy Carter: the Liberal Left and World Chaos" (2009), Dr Mike Evans explained how the US government decided to end Shah's regime in Iran
Iran
and promote Khomeini's Islamic regime after a meeting with the UK and German officials in Guatemala. US government transferred 150 million dollars to Khomeini's bank account in France to support him.[27] ^ According to Kurzman, scholars writing on the revolution who have mentioned this include:

Gary Sick;[31] Michael M.J. Fischer;[32] Nikkie R. Keddie[33] Shaul Bakhash[34]

^ See: Velayat-e faqih
Velayat-e faqih
(book by Khomeini)#Importance of Islamic Government ^ Marxist guerrillas groups were the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIPFG) and the breakaway Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (IPFG), and some minor groups.[78] ^ See: Hokumat-e Islami : Velayat-e faqih
Velayat-e faqih
(book by Khomeini)#Why Islamic Government has not been established ^ For example, Islamic Republic Party
Islamic Republic Party
and allied forces controlled approximately 80% of the seats on the Assembly of Experts
Assembly of Experts
of Constitution. (see: Bakhash, pp. 78–82) An impressive margin even allowing for electoral manipulation ^ opposition included some clerics, including Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, and by secularists such as the National Front who urged a boycott ^ example: "Secular Iranian writers of the early 1980s, most of whom supported the revolution, lamented the course it eventually took."[247]

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Bibliography[edit]

Arjomand, Said Amir (1988). Turban for the Crown: The Islamic Revolution
Revolution
in Iran. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504257-3.  Abrahamian, Ervand (1982). Iran
Iran
between two revolutions. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-00790-X.  Bakhash, Shaul (1984). Reign of the Ayatollahs. Basic Books,. ISBN 0-465-06888-X.  Graham, Robert (1980). Iran, the Illusion of Power. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-43588-6.  Harney, Desmond (1998). The priest and the king: an eyewitness account of the Islamic revolution. I.B. Tauris.  Kapuscinski, Ryszard (1985). Shah
Shah
of Shahs. Harcourt Brace, Jovanovich. ISBN 0-7043-2473-3.  Keddie, Nikki (2003). Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-09856-1.  Kurzman, Charles (2004). The Unthinkable Revolution
Revolution
in Iran. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01328-X.  Mackey, Sandra (1996). The Iranians: Persia, Islam
Islam
and the Soul of a Nation. Dutton. ISBN 0-452-27563-6.  Moin, Baqer (2000). Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. Thomas Dunne Books. ISBN 0-312-26490-9.  Roy, Olivier (1994). The Failure of Political Islam. translated by Carol Volk. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-29140-9.  Schirazi, Asghar (1997). The Constitution of Iran. Tauris. ISBN 1-86064-253-5.  Shirley, Edward (1997). Know Thine Enemy. Farra. ISBN 0-8133-3588-4.  Taheri, Amir (1985). The Spirit of Allah. Adler & Adler. ISBN 0-09-160320-X. 

Further reading[edit]

Islamic Revolution
Revolution
Portal
Portal
The Iran
Iran
Revolution. Afshar, Haleh (1985). Iran: A Revolution
Revolution
in Turmoil. Albany, New York: SUNY Press. ISBN 0-333-36947-5.  Barthel, Günter (1983). Iran: From Monarchy
Monarchy
to Republic. Berlin, Germany: Akademie-Verlag.  Daniel, Elton L. (2000). The History of Iran. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-30731-8.  Esposito, John L. (1990). The Islamic Revolution: Its Global Impact. Miami, FL: Florida International University Press. ISBN 0-8130-0998-7.  Hiro, Dilip (1989). "Iran: Revolutionary Fundamentalism in Power". Holy Wars: The Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-90208-8.  Ryszard Kapuściński. Shah
Shah
of Shahs. Translated from Polish by William R. Brand and Katarzyna Mroczkowska-Brand. New York: Vintage International, 1992. Kahlili, Reza (2010). A Time to Betray: The Astonishing Double Life of a CIA
CIA
Agent Inside the Revolutionary Guards
Revolutionary Guards
of Iran. New York: simon and schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-8903-0.  Habib Ladjevardi (editor), Memoirs of Shapour Bakhtiar, Harvard University Press, 1996. Kaify, S. Naqi Abbas, Poetry of Islamic Revolution
Revolution
as a cradle of the International Islamic Resistance Poetry (شعر انقلاب اسلامی گاهوارۀ شعر مقاومت بین‌المللی), Socrates, ISSN 2347-6869, pp. 93–99, Introductory Edition-1, Year 2013 Kraft, Joseph. "Letter from Iran", The New Yorker, Vol. LIV, #44, 18 December 1978. Legum, Colin, et al., eds. Middle East Contemporary Survey: Volume III, 1978–79. New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1980. + *Legum, Colin, et al., eds. Middle East Conte Milani, Abbas, The Persian Sphinx: Amir Abbas Hoveyda
Amir Abbas Hoveyda
and the Riddle of the Islamic Revolution, Mage Publishers, 2000, ISBN 0-934211-61-2. Munson, Henry, Jr. Islam
Islam
and Revolution
Revolution
in the Middle East. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. Nafisi, Azar. "Reading Lolita in Tehran." New York: Random House, 2003. Nobari, Ali Reza, ed. Iran
Iran
Erupts: Independence: News and Analysis of the Iranian National Movement. Stanford: Iran-America Documentation Group, 1978. Nomani, Farhad & Sohrab Behdad, Class and Labor in Iran; Did the Revolution
Revolution
Matter? Syracuse University Press. 2006. ISBN 0-8156-3094-8 Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza, Response to History, Stein & Day Pub, 1980, ISBN 0-8128-2755-4. Rahnema, Saeed & Sohrab Behdad, eds. Iran
Iran
After the Revolution: Crisis of an Islamic State. London: I.B. Tauris, 1995. Sick, Gary. All Fall Down: America's Tragic Encounter with Iran. New York: Penguin Books, 1986. Shawcross, William, The Shah's last ride: The death of an ally, Touchstone, 1989, ISBN 0-671-68745-X. Smith, Frank E. The Islamic Revolution. 1998. Society for Iranian Studies, Islamic Revolution
Revolution
in Perspective. Special
Special
volume of Iranian Studies, 1980. Volume 13, nos. 1–4. Time magazine, 7 January 1980. Man of the Year ( Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Khomeini). U.S. Department of State, American Foreign Policy Basic Documents, 1977–1980. Washington, DC: GPO, 1983. JX 1417 A56 1977–80 REF – 67 pages on Iran. Yapp, M.E. The Near East Since the First World War: A History to 1995. London: Longman, 1996. Chapter 13: Iran, 1960–1989.

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Iranian Revolution.

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Islamic Revolution

" Iran
Iran
after the victory of 1979's Revolution," on Iran
Iran
Chamber Society Islamic Revolution
Revolution
of Iran, Encarta (Archived 2009-10-31) The Islamic revolution, Britannica The Dynamics of the Islamic Revolution: The Pahlavis' Triumph and Tragedy The Islamic revolution: 30 years on, its legacy still looms large – audio slideshow by The Guardian

Historical articles

The Story of the Revolution
Revolution
– a detailed web resource from the BBC World Service Persian Branch The Reunion – The Shah
Shah
of Iran's Court – BBC Radio 4
BBC Radio 4
an audio program featuring the pre-Revolutionary elite Brzezinski's role in the 1979
1979
Islamic Revolution, Payvand News, 10 March 2006. The Islamic Revolution. The Islamic revolution. The Islamic revolution, Internews.

Analytical articles

Bernard Lewis, "Islamic Revolution,", The New York Review of Books (21 January 1988). Islamic Revolution: An Exchange by Abbas Milani, with reply by Bernard Lewis What Are the Iranians Dreaming About? by Michel Foucault The Seductions of Islamism, Revisiting Foucault and the Islamic Revolution
Revolution
by Janet Afary and Kevin B. Anderson, New Politics, vol. 10, no. 1, whole no. 37 (Summer 2004). Moojan Momen, "The Religious Background of the 1979 Revolution
1979 Revolution
in Iran" The Islamic Revolution
Revolution
by Ted Grant, "In Defence of Marxism" website, International Marxist Tendency (Friday, 9 February 1979). Class Analysis of the Islamic Revolution
Revolution
of 1979
1979
by Satya J. Gabriel The Cause of The Islamic Revolution
Revolution
by Jon Curme History of Undefeated, A few words in commemoration of the 1979 Revolution
Revolution
By Mansoor Hekmat, Communist Thinker and Revolutionary Revolution
Revolution
and Counter-revolution in Iran
Iran
by HKS, Iranian Socialist Workers Party

In pictures and videos

Iran: Revolution
Revolution
and Beyond – slideshow by Life magazine iranrevolution.com by Akbar Nazemi Islamic Revolution, Photos by Kaveh Golestan Photos from Kave Kazemi The Islamic Revolution
Revolution
in Pictures Islamic revolution in pictures, BBC World Slideshow with audio commentary of the legacy of Islamic revolution after 30 years Pictures of Ayatollah
Ayatollah
Ruhollah Khomeini
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after the revolution, Shah
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and wife in Morocco Documentary: Anatomy of a Revolution NIGHT AFTER THE REVOLUTION English Version

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Peoples

Iranian citizens (abroad) Ethnic minorities

Armenians Assyrians Azerbaijanis Circassians Georgians Kurds Persian Jews Turkmen

Religion

Islam Bahá'í (persecution) Christianity Zoroastrians (persecution) minorities

Other

Corruption Crime Education (higher scientists and scholars universities) Brain drain Health care International rankings Nationality Water supply and sanitation Women

Culture

Architecture (Achaemenid architects) Art (modern / contemporary) Blogs Calendars (Persian New Year (Nowruz)) Chādor (garment) Chicago Persian antiquities dispute Cinema Crown jewels Cuisine Folklore Intellectual movements Iranians Iranian studies Islam (Islamization) Literature Media (news agencies (student) newspapers) Mythology National symbols (Imperial Anthem) Opium consumption Persian gardens Persian name Philosophy Public holidays Scouting Sport (football)

Music

Folk Heavy metal Pop Rap and hip-hop Rock and alternative Traditional Ey Iran

Other topics

Science and technology Anti-Iranian sentiment Tehrangeles

Category Portal WikiProject Commons

v t e

Changes in political power in Iran

Revolution

1905–06 1979

Coup d'état

1908 1921 1953 1980 attempt

Rebellion

1909

Invasion

1914 1941

Politics of Iran

v t e

Cold War

USA USSR ANZUS NATO Non-Aligned Movement SEATO Warsaw Pact Cold War
Cold War
II

1940s

Morgenthau Plan Hukbalahap Rebellion Dekemvriana Percentages Agreement Yalta Conference Guerrilla
Guerrilla
war in the Baltic states

Forest Brothers Operation Priboi Operation Jungle Occupation of the Baltic states

Cursed soldiers Operation Unthinkable Operation Downfall Potsdam Conference Gouzenko Affair Division of Korea Operation Masterdom Operation Beleaguer Operation Blacklist Forty Iran
Iran
crisis of 1946 Greek Civil War Baruch Plan Corfu Channel incident Turkish Straits crisis Restatement of Policy on Germany First Indochina War Truman Doctrine Asian Relations Conference May 1947 Crises Marshall Plan Comecon 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état Tito–Stalin Split Berlin Blockade Western betrayal Iron Curtain Eastern Bloc Western Bloc Chinese Civil War
Chinese Civil War
(Second round) Malayan Emergency Albanian Subversion

1950s

Papua conflict Bamboo Curtain Korean War McCarthyism Egyptian Revolution
Revolution
of 1952 1953 Iranian coup d'état Uprising of 1953 in East Germany Dirty War
Dirty War
(Mexico) Bricker Amendment 1954 Guatemalan coup d'état Partition of Vietnam Vietnam War First Taiwan Strait Crisis Geneva Summit (1955) Bandung Conference Poznań 1956 protests Hungarian Revolution
Revolution
of 1956 Suez Crisis "We will bury you" Operation Gladio Arab Cold War

Syrian Crisis of 1957 1958 Lebanon crisis Iraqi 14 July Revolution

Sputnik crisis Second Taiwan Strait Crisis 1959 Tibetan uprising Cuban Revolution Kitchen Debate Sino-Soviet split

1960s

Congo Crisis 1960 U-2 incident Bay of Pigs Invasion 1960 Turkish coup d'état Soviet–Albanian split Berlin Crisis of 1961 Berlin Wall Portuguese Colonial War

Angolan War of Independence Guinea-Bissau War of Independence Mozambican War of Independence

Cuban Missile Crisis Sino-Indian War Communist insurgency in Sarawak Iraqi Ramadan
Ramadan
Revolution Eritrean War of Independence Sand War North Yemen Civil War Aden Emergency 1963 Syrian coup d'état Vietnam War Shifta War Guatemalan Civil War Colombian conflict Nicaraguan Revolution 1964 Brazilian coup d'état Dominican Civil War South African Border War Transition to the New Order Domino theory ASEAN Declaration Laotian Civil War 1966 Syrian coup d'état Argentine Revolution Korean DMZ conflict Greek military junta of 1967–74 Years of Lead (Italy) USS Pueblo incident Six-Day War War of Attrition Dhofar Rebellion Al-Wadiah War Protests of 1968 French May Tlatelolco massacre Cultural Revolution Prague Spring 1968 Polish political crisis Communist insurgency in Malaysia Invasion of Czechoslovakia Iraqi Ba'athist Revolution Goulash Communism Sino-Soviet border conflict CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion Corrective Move

1970s

Détente Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Black September
Black September
in Jordan Corrective Movement (Syria) Cambodian Civil War Koza riot Realpolitik Ping-pong diplomacy Ugandan-Tanzanian War 1971 Turkish military memorandum Corrective Revolution
Revolution
(Egypt) Four Power Agreement on Berlin Bangladesh Liberation War 1972 Nixon visit to China North Yemen-South Yemen Border conflict of 1972 Yemenite War of 1972 NDF Rebellion Eritrean Civil Wars 1973 Chilean coup d'état Yom Kippur War 1973 oil crisis Carnation Revolution Spanish transition Metapolitefsi Strategic Arms Limitation Talks Rhodesian Bush War Angolan Civil War Mozambican Civil War Oromo conflict Ogaden War Ethiopian Civil War Lebanese Civil War Sino-Albanian split Cambodian–Vietnamese War Sino-Vietnamese War Operation Condor Dirty War
Dirty War
(Argentina) 1976 Argentine coup d'état Korean Air Lines Flight 902 Yemenite War of 1979 Grand Mosque seizure Iranian Revolution Saur Revolution New Jewel Movement 1979
1979
Herat uprising Seven Days to the River Rhine Struggle against political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union

1980s

Soviet–Afghan War 1980 and 1984 Summer Olympics boycotts 1980 Turkish coup d'état Peruvian conflict Casamance conflict Ugandan Bush War Lord's Resistance Army insurgency Eritrean Civil Wars 1982 Ethiopian–Somali Border War Ndogboyosoi War United States
United States
invasion of Grenada Able Archer 83 Star Wars Iran– Iraq
Iraq
War Somali Rebellion 1986 Black Sea incident 1988 Black Sea bumping incident South Yemen Civil War Bougainville Civil War 8888 Uprising Solidarity

Soviet reaction

Contras Central American crisis RYAN Korean Air Lines Flight 007 People Power Revolution Glasnost Perestroika Nagorno-Karabakh War Afghan Civil War United States
United States
invasion of Panama 1988 Polish strikes Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 Revolutions of 1989 Fall of the Berlin Wall Velvet Revolution Romanian Revolution Peaceful Revolution Die Wende

1990s

Mongolian Revolution
Revolution
of 1990 German reunification Yemeni unification Fall of communism in Albania Breakup of Yugoslavia Dissolution of the Soviet Union Dissolution of Czechoslovakia

Frozen conflicts

Abkhazia China-Taiwan Korea Nagorno-Karabakh South Ossetia Transnistria Sino-Indian border dispute North Borneo dispute

Foreign policy

Truman Doctrine Containment Eisenhower Doctrine Domino theory Hallstein Doctrine Kennedy Doctrine Peaceful coexistence Ostpolitik Johnson Doctrine Brezhnev Doctrine Nixon Doctrine Ulbricht Doctrine Carter Doctrine Reagan Doctrine Rollback Sovereignty of Puerto Rico during the Cold War

Ideologies

Capitalism

Chicago school Keynesianism Monetarism Neoclassical economics Reaganomics Supply-side economics Thatcherism

Communism

Marxism–Leninism Castroism Eurocommunism Guevarism Hoxhaism Juche Maoism Trotskyism Naxalism Stalinism Titoism

Other

Fascism Islamism Liberal democracy Social democracy Third-Worldism White supremacy Apartheid

Organizations

ASEAN CIA Comecon EEC KGB MI6 Non-Aligned Movement SAARC Safari Club Stasi

Propaganda

Active measures Crusade for Freedom Izvestia Pravda Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Red Scare TASS Voice of America Voice of Russia

Races

Arms race Nuclear arms race Space Race

See also

Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War Soviet espionage in the United States Soviet Union– United States
United States
relations USSR–USA summits Russian espionage in the United States American espionage in the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and Russian Federation Russia– NATO
NATO
relations Brinkmanship CIA
CIA
and the Cultural Cold War Cold War
Cold War
II

Category Commons Portal Timeline List of conflicts

v t e

Islamism

Outline

Islamism Qutbism Salafism

Salafi jihadism

Shia Islamism

Concepts

Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists Islamic democracy Islamic socialism Islamic state

Islamic monarchy Islamic republic

Islamistan Islamization

of knowledge

Pan-Islamism Post-Islamism Sharia Shura Turkish model Two-nation theory Ummah

Movements

Socio- political

Deobandi Hizb ut-Tahrir

in Britain in Central Asia

Islamic Defenders Front Jamaat-e-Islami Millî Görüş Muslim Brotherhood

in Egypt in Syria

Political Party

Freedom and Justice Party Green Algeria Alliance Hadas Hezbollah Islamic Salvation Front Jamaat-e-Islami
Jamaat-e-Islami
Pakistan Jamiat-e Islami Justice and Construction Party Justice and Development Party (Morocco) National Congress National Iraqi Alliance Malaysian Islamic Party Prosperous Justice Party Al Wefaq Welfare Party

Related

Ennahda Movement Gülen movement Islamic Modernism Justice and Development Party (Turkey)

Theorists and political leaders

Muhammad Abduh Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī Qazi Hussain Ahmad Muhammad Asad Hasan al-Banna Necmettin Erbakan Muammar Gaddafi Rached Ghannouchi Safwat Hegazi Muhammad Iqbal Alija Izetbegović Ali Khamenei Ruhollah Khomeini Abul Ala Maududi Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani Yusuf al-Qaradawi Sayyid Qutb Tariq Ramadan Ata Abu Rashta Rashid Rida Navvab Safavi Ali Shariati Haji Shariatullah Hassan al-Turabi Ahmad Yassin Zia-ul-Haq

Salafi movement

Movements

Scholastic

Ahl-i Hadith Madkhalism Sahwa movement Wahhabism

Political

Al Asalah Authenticity Party Al-Islah Al-Nour Party

Islamist Bloc

People Party Young Kashgar Party

Major figures

Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab Nasiruddin Albani Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz Muqbil bin Hadi al-Wadi'i Safar al-Hawali Rabee al-Madkhali Muhammad Al-Munajjid Zakir Naik Salman al-Ouda Ali al-Tamimi Ibn al Uthaymeen

Related

International propagation of Salafism
Salafism
and Wahhabism Islamic religious police Petro-Islam Sufi-Salafi relations

Militant Islamism/Jihadism

Ideology

Qutbism Salafi jihadism

Movements

Islamic Emirate
Emirate
of Afghanistan Militant Islamism
Islamism
based in

MENA region

Egyptian Islamic Jihad Fatah al-Islam Hamas Islamic State of Iraq
Iraq
and the Levant

South Asia

Lashkar-e-Taiba Taliban

Southeast Asia

Abu Sayyaf

Sub-Saharan Africa

Boko Haram al-Shabaab

al-Qaeda

in the Arabian Peninsula in Iraq in North Africa

Major figures

Anwar al-Awlaki Abdullah Yusuf Azzam Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi Osama bin Laden Mohammed Omar Juhayman al-Otaybi Omar Abdel-Rahman Ayman al-Zawahiri

Related

Islamic extremism Islamic terrorism Jihad Slavery Talibanization Worldwide Caliphate

Texts

Reconstruction (Iqbal, 1930s) Forty Hadith (Khomeini, 1940) Principles (Asad, 1961) Milestones (Qutb, 1964) Islamic Government (Khomeini, 1970) Islamic Declaration (Izetbegović, 1969-1970) The Green Book (Gaddafi, 1975)

Historical events

Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization Iranian Revolution Grand Mosque seizure Soviet invasion of Afghanistan Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam Popular Arab and Islamic Congress Algerian Civil War September 11 attacks War on Terror Arab Spring Arab Winter

Influences

Anti-imperialism Anti-Zionism Islamic response to modernity Islamic revival Modern Islamic philosophy

by region

Balkans Gaza Strip United Kingdom

Related topics

Criticism

Ed Husain

Political aspects of Islam Political Islam

Islamism
Islamism
in

South Asia North Africa

v t e

Iran– Israel
Israel
proxy conflict

Background

Iran– Israel
Israel
relations Iranian Revolution South Lebanon conflict (1985–2000) 1992 attack on Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires AMIA bombing 2000 Hezbollah
Hezbollah
cross-border raid 2000–06 Shebaa Farms conflict Karine A affair Abu Hasan (boat) Quds Day

2006

Gaza– Israel
Israel
conflict

Operation Summer Rains Operation Autumn Clouds

2006 Lebanon War

2007

Operation Outside the Box

2008

Gaza War (2008–09) Operation Hot Winter 2009 Sudan airstrikes

2009

Francop Affair

2010

Masoud Alimohammadi
Masoud Alimohammadi
assassination Stuxnet
Stuxnet
incident Majid Shahriari
Majid Shahriari
assassination

2011

Victoria Affair Darioush Rezaeinejad
Darioush Rezaeinejad
assassination Bid Kaneh explosion 2011 alleged Iran
Iran
assassination plot

2012

Operation Pillar of Defense Mostafa Ahmadi-Roshan
Mostafa Ahmadi-Roshan
assassination 2012 attacks on Israeli diplomats 2012 Cyprus terrorist plot 2012 Burgas bus bombing Yarmouk munitions factory explosion

2013

January 2013 Rif Dimashq airstrike May 2013 Rif Dimashq airstrikes

2014

Operation Full Disclosure December 2014 Rif Dimashq airstrikes

2015

January 2015 Mazraat Amal incident January 2015 Shebaa farms incident April 2015 Qalamoun incident

2017

March 2017 Israel–Syria incident

2018

February 2018 Israel–Syria incident

Russia and the Iran– Israel
Israel
proxy conflict P5+1

Authority control

.