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Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
(20 November 1915 – 15 April 1989) was a high-ranking official of the People's Republic of China. He held the top office of the Communist Party of China
China
from 1981 to 1987, first as Chairman from 1981 to 1982, then as General Secretary from 1982 to 1987. Hu joined the Chinese Communist Party
Chinese Communist Party
in the 1930s, and rose to prominence as a comrade of Deng Xiaoping. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), Hu was purged, recalled, and purged again. After Deng rose to power, following the death of Mao Zedong, Deng promoted Hu to a series of high political positions. Throughout the 1980s Hu pursued a series of economic and political reforms under the direction of Deng. Hu's political and economic reforms made him the enemy of several powerful Party elders, who opposed free market reforms and attempts to make China's government more transparent. When widespread student protests occurred across China
China
in 1987, Hu's political opponents successfully blamed Hu for the disruptions, claiming that Hu's "laxness" and "bourgeois liberalization" had either led to, or worsened, the protests. Hu was forced to resign as Party general secretary in 1987, but was allowed to retain a seat in the Politburo. Hu's position as Party general secretary was taken by Zhao Ziyang, who continued many of Hu's economic and political reforms. A day after Hu's death, in 1989, a small-scale demonstration commemorated him and demanded that the government reassess his legacy. A week later, the day before Hu's funeral, some 100,000 students marched on Tiananmen Square, leading to the Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
protests of 1989. Following the government's suppression of the 1989 protests, the Chinese government censored the details of Hu's life inside mainland China, but it officially rehabilitated his image and lifted its censorship restrictions on the 90th anniversary of Hu's birth, in 2005.

Contents

1 Early years

1.1 Young revolutionary 1.2 Early PRC politician

2 Reformer

2.1 Public policies 2.2 Controversial political opinions 2.3 "Resignation"

3 Death, protests, and burial

3.1 Death and public reactions 3.2 Tomb

4 Official censorship and rehabilitation

4.1 Media censorship 4.2 Official rehabilitation 4.3 In the media after 2005

5 See also 6 References

6.1 Bibliography

7 Further reading

Early years[edit] Young revolutionary[edit]

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Hu in the 1940s

Hu Yaobang's ancestors were Hakkas[1][2] from Jiangxi. During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) they migrated into Hunan, where Hu was born.[3] Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
was born into a poor peasant family, and received little formal education. As a child he never attended school, and he taught himself to read. Hu participated in his first rebellion when he was twelve, left his family to join the Chinese Communist Party
Chinese Communist Party
when he was only fourteen,[4] and became a full member of the Party in 1933.[5] During the factional struggles that polarized the CCP during the 1930s, Hu supported Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
and opposed the 28 Bolsheviks. Hu was one of the youngest veterans of the Long March.[6] Once Mao was removed from power, shortly before the beginning of the Fourth Encirclement Campaign, Mao's supporters were persecuted, and Hu Yaobang was sentenced to death. Just before the beginning of the Long March, he and others were on their way to be beheaded. However, a powerful local communist commander named Tan Yubao (谭余保, 1899 – 10 January 1980) intervened at the last minute, saving Hu's life. Because of Hu's support of Mao, he was deemed unreliable and ordered to join the Long March
Long March
so that he could be placed under surveillance.[citation needed] Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
was seriously wounded in the battle of Mount Lu, near Zunyi, close to the area where Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
rose back to power via the Zunyi
Zunyi
Conference.[7] After Hu was wounded the communist field medic teams chose not to help Hu, and left him in the battlefield to die on the side of the road. Hu was rescued by a childhood friend of his, a Chinese Red Army commander, who happened to pass by. Hu called out his friend's nickname to ask for help, and the friend helped him catch up with the retreating main force of the Chinese Red Army and get treatment for his wounds.[citation needed] In 1936, Hu joined an expeditionary force led by Zhang Guotao. The objective of Zhang's 21,800+ strong force, was to cross the Yellow River, to expand the communist base west of Shaanxi, and to link up with forces from the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
or with the Xinjiang
Xinjiang
warlord Sheng Shicai, who was an ally of the communists and the Soviet Union. Zhang Guotao's forces were soundly defeated by the local Nationalist warlords, the Ma clique. Hu Yaobang, along with Qin Jiwei, became two of the thousands of prisoners-of-war captured by Ma clique's forces. Hu was one of only 1,500 prisoners-of-war whom Ma Bufang
Ma Bufang
decided to use as forced labor rather than execute.[citation needed] Ma Bufang
Ma Bufang
sent several Muslim cavalry divisions under General Ma Biao to fight against the Japanese. However Chiang Kai-shek
Chiang Kai-shek
pressured Ma Bufang to contribute even more of his troops to fight Japanese invaders, Ma Bufang
Ma Bufang
decided that, instead of using more of his own troops, he would instead send the 1,500 Chinese Red Army prisoners-of-war as conscripts. Since the marching route had to pass the border of the communist base in Shaanxi, Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
and Qin Jiwei decided to return to the Communists, and secretly organized an escape. The escape took place as planned and was a success: out of the total 1,500 POWs, more than 1,300 successfully returned to Yan'an. Mao personally welcomed these returning communists, and Hu Yaobang returned to communist forces, where he would remain for rest of his life.[citation needed] After Hu arrived in Yan'an, he attended the Anti-Japanese Military School. While studying in Yan'an, Hu met and married his wife, Li Zhao, who was also a student in Yan'an. After his training, Hu worked in the political department, and was assigned to work as a member of Peng Dehuai's Third Front Army.[8] Hu befriended and worked closely with Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
in the 1930s. In the 1940s, Hu worked under Deng as a political commissar in the Second Field Army. In the final stages of the Chinese Civil War, Hu accompanied Deng to Sichuan, and communist forces successfully took control of the province from Nationalist forces in 1949.[5] Early PRC politician[edit]

Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
in 1953

In 1949, the CCP successfully defeated Nationalist forces on mainland China, and the communists founded the People's Republic. In 1952, Hu accompanied Deng to Beijing, and Hu became the leader of the Communist Youth League from 1952–1966.[5] Hu rose rapidly up the Communist Party hierarchy, until Mao sent Hu to work as First Party Secretary of Shaanxi
Shaanxi
in 1964, saying: "He needs some practical training". Hu may have been assigned to work outside of Beijing
Beijing
because he was judged as being not sufficiently enthusiastic about Maoism.[9] Unlike many of his colleagues, Hu was able to keep his membership within the Party Central Committee until the 9th Party Congress in April 1969. During the Cultural Revolution, Hu was purged twice and rehabilitated twice, mirroring the political career of Hu's mentor, Deng Xiaoping.[10] In 1969, Hu was recalled to Beijing
Beijing
to be persecuted. Hu became "number one" among the "Three Hus", whose names were vilified and who were paraded through Beijing
Beijing
wearing heavy wooden collars around their necks. The other two "Hus" were Hu Keshi, who was the second most senior member of the Communist Youth League, and Hu Qili, who was third most senior in the Communist Youth League
Communist Youth League
and who had also become a close associate of Deng Xiaoping. After being publicly humiliated, Hu was sent to an isolated work camp to participate in "reformation through labour" under strict security. While in political exile Hu was forced to work hauling large boulders by hand.[9] When Deng was temporarily recalled to Beijing, from 1973–1976, Hu was also recalled; but, when Deng was purged again, in 1976, Hu was also purged.[6] After his second purge, Hu was sent to herd cattle.[9] Hu was recalled and rehabilitated a second time in 1977, shortly after Mao's death. After Hu was recalled, he was promoted to directing the Party's organizational department, and later directed Party propaganda through a department of the Politburo.[5] Hu was one of the main leaders responsible for re-assessing the fates of people who had been persecuted during the Cultural Revolution. According to the Chinese government, Hu was personally responsible for exonerating over three million people.[10] Hu tacitly supported the 1978 Democracy Wall protesters, and invited two of the activists to his home in Beijing. Hu opposed Hua Guofeng's "Two Whatevers" policy, and was an important supporter of Deng Xiaoping's ascent to power.[9]

Reformer[edit] Public policies[edit] Hu Yaobang's rise to power was engineered by Deng Xiaoping, and Hu rose to the highest levels of the Party after Deng displaced Hua Guofeng as China's "paramount leader". In 1980 Hu became Party Secretary General, and was elected to the powerful Politburo Standing Committee. In 1981, Hu became CPC Chairman, but helped abolish the position of Party chairman in 1982, as part of a broader effort to distance China
China
from Maoist politics. Most of the chairman's functions were transferred to the post of General Secretary, a post taken by Hu. Deng's displacement of Hua Guofeng
Hua Guofeng
marked the Party leadership's consensus that China
China
should abandon strict Maoist economics in favor of more pragmatic policies, and Hu directed many of Deng's attempts to reform the Chinese economy.[5] By 1982, Hu was the second most powerful person in China, after Deng.[11] Throughout the last decade of Hu's career, he promoted the role of intellectuals as being fundamental to China's achievement of the Four Modernizations.[10] During the early 1980s, Deng referred to Hu and Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
as his "left and right hands".[12] After advancing to the position of general secretary, Hu promoted a number of political reforms, often collaborating with Zhao. The ultimate goals of Hu's reforms were sometimes vaguely defined. Hu attempted to reform China's political system by: requiring candidates to be directly elected in order to enter the Politburo; holding more elections with more than one candidate; increasing government transparency; increasing public consultation before determining Party policy; and, increasing the degree that government officials could be held directly responsible for their mistakes.[13] During his time in office, Hu tried to rehabilitate the people who were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution. Many Chinese people think that this was his most important achievement. He was also in favor of a pragmatic policy in Tibet
Tibet
after realising the mistakes of previous policies. He ordered the withdrawal of thousands of Chinese Han cadres from the Tibet
Tibet
Autonomous Region following a May 1980 visit to the region, believing that Tibetans should be empowered to administer their own affairs.[14] Han Chinese who remained were required to learn Tibetan.[15] He set out six requirements to improve 'existing conditions', including the increase of state funds to the Autonomous Region, improvements in education, and "efforts to revive Tibetan culture".[16] At the same time, Hu stated that "anything that is not suited to Tibet's conditions should be rejected or modified".[15] Hu made a point of explicitly apologizing to Tibetans for China's misrule of the region during this trip.[9] Hu traveled widely throughout his time as general secretary, visiting 1500 individual districts and villages in order to inspect the work of local officials and to keep in touch with the common people. When he was sixty-five, Hu retraced the route of the Long March, and took the opportunity to visit and inspect remote military bases located in Tibet, Xinjiang, Yunnan, Qinghai, and Inner Mongolia.[17] Controversial political opinions[edit] Hu was notable for his liberalism and the frank expression of his opinions, which sometimes agitated other senior Chinese leaders. On a trip to Inner Mongolia
Inner Mongolia
in 1984, Hu publicly suggested that Chinese people might start eating in a Western way (with forks and knives, on individual plates) in order to prevent communicable diseases. He was one of the first Chinese officials to abandon wearing a Mao suit
Mao suit
in favor of Western business suits. When asked which of Mao Zedong's theories were desirable for modern China, he replied "I think, none".[18] Hu was not prepared to abandon Marxism completely, but frankly expressed the opinion that Communism could not solve "all of mankind's problems". Hu encouraged intellectuals to raise controversial subjects in the media, including democracy, human rights, and the possibility of introducing legal limits to the Communist Party's influence within the Chinese government. Many Party elders mistrusted Hu from the start, and eventually grew to fear his influence.[17] Hu made sincere efforts to repair Sino-Japanese relations, but was criticized for the scope of his efforts. In 1984, when Beijing recognized the twelfth anniversary of Japan's diplomatic recognition of the People's Republic, Hu invited 3,000 Japanese youth to Beijing, and arranged for them to tour Shanghai, Hangzhou, Nanjing, Wuhan, and Xi'an. Many senior officials considered Hu's efforts extravagant, since Japan had only invited 500 Chinese youths to Japan the previous year. Hu was criticized internally for the lavish gifts that he gave to visiting Japanese officials, and for allowing his daughter to privately accompany Japanese prime minister Nakasone's son when they visited Beijing. Hu defended his actions by citing the importance of strong Sino-Japanese relations, and his belief that the atrocities committed by Japan in China
China
during World War II
World War II
were the actions of military warlords, and not ordinary citizens.[19] Hu alienated potential allies within the People's Liberation Army
People's Liberation Army
when he suggested for two consecutive years that the Chinese defense budget should be reduced, and senior military leaders began to criticize him. Military officials accused Hu of making poor choices when purchasing military hardware from Australia in 1985. When Hu visited Britain, military officials criticized him for drinking soup too loudly during a banquet hosted by Queen Elizabeth II.[20] Zhao and Hu began a large-scale anti-corruption programme, and permitted the investigations of the children of high-ranking Party elders, who had grown up protected by their parents' influence. Hu's investigation of Party officials belonging to this "Crown Prince Party" made Hu unpopular with many powerful Party officials.[13] After Deng refused to support some of Hu's reforms, Hu made private comments critical of Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
for his indecisiveness and "old-fashioned" way of thinking, opinions which Deng eventually became aware of.[21] "Resignation"[edit] In December 1986, a group of students organized public protests across over a dozen cities in support of political and economic liberalization. The protests began in the University of Science and Technology in Hefei, Anhui, where they were led by the controversial astrophysicist, Fang Lizhi, who was then Vice Chancellor of the university. Fang talked openly about introducing political reforms which would end the influence of the Communist Party within the Chinese government. The protests were also led by two other "radical intellectuals", Wang Ruowang and Liu Binyan.[20] Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
disliked all three leaders, and directed Hu to dismiss them from the Party in order to silence them, but Hu refused.[21] In January 1987, after two weeks of student protests demanding greater Western-style freedoms,[5] a clique of Party elders and senior military officials forced Hu to resign on the grounds that he had been too lenient with student protesters and for moving too quickly towards free market-style economic reforms.[4] After Hu's dismissal, Deng promoted Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
to replace Hu as Party general secretary, putting Zhao in a position to succeed Deng as "paramount leader".[13] Hu officially resigned as Party general secretary on 16 January, but retained his seat in the Politburo Standing Committee.[5] When Hu "resigned", the Party forced him to issue a humiliating "self-criticism of his mistakes on major issues of political principles in violation of the party's principle of collective leadership." After 1987 Hu became more reclusive and less active in Chinese politics, studying revolutionary history and practicing his calligraphy in his spare time, and taking long walks for exercise.[6] Hu was generally viewed as having no real power after 1987, and he was relegated to largely ceremonial roles.[citation needed] Hu's "resignation" harmed the credibility of the CCP while improving Hu's own. Among Chinese intellectuals Hu became an example of a man who refused to compromise his convictions in the face of political resistance, and who had paid the price as a result. The promotion of a conservative, Li Peng, to the position of premier after Hu's departure from executive-level positions made the government less enthusiastic to pursue reform, and upset plans of an orderly succession of power from Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
to any politician similar to Hu.[18] Death, protests, and burial[edit]

Hu's Statue in his hometown Liuyang

Death and public reactions[edit] In October 1987 Hu retained his membership in the CCP's Central Committee at the 13th Party Congress, and was subsequently elected a member of the new Politburo by the first plenary session of the Central Committee. On 8 April 1989, Hu suffered a heart attack while attending a Politburo meeting in Zhongnanhai
Zhongnanhai
to discuss education reform. Hu was rushed to the hospital, accompanied by his wife. Hu died several days later, on 15 April. He was 73 years old. Hu's last words were that he should be buried simply, without extravagance, in his hometown.[22] In his official obituary, Hu was described as "a long-tested and staunch communist warrior, a great proletarian revolutionist and statesman, an outstanding political leader for the Chinese army".[10] Western reporters observed that Hu's obituary was intentionally "glowing" in order to divert suspicion that the Party had mistreated him.[18] At the memorial service, Hu's widow Li Zhao blamed Hu's death on how harshly the party treated him, telling Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
"It's all because of you people."[23] Although he had become a semi-retired official by the time of his death, and had been removed from positions of real power for his "mistakes", public pressure forced the Chinese government to give him a state funeral, attended by Party leaders. The eulogy at Hu's funeral praised his work in restoring political normality and promoting economic development after the Cultural Revolution.[24] Public mourners at Hu's funeral lined up ten miles long, a reaction which surprised China's leaders. Shortly after Hu's funeral, students in Beijing
Beijing
began petitioning the government to officially reverse the verdict that had led to Hu's "resignation", and to provide a more elaborate public funeral. The government then held a public memorial service for Hu in the Great Hall of the People.[22] On 22 April 1989, 50,000 students marched to Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
to participate in Hu's memorial service, and to deliver a letter of petition to Premier Li Peng.[25] Many people were dissatisfied with the party's slow response and relatively subdued funerary arrangements. Public mourning began on the streets of Beijing
Beijing
and elsewhere. In Beijing
Beijing
this was centred on the Monument to the People's Heroes in Tiananmen Square. The mourning became a public conduit for anger against perceived nepotism in the government, the unfair dismissal and early death of Hu, and the behind-the-scenes role of the "old men", officially retired leaders who nevertheless maintained quasi-legal power, such as Deng Xiaoping.[24] The protests eventually escalated into the Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
protests of 1989. Hu's promotion of the ideas on freedom of speech and freedom of press greatly influenced the students participating in the protests. Tomb[edit]

Hu Yaobang's tomb.

Hu Yaobang's Former Residence.

After Hu's funeral, his body was cremated, and his remains were buried in Babaoshan, a cemetery in Beijing
Beijing
reserved for senior Party officials. Hu's wife, Li Zhao, was unhappy with the location of Hu's grave, and successfully petitioned the government to move Hu's remains to a more suitable site. Eventually Hu's remains were moved to a large mausoleum in Gongqing, Jiangxi, a city that Hu had helped found in 1955. Hu's mausoleum is arguably the most impressive tomb of any senior CCP leader.[26] Li Zhao collected money for the construction of Hu's tomb from both private and public sources; and, with the help of her son, they selected an appropriate location in Gongqing. The tomb was constructed in the shape of a pyramid, on the top of a hill. On 5 December 1990 Hu's ashes were flown to Gongqing, carried by his son, Hu Deping. The ceremony was attended by Wen Jiabao, numerous Jiangxi
Jiangxi
public officials, and 2,000 members of the Communist Youth League. Gongqing's factories and schools were closed for the day, allowing 7,000 Gongqing citizens to attend. At the ceremony, Li Zhao made a speech expressing her gratitude towards the government and for the people who attended.[27] Official censorship and rehabilitation[edit] Media censorship[edit] The Tiananmen protests eventually ended in the violent suppression of protesters on 4 June 1989, in which hundreds of civilians were killed. Because the protests had been sparked by the death of Hu Yaobang, the government determined that any public discussion of Hu and his legacy could destabilize China
China
by renewing debate about the political reforms that Hu supported. Because of the public association with Hu and the "Tiananmen Massacre", Hu's name became taboo on the mainland, and the Chinese government censored any mention of him in the media.[28] In one example of government censorship, printed media which commemorated the anniversary of his death in 1994 were withdrawn from publication. Official rehabilitation[edit] Hu Jintao
Hu Jintao
announced plans to rehabilitate Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
in August 2005, with events organised for 20 November, the 90th anniversary of Hu's birth. Ceremonies were planned in Beijing, where Hu died, in Hunan, where Hu was born, and in Jiangxi, where Hu was buried. Western observers noted that the move to rehabilitate Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
may have been part of a broader political effort by Hu Jintao
Hu Jintao
to gain support from reform-minded colleagues, who had always respected Hu Yaobang.[28] Some political analysts have argued that Hu Jintao's administration wished to be associated with Hu Yaobang. Both Hu's (no relations) rose to power through the Communist Youth League, and have been described as part of the same "Youth League Clique". Hu Yaobang's support was partially responsible for Hu Jintao's rapid promotion during the 1980s.[29] Some observers noted that Hu Yaobang's rehabilitation made it more likely that the Party would be willing to re-evaluate the 1989 Tiananmen protests, but other observers expressed skepticism. Memorials with the purpose of recognizing the date of someone's birth or death are often signs of political trends within China, with some pointing to the prospect of further reform. Skeptics noted that Hu Jintao made a statement praising the governments of Cuba
Cuba
and North Korea (in spite of their economic "flaws") shortly after announcing Hu Yaobang's public commemoration, implying that it would be unlikely that the party would pursue a dramatic programme of political reform in the near future.[28] On 18 November 2005, The Communist Party officially celebrated the 90th anniversary of Hu Yaobang's birth with activities at the People's Hall (the date was changed to two days before it was officially scheduled). Around 350 people attended, including premier Wen Jiabao, vice president Zeng Qinghong, and numerous other Party officials, celebrities, and members of Hu Yaobang's family.[30] It was rumored that Hu Jintao
Hu Jintao
wanted to attend, but was prevented from doing so by other senior members of the Party who still disliked Hu Yaobang. Wen was not given the opportunity to talk, and Zeng Qinghong was the most senior Party member to speak.[12] In his speech, Zeng's said that members should learn from Hu's merits, especially his frankness and genuine concern for the Chinese people. Zeng stated that Hu had "contributed all his life and built immortal merits for the liberation and happiness of the Chinese people... His historic achievements and moral character will always be remembered by the Party and our people."[30] In the media after 2005[edit] The official three-volume biography and a collection of Hu's writings were slated for release in China. The project was originally begun by a group of Hu's former aides, led by Zhang Liqun (who died in 2003). After the government learned of the project, it insisted on taking control of it. One of the main issues that government censors identified was the concern that details of Hu's relationship with Deng Xiaoping (especially details of Hu's removal from power after resisting orders to crack down on student demonstrators in 1987) would reflect poorly on Deng's legacy. The authors of Hu's biography subsequently rejected offers from the government to released a censored version.[28] Only one volume (dealing with events up to the end of the Cultural Revolution) of the biography written by Hu's former aides was eventually published, with the other two volumes held by the government and remaining unpublished. Although magazines publishing commemorative articles were initially stopped from being released, the ban was lifted in 2005 and these magazines were publicly issued. Yanhuang Chunqiu, a reform-minded magazine, was allowed to publish a series of articles in 2005 commemorating the birthday of Hu Yaobang, but the government acted to limit the availability of the magazine. The issue commemorating Hu sold 50,000 copies, but the remaining 5,000 copies were destroyed by propaganda officials.[31] This was the first time since his death that Hu's name appeared publicly. On April 2010 (the 21st anniversary of Hu's death), Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao
Wen Jiabao
wrote an article in the People's Daily
People's Daily
titled "Recalling Hu Yaobang when I return to Xingyi".[32] Presented as an essay, it recollected an investigation of ordinary people's lives by Hu Yaobang and Wen Jiabao
Wen Jiabao
in Xingyi County, Guizhou, in 1986. Wen, who worked with Hu from 1985 to 1987, praised Hu's "superior working style of being totally devoted to the suffering of the masses", and his "lofty morality and openness [of character]". Wen's essay elicited an enthusiastic reaction in Chinese-language websites, generating over 20,000 responses on Sina.com on the day the article appeared.[33] The article was interpreted by observers familiar with the Chinese political system as a confirmation by Wen that he was a protege of Hu, rather than Zhao Ziyang.[12] On 20 November 2015, the 100th Anniversary of the birth of Hu Yaobang, Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping
Xi Jinping
held a high profile commemoration ceremony for Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
in Beijing. In contrast to the event held by the previous leadership ten years earlier, the 100th anniversary event was deliberately high-profile and attended by all members of the Politburo Standing Committee. Xi lavished Hu with praise for his accomplishments, and said that Hu "dedicated his life to the party and to the people. His led a glorious life, a life of struggle... his contributions will shine in history."[34] Hu appeared as a character in the 2015 historical drama Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
at History's Crossroads. See also[edit]

Hu Yaobang's Former Residence Politics of the People's Republic of China History of the People's Republic of China Hu Deping, son of Hu Yaobang Zhang Zhixin

References[edit]

^ Gladney 25 ^ "回忆父亲胡耀邦(十)".  ^ Lee 308 ^ a b Kristof 2 ^ a b c d e f g Encyclopædia Britannica. ^ a b c Kristof 3 ^ Lee 310 ^ Lee 310–311 ^ a b c d e Lee 311 ^ a b c d People's Daily ^ Forney ^ a b c Wu ^ a b c Becker ^ The Australian ^ a b Bass 52 ^ Bass 51—52 ^ a b Lee 312 ^ a b c Kristof 1 ^ Lee 311–312 ^ a b Lee 313–314 ^ a b Lee 314 ^ a b Lee 315 ^ Vogel 586 ^ a b Brook 26–27 ^ Tilly 74 ^ Lee 310, 314 ^ Lee 309 ^ a b c d Pan ^ Nathan & Gilley 80 ^ a b Xinhua ^ Fan 1 ^ Wen ^ Lam ^ "习近平纪念胡耀邦诞辰100周年讲话(全文)". Duowei. 20 November 2015. 

Bibliography[edit]

" China
China
Braces for Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
Massacre Anniversary". The Australian. 13 April 2009. Bass, Catriona. Education in Tibet: Policy and Practice Since 1950. Zed Books. 1998. ISBN 978-1-85649-674-2 Becker, Jasper. "Zhao Ziyang: Chinese Leader Who 'Came too Late' to Tiananmen Square". The Independent. 18 January 2005. Retrieved 20 October 2011. Brook, Timothy. Quelling the People: The Military Suppression of the Beijing
Beijing
Democracy Movement. Stanford University Press. 1998. ISBN 978-0-8047-3638-1 "Hu Yaobang". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 2011. Retrieved 21 October 2011. Fan, Maureen. "In China, Media Make Small Strides". Washington Post. 28 December 2008. Retrieved 23 October 2011. Forney, Matthew. "Speed Read: Hu Yaobang", TIME Magazine. 20 November 2005. Retrieved 23 October 2011. Gladney, Dru C. Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. Chicago: Chicago University Press. 2004. ISBN 0-226-29776-4. Kristof, Nicholas D. "Hu Yaobang, Ex-Party Chief in China, Dies at 73" (Obituary), New York Times, 16 April 1989. Retrieved 23 October 2011. Lam, Willy. "Chinese Leaders Revive Marxist Orthodoxy". Asia Times Online. 1 May 2010. Retrieved 23 October 2011. Lee, Khoon Choy. Pioneers of Modern China: Understanding the Inscrutable Chinese. Singapore: World Scientific Publishing. 2005. ISBN 981-256-464-0. MacFarquhar, Roderick. "Foreword". In Zhao Ziyang, Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster. 2009. ISBN 1-4391-4938-0. Pan, Philip P. " China
China
Plans to Honor a Reformer". Washington Post. 9 September 2005. Retrieved 22 October 2011. "Glorious Life of Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
Marked". People's Daily. 19 November 2005. Retrieved 22 October 2011. Nathan, Andrew James, & Gilley, Bruce. "China's New Rulers: The Secret Files". New York Review of Books. 2003. ISBN 978-1-59017-072-4 Tilly, Charles. The Politics of Collective Violence. Cambridge University Press. 2003. ISBN 978-0-521-53145-0 Vogel, Ezra F. Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
and the Transformation of China. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 26 September 2011. Wen Jiabao. "Recalling Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
When I Return to Xingyi". [Chinese: 再回兴义忆耀邦]. People's Daily. 15 April 2010. Retrieved 23 October 2011. Wu Zhong. "Hu, Wen, and Why". Asia Times Online. 21 April 2010. Retrieved 26 October 2011. "Birth Anniversary Marked for Late Leader Hu Yaobang". Xinhua. 18 November 2005. Retrieved 23 October 2011. Wen Jiabao. "Premier Wen Jiabao's article on Hu Yaobang's Visit to Tibet".People's Daily. 15 April 2010.

Further reading[edit]

Pang, Pang. The Death of Hu Yaobang. Center for Chinese Studies, School of Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific Studies. University of Hawai'i. University of Michigan. 1998. Sina.com: Over 30,000 comments on Wen Jiabao's article on Hu Yaobang.

Party political offices

Preceded by Zhang Wentian Abolished since 1943 General Secretary of the Communist Party of China 1982–1987 Succeeded by Zhao Ziyang

Preceded by Hua Guofeng Chairman of the Communist Party of China 1981–1982 Post abolished

Preceded by Deng Xiaoping Abolished since 1966 Secretary General of the Central Secretariat 1980–1982

Preceded by Zhang Pinghua Head of the CPC Central Propaganda Department 1978–1980 Succeeded by Wang Renzhong

Preceded by Guo Yufeng Head of the CPC Central Organization Department 1977–1978 Succeeded by Song Renqiong

Preceded by Zhang Desheng Secretary of the CPC Shaanxi
Shaanxi
Committee 1964–1965 Succeeded by Huo Shilian

New title First Secretary of the Communist Youth League
Communist Youth League
of China Suspended from 1966 to 1971 1957–1978 Succeeded by Han Ying

Order of precedence

First Orders of precedence in the People's Republic of China (Chairman of the Communist Party; 1st ranked) 1981–1982 Succeeded by Ye Jianying as Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee (2nd ranked)

Orders of precedence in the People's Republic of China (General Secretary of the Communist Party; 1st ranked) 1982–1985 Succeeded by Ye Jianying as Vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission (2nd ranked)

Orders of precedence in the People's Republic of China (General Secretary of the Communist Party; 1st ranked) 1985–1987 Succeeded by Deng Xiaoping as Chairman of the Central Military Commission (2nd ranked)

v t e

General Secretaries and Chairmen of the Communist Party of China

Chairmen

Chen Duxiu Mao Zedong Hua Guofeng Hu Yaobang

General Secretaries

Chen Duxiu Xiang Zhongfa Wang Ming
Wang Ming
(acting) Bo Gu Zhang Wentian Hu Yaobang Zhao Ziyang Jiang Zemin Hu Jintao Xi Jinping

v t e

13th Politburo of the Communist Party of China
China
(1987–1992)

Standing Committee (PSC)

until June 1989

1. Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
(general secretary, dismissed) 2. Li Peng 3. Qiao Shi 4. Hu Qili (dismissed) 5. Yao Yilin

after June 1989

1. Jiang Zemin
Jiang Zemin
(general secretary) 2. Li Peng 3. Qiao Shi 4. Yao Yilin 5. Song Ping 6. Li Ruihuan

Other members (surname stroke order)

Wan Li Tian Jiyun Jiang Zemin
Jiang Zemin
(to PSC 1989) Li Tieying Li Ruihuan
Li Ruihuan
(to PSC 1989) Li Ximing Yang Rudai Yang Shangkun Wu Xueqian Song Ping (to PSC 1989) Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
(died Apr 1989) Qin Jiwei

Alternate member

Ding Guangen

7th→8th→9th→10th→11th→12th→13th→14th→15th→16th→17th→18th→19th

v t e

12th Politburo of the Communist Party of China
China
(1982–1987)

Standing Committee

1. Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
(general secretary until Jan 1987) 2. Ye Jianying
Ye Jianying
(retired Sep 1985) 3. Deng Xiaoping 4. Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
(acting general secretary after Jan 1987) 5. Li Xiannian 6. Chen Yun

Other members (surname stroke order)

Before 5th Plenum (Sep 1985)

Wan Li Xi Zhongxun Wang Zhen Wei Guoqing Ulanhu Fang Yi Deng Yingchao Li Desheng Yang Shangkun Yang Dezhi Yu Qiuli Song Renqiong Zhang Tingfa Hu Qiaomu Nie Rongzhen Ni Zhifu Xu Xiangqian Peng Zhen Liao Chengzhi
Liao Chengzhi
(died June 1983)

After 5th Plenum

Wan Li Xi Zhongxun Fang Yi Tian Jiyun Qiao Shi Li Peng Yang Shangkun Yang Dezhi Wu Xueqian Yu Qiuli Hu Qiaomu Hu Qili Yao Yilin Ni Zhifu Peng Zhen

Alternate members

Yao Yilin
Yao Yilin
(full member Sep 1985) Qin Jiwei Chen Muhua

7th→8th→9th→10th→11th→12th→13th→14th→15th→16th→17th→18th→19th

v t e

11th Politburo of the Communist Party of China
China
(1977–1982)

Standing Committee (PSC)

Hua Guofeng
Hua Guofeng
(chairman until June 1981, vice chairman afterwards) Ye Jianying
Ye Jianying
(vice chairman) Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
(vice chairman) Li Xiannian
Li Xiannian
(vice chairman) Wang Dongxing
Wang Dongxing
(vice chairman, dismissed Feb 1980) Chen Yun
Chen Yun
(added Dec 1978, vice chairman) Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
(added Feb 1980, chairman June 1981) Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
(added Feb 1980, vice chairman June 1981)

Other members (surname stroke order)

Wei Guoqing Ulanhu Fang Yi Liu Bocheng Xu Shiyou Ji Dengkui
Ji Dengkui
(dismissed Feb 1980) Su Zhenhua
Su Zhenhua
(died Feb 1979) Li Desheng Wu De (dismissed Feb 1980) Yu Qiuli Zhang Tingfa Chen Yonggui Chen Xilian (dismissed Feb 1980) Geng Biao Nie Rongzhen Ni Zhifu Xu Xiangqian Peng Chong Deng Yingchao
Deng Yingchao
(added Dec 1978) Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
(added Dec 1978, to PSC Feb 1980) Wang Zhen (added Dec 1978) Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
(added Sep 1979, to PSC Feb 1980) Peng Zhen (added Sep 1979)

Alternate members

Chen Muhua Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
(full member Sep 1979) Saifuddin Azizi

7th→8th→9th→10th→11th→12th→13th→14th→15th→16th→17th→18th→19th

v t e

Political leaders of Shaanxi
Shaanxi
since 1949

CPC Committee Secretaries

Ma Mingfang Pan Zili Zhang Desheng Hu Yaobang Huo Shilian Li Ruishan Wang Renzhong Ma Wenrui Bai Jinian Zhang Boxing An Qiyuan Li Jianguo Zhao Leji Zhao Zhengyong Lou Qinjian Hu Heping

Congress Chairmen

Ma Wenrui Yan Kelun Li Xipu Zhang Boxing Li Jianguo Cui Lintao Zhao Leji Zhao Zhengyong Lou Qinjian

Governors

Ma Mingfang Zhao Shoushan Zhao Boping Li Qiming Li Ruishan Wang Renzhong Yu Mingtao Li Qingwei Zhang Boxing Hou Zongbin Bai Qingcai Cheng Andong Jia Zhibang Chen Deming Yuan Chunqing Zhao Zhengyong Lou Qinjian Hu Heping Liu Guozhong

CPPCC Chairmen

Ma Mingfang Pan Zili Zhang Desheng Fang Zhongru Zhao Shouyi Li Ruishan Lü Jianren Tan Weixu Zhou Yaguang An Qiyuan Ai Peishan Ma Zhongping Han Yong

v t e

Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
protests of 1989

Background

May Fourth Movement Tiananmen Incident
Tiananmen Incident
of 1976 Beijing
Beijing
Spring 1986 Chinese Student Demonstrations Anti-Spiritual Pollution Campaign Corruption Economic reform Household-responsibility system Socialism with Chinese characteristics Criticism of communism

Chronology

April 26 Editorial April 27 demonstrations The Students' Hunger Strike Dialogue between students and government Funding of student organizations Mao portrait incident Sino-Soviet Summit June 9 Deng speech Military involvement

Communist Party

Elders

Deng Xiaoping Chen Yun Yang Shangkun Li Xiannian Wang Zhen Peng Zhen Bo Yibo

Standing Committee

Zhao Ziyang Li Peng Qiao Shi Hu Qili Yao Yilin

Regional leaders

Li Ximing Chen Xitong Jiang Zemin Zhu Rongji Hu Jintao

Others

Bao Tong Hu Yaobang Luo Gan Yan Mingfu Yuan Mu Wan Li Wen Jiabao Wu Xueqian

Dissidents

Leading figures

Bei Dao Chai Ling Cui Jian Dai Qing Ding Zilin Fang Lizhi Fang Zheng Feng Congde Liu Gang Han Dongfang Hou Dejian Li Lu Liu Xianbin Liu Xiaobo Qin Benli Shen Tong Tang Baiqiao Wang Bingzhang Wang Dan Wang Youcai Wu'erkaixi Xiong Yan Yan Jiaqi Yu Dongyue Zhang Boli Zhao Changqing Zhou Yongjun

Groups

Beijing
Beijing
Workers' Autonomous Federation Beijing
Beijing
Students' Autonomous Federation

Military

Generals

Liu Huaqing Chi Haotian Yang Baibing Zhao Nanqi Qin Jiwei Hong Xuezhi Liang Guanglie Xu Qinxian

Army units

12th 15th 20th 24th 26th 27th 28th 38th 39th 40th 54th 63rd 64th 65th 67th

Works

Almost a Revolution A Tiananmen Journal Collection of June Fourth Poems The Critical Moment Escape from China Execution The Gate of Heavenly Peace A Heart for Freedom Prisoner of the State Quelling the People Sunrise Over Tiananmen Square Tiananmen Papers Hong Kong Goddess of Democracy Pillar of Shame

Human rights groups

China
China
Support Network Democracy Party of China Hong Kong Alliance Human Rights in China Information Centre for Human Rights and Democracy Operation Yellowbird Tiananmen Mothers

Anniversaries

1st (1990) 5th (1994) 10th (1999) 20th (2009) 21st (2010) 24th (2013) 25th (2014)

Icons

Goddess of Democracy "Nothing to My Name" Tank Man June 4th Museum

Related

Arrest and trial of Chen Ziming and Wang Juntao

Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 11180332 LCCN: n82001330 ISNI: 0000 0001 0078 152X GND: 118873199 SUDOC: 034299270 BNF:

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