The GLORIOUS REVOLUTION, also called the REVOLUTION OF 1688, was the
overthrow of King
James II of England
King James's policies of religious tolerance after 1685 met with
increasing opposition from members of leading political circles, who
were troubled by the king's
Catholicism and his close ties with
France. The crisis facing the king came to a head in 1688, with the
birth of the king's son,
James Francis Edward Stuart , on 10 June
(Julian calendar). This changed the existing line of succession by
displacing the heir presumptive (his daughter Mary, a Protestant and
the wife of William of Orange) with young James Francis Edward as heir
apparent . The establishment of a Roman Catholic dynasty in the
kingdoms now seemed likely. Some
Tory members of parliament worked
with members of the opposition Whigs in an attempt to resolve the
crisis by secretly initiating dialogue with William of Orange to come
to England, outside the jurisdiction of the English Parliament.
After consolidating political and financial support, William crossed
The Revolution permanently ended any chance of Catholicism becoming re-established in England . For British Catholics its effects were disastrous both socially and politically: Catholics were denied the right to vote and sit in the Westminster Parliament for over a century; they were also denied commissions in the army , and the monarch was forbidden to be Catholic or to marry a Catholic , this latter prohibition remaining in force until 2015 . The Revolution led to limited tolerance for Nonconformist Protestants, although it would be some time before they had full political rights . It has been argued, mainly by Whig historians , that James's overthrow began modern English parliamentary democracy: the Bill of Rights 1689 has become one of the most important documents in the political history of Britain and never since has the monarch held absolute power.
Internationally, the Revolution was related to the War of the Grand
Alliance on mainland Europe . It has been seen as the last successful
invasion of England. It ended all attempts by England in the
Anglo-Dutch Wars of the 17th century to subdue the
The expression "Glorious Revolution" was first used by John Hampden
in late 1689, and is an expression that is still used by the British
Parliament . The
* 1 Background
* 2 Conspiracy
* 2.1 William seeks English commitment to an invasion * 2.2 Military and financial support * 2.3 The final decision to invade is taken
* 3.1 Embarkation of the army and the Declaration of
* 4 The collapse of James\'s rule
* 4.1 Departure of King and Queen
* 5 William and Mary made joint monarchs
* 5.1 The Bill of Rights * 5.2 The other kingdoms
* 6 Jacobite uprisings
* 7 Anglo-Dutch alliance
* 7.1 The decline of the
* 8 Revolution or invasion?
* 8.1 World empire or merchant economy?
* 9 Legacy * 10 See also * 11 Notes * 12 References * 13 Further reading * 14 External links
James II would they assist candidates who would do so; and they were requested to accept the Declaration of Indulgence. In December it was announced that all the offices of deputy lieutenants and Justices of the Peace would be revised. Therefore, during the first three months of 1688, hundreds of those who gave hostile replies to the three questions asked were dismissed. More far-reaching purges were applied to the towns: in November a regulating committee was founded to operate the purges. Corporations were purged by agents given wide discretionary powers in an attempt to create a permanent royal electoral machine. Finally, on 24 August 1688, James ordered writs to be issued for a general election.
James also created a large standing army and employed Catholics in
positions of power within it. To his opponents in Parliament this
seemed like a prelude to arbitrary rule, so James prorogued Parliament
without gaining Parliament's consent. At this time, the English
regiments of the army were encamped at
Hounslow , near the capital. It
was feared that the location was intended to overawe the City. The
army in Ireland was purged of Protestants, who were replaced with
Catholics, and by 1688 James had more than 34,000 men under arms in
his three kingdoms. Group portrait of the
Seven Bishops whom
James ordered imprisoned in the
Tower of London
In April 1688, James re-issued the Declaration of Indulgence and ordered all clergymen to read it in their churches. When the Archbishop of Canterbury , William Sancroft , and six other bishops (the Seven Bishops ) wrote to James asking him to reconsider his policies, they were arrested on charges of seditious libel , but at trial they were acquitted to the cheers of the London crowd.
Matters came to a head in June 1688, when the King had a son, James ;
until then, the throne would have passed to his Protestant daughter,
Mary. The prospect of a Catholic dynasty in the kingdoms of England ,
William III, King of England,
Mary had a husband, her cousin William Henry of Orange . Both were Protestants and grandchildren of Charles I of England . Before the birth of James's son on 10 June, William had been third in the line of succession. However, there was a strong faction at the English court, headed by Robert Spencer, 2nd Earl of Sunderland , proposing that Mary and William, because of their anti-Catholic position, should be replaced by some Catholic French heir.
William was also stadtholder of the main provinces of the Dutch
Republic , then in the preliminary stages of joining the War of the
Grand Alliance against France, in a context of international tensions
caused by the revocation by
Louis XIV of the
Edict of Nantes
Since he had become king the relationship between James and his
nephew and son-in-law had gradually deteriorated. At first William
welcomed the promise of a less pro-French policy. In 1685 he sent the
Scottish and English mercenary regiments of his army to England to
assist in putting down the
In November 1686 James had wished to gain William's support for the
repeal of the
Test Acts , as this would have delivered a blow to the
English opposition. The Quaker
The correspondence between William and the English politicians was,
at first, sent by ordinary post to genuine addresses in either country
and then distributed. Devices were used such as ending a postscript
with "etc." which meant spaces were actually written in white or
invisible ink. However, as conspiracy neared completion in 1688, the
English government sometimes used to disrupt this correspondence by
holding up the whole mail delivery system. Another way was used to
keep this clandestine correspondence flowing: letters were sent in
merchant ships between London and
It has been suggested that the crisis caused by the prospect of a new Catholic heir made William decide to invade the next summer as early as November 1687, but this is disputed. It is certain however that in April 1688, when France and England concluded a naval agreement stipulating that the French would finance an English squadron in The Channel, which seemed to be the beginning of a formal alliance, he seriously began to prepare for a military intervention and seek political and financial support for such an undertaking.
WILLIAM SEEKS ENGLISH COMMITMENT TO AN INVASION
William laid careful plans over a number of months for an invasion,
which he hoped to execute in September 1688. William would not invade
England without assurances of English support, and so in April, he
asked for a formal invitation to be issued by a group of leading
So Russell put the Prince to explain himself what he intended to do. The Prince answered, that, if he was invited by some men of the best interest, and the most valued in the nation, who should both in their own name, and in the name of others who trusted them, invite him to come and rescue the nation and the religion, he believed he could be ready by the end of September to come over. — Gilbert Burnet.
In May, Russell told William that the English opposition to James would not wait any longer for help and they would rise against James in any event. William feared that if he did not now head the conspiracy the English would set up a republic, even more inimical to the Dutch state. In June, William sent Count Zuylestein to England, ostensibly to congratulate James on the birth of the Prince of Wales but in reality to communicate with William's associates.
Only after the Prince of Wales had been born in June, however, and
many suspected he was supposititious , did the Immortal Seven (who
consisted of one bishop and six nobles) decide to comply, with the
letter to William dated 18 June (Julian calendar), reaching him in
We have great reason to believe, we shall be every day in a worse condition than we are, and less able to defend ourselves, and therefore we do earnestly wish we might be so happy as to find a remedy before it be too late for us to contribute to our own deliverance ... the people are so generally dissatisfied with the present conduct of the government, in relation to their religion, liberties and properties (all which have been greatly invaded), and they are in such expectation of their prospects being daily worse, that your Highness may be assured, there are nineteen parts of twenty of the people throughout the kingdom, who are desirous of a change; and who, we believe, would willingly contribute to it, if they had such a protection to countenance their rising, as would secure them from being destroyed. — invitation by The Seven.
The Seven went on to claim that "much the greatest part of the nobility and gentry" were dissatisfied and would rally to William, and that James's army "would be very much divided among themselves; many of the officers being so discontented that they continue in their service only for a subsistence ... and very many of the common soldiers do daily shew such an aversion to the Popish religion, that there is the greatest probability imaginable of great numbers of deserters ... and amongst the seamen, it is almost certain, there is not one in ten who would do them any service in such a war". The Seven believed that the situation would be much worse before another year due to James's plans to remodel the army by the means of a packed Parliament or, should the parliamentary route fail, through violent means which would "prevent all possible means of relieving ourselves". The Seven also promised to rally to William upon his landing in England and would "do all that lies in our power to prepare others to be in as much readiness as such an action is capable of".
Meanwhile, William's confidante Willem Bentinck launched a propaganda campaign in England. In the numerous pamphlets distributed, William was presented in the best possible light; as a true Stuart yet blessedly free from the usual Stuart vices of cryptocatholicism, absolutism, and debauchery. Much of the later "spontaneous" support for William had been carefully organised by Bentinck and his agents.
In August, it became clear that William had surprisingly strong support within the English army, a situation brought about by James himself. In January 1688 he had forbidden any of his subjects to serve the Dutch and had demanded that the Republic dissolve its six mercenary Scottish and English regiments. When this was refused, he asked that at least those willing would be released from their martial oath to be free to return to Britain. To this William consented as it would purify his army of Jacobite elements. In total 104 officers and 44 soldiers returned. The officers were enlisted within the British armies and so favoured that the established officer corps began to fear for its position. On 14 August Lord Churchill wrote to William: "I owe it to God and my country to put my honour into the hands of Your Highness". Nothing comparable happened within the Royal Navy, however; claims after the event by certain captains that they had somehow prevented the English fleet from engaging seem to have been little more than attempts at self-aggrandisement.
MILITARY AND FINANCIAL SUPPORT
For William the English problem was inextricably intertwined with the
situation in Germany. Only if the attention of
Louis XIV was directed
to the east, could William hope to intervene in England without French
interference. For this it was essential that
The next concern was to assemble a powerful invasion force –
contrary to the wishes of the English conspirators, who predicted that
a token force would be sufficient. For this William needed funding by
the city of
Further financial support was obtained from the most disparate
sources: the Jewish banker
Francisco Lopes Suasso
THE FINAL DECISION TO INVADE IS TAKEN
Despite all the preparations, William had great trouble convincing
the Dutch class of city and provincial rulers, the regents , that such
an expensive expedition was really necessary. Also, he personally
feared that the French might attack the Republic through
In Germany, matters had come to a head. The Pope had refused to confirm Louis's favourite candidate for the bishopric of Cologne , William Egon of Fürstenberg . Enraged, the French king decided to execute a lightning campaign into Germany before the emperor could shift his troops to the West. Louis also hoped to keep his Turkish ally in the war this way. For the immediate future James had to hold his own, something Louis expected him to be quite capable of, especially if the Dutch were intimidated. On 9 September (Gregorian calendar) the French envoy Jean Antoine de Mesmes , the Comte d'Avaux, handed two letters from the French king, who had known of the invasion plans since May, to the States General of the Netherlands . In the first they were warned not to attack James. In the second they were advised not to interfere with the French policy in Germany. James hurriedly distanced himself from the first message, trying to convince the States General that there was no secret Anglo-French alliance against them. This however, had precisely the opposite effect: many members became extremely suspicious. The second message proved that the main French effort was directed to the east, not the north, so there was no immediate danger of a French invasion for the Republic itself.
From 22 September,
Louis XIV seized all Dutch ships present in
French ports, totalling about a hundred vessels, apparently proving
that real war with France was imminent, though Louis had meant it to
be a mere warning. On 26 September the powerful city council of
On 29 September the
States of Holland , the government of the most
important Dutch province, fearing a French-English alliance, gathered
in secret session and approved the operation, agreeing to make the
English "King and Nation live in a good relation, and useful to their
friends and allies, and especially to this State". They accepted
William's argument that a preventive strike was necessary to avoid a
repeat of the events of 1672, when England and France had jointly
attacked the Republic , "an attempt to bring this state to its
ultimate ruin and subjugation, as soon as they find the occasion".
William denied any intention "to remove the King from the throne or
become master of England". The States ordered a Dutch fleet of 53
warships to escort the troop transports. This fleet was in fact
commanded by Lieutenant-Admiral
Cornelis Evertsen the Youngest on the
Cortgene and Vice-Admiral
Philips van Almonde on the Provincie Utrecht
but in consideration of English sensitivities placed, on 6 October,
under the nominal command of Rear-Admiral Herbert, who for the
occasion was appointed Lieutenant-Admiral-General, i.e. acting supreme
commander, of the Dutch navy. He sailed on the Leyden, accompanied by
Lieutenant-Admiral Willem Bastiaensz Schepers , the Rotterdam shipping
magnate who had organised the transport fleet. Though William was
himself Admiral-General of the Republic, he, as was usual, abstained
from operational command, sailing conspicuously on the new frigate Den
Briel. The States General allowed the core regiments of the Dutch
field army to participate under command of Marshall Schomberg. Despite
being assisted in it by the regular Dutch fleet and field army, his
attempt to change the situation in England was, as the States General
made explicit, officially a private family affair of William, merely
acting in his capacity of concerned nephew and son-in-law to James,
not an undertaking of the
EMBARKATION OF THE ARMY AND THE DECLARATION OF THE HAGUE
Equestrian portrait of William III by Jan Wyck , commemorating the landing at Brixham, Torbay, 5 November 1688
The Dutch preparations, though carried out with great speed, could
not remain secret. The English envoy
Ignatius White , the Marquess
d'Albeville, warned his country: "an absolute conquest is intended
under the specious and ordinary pretences of religion, liberty,
property and a free Parliament ...".
Louis XIV threatened the Dutch
with an immediate declaration of war, should they carry out their
plans. Embarkations, started on 22 September (
It is both certain and evident to all men, that the public peace and happiness of any state or kingdom cannot be preserved, where the Laws, Liberties, and Customs, established by the lawful authority in it, are openly transgressed and annulled; more especially where the alteration of Religion is endeavoured, and that a religion, which is contrary to law, is endeavoured to be introduced; upon which those who are most immediately concerned in it are indispensably bound to endeavour to preserve and maintain the established Laws, Liberties and customs, and, above all, the Religion and Worship of God, that is established among them; and to take such an effectual care, that the inhabitants of the said state or kingdom may neither be deprived of their Religion, nor of their Civil Rights. — William of Orange .
William went on to condemn James's advisers for overturning the religion, laws, and liberties of England, Scotland, and Ireland by the use of the suspending and dispensing power; the establishment of the "manifestly illegal" commission for ecclesiastical causes and its use to suspend the Bishop of London and to remove the Fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford . William also condemned James's attempt to repeal the Test Acts and the penal laws through pressuring individuals and waging an assault on parliamentary boroughs, as well as his purging of the judiciary. James's attempt to pack Parliament was in danger of removing "the last and great remedy for all those evils". "Therefore", William continued, "we have thought fit to go over to England, and to carry over with us a force sufficient, by the blessing of God, to defend us from the violence of those evil Counsellors ... this our Expedition is intended for no other design, but to have, a free and lawful Parliament assembled as soon as is possible".
On 4/14 October William responded to the allegations by James in a second declaration, denying any intention to become king or conquer England. Whether he had any at that moment is still controversial.
The swiftness of the embarkations surprised all foreign observers. Louis had in fact delayed his threats against the Dutch until early September because he assumed it then would be too late in the season to set the expedition in motion anyway, if their reaction proved negative; typically such an enterprise would take at least some months. Being ready after the last week of September / first week of October would normally have meant that the Dutch could have profited from the last spell of good weather, as the autumn storms tend to begin in the third week of that month. This year they came early however. For three weeks the invasion fleet was prevented by adverse south-westerly gales from departing from the naval port of Hellevoetsluis and Catholics all over the Netherlands and the British kingdoms held prayer sessions that this "popish wind" might endure. However, on 14/24 October it became the famous " Protestant Wind " by turning to the east.
ENGLISH NAVAL STRATEGY
James only in late August seriously began to consider the possibility
of a Dutch invasion and then overestimated the size of the naval force
the Dutch would bring against him. He assumed they would equip their
full battle fleet, which he himself would be unable to match for
financial reasons: in October about thirty English ships-of-the-line
had been assembled, all third rates or fourth rates , while heavier
vessels remained laid up. Fearing a surprise attack, he declined to
position this fleet at
The Downs , for striking into the southern
CROSSING AND LANDING
William boarding the Brill
On 16/26 October William boarded his ship, the Den Briel (Brill in
English). His standard was hoisted, displaying the arms of Nassau
quartered with those of England. The words Pro Religione et Libertate
("For Liberty and Religion"), the slogan of William's ancestor
William the Silent
Taking advantage of a wind again turned to the east, resupplied and
re-equipped with new horses, the invasion fleet departed again on 1/11
November and sailed north in the direction of
William brought over 11,212 horse and foot. William's cavalry and
dragoons amounted to 3,660. His artillery train contained 21
24-pounder cannon. Including the supply train, his force consisted of
about 15,000 men, compared to James's total forces of about 30,000.
He also brought 20,000 stand of arms to equip his English supporters.
The Dutch army was composed mostly of foreign mercenaries; there were
Dutch, Scots, English, German, Swiss, and Swedish regiments, even
Laplanders as well as "200 Blacks brought from the Plantations of
the Netherlands in America", thus from the colony of
The French fleet remained at the time concentrated in the
Mediterranean, to assist a possible attack on the
Papal State . Louis
delayed his declaration of war until 16/26 November hoping at first
that their involvement in a protracted
English civil war
WILLIAM CONSOLIDATES HIS POSITION
William considered his veteran army to be sufficient in size to defeat any forces (all rather inexperienced) which James could throw against him, but it had been decided to avoid the hazards of battle and maintain a defensive attitude in the hope James's position might collapse by itself; thus he landed far away from James's army, expecting that his English allies would take the initiative in acting against James while he ensured his own protection against potential attacks. William was prepared to wait; he had paid his troops in advance for a three-month campaign. A slow advance, apart from being necessitated by heavy rainfall anyway, had the added benefit of not over-extending the supply lines; the Dutch troops were under strict orders not even to forage, for fear that this would degenerate into plundering which would alienate the population.
On 9 November (Julian calendar) William took
THE COLLAPSE OF JAMES\'S RULE
James refused a French offer to send an expeditionary force, fearing that it would cost him domestic support. He tried to bring the Tories to his side by making concessions but failed because he still refused to endorse the Test Act. His forward forces had gathered at Salisbury , and James went to join them on 19 November with his main force, having a total strength of about 19,000. Amid anti-Catholic rioting in London, it rapidly became apparent that the troops were not eager to fight, and the loyalty of many of James' commanders was doubtful; he had been informed of the conspiracy within the army as early as September, but for unknown reasons had refused to arrest the officers involved. Some have argued, however, that if James had been more resolute, the army would have fought and fought well.
The first blood was shed at about this time in a skirmish at Wincanton , Somerset, where Royalist troops retreated after defeating a small party of scouts; the total body count on both sides came to about fifteen. In Salisbury, after hearing that some officers had deserted, among them Lord Cornbury , a worried James was overcome by a serious nose-bleed that he interpreted as an evil omen indicating that he should order his army to retreat, which the supreme army commander, the Earl of Feversham , also advised on 23 November. The next day, Lord Churchill , one of James' chief commanders, deserted to William. On 26 November, James's younger daughter, Anne , who doubted the authenticity of her new brother, and who was greatly influenced by Churchill's wife Sarah Churchill , did the same. Both were serious losses. James returned to London that same day.
Meanwhile, on 18 November
In December, there was anti-Catholic rioting in Bristol, Bury St. Edmunds, Hereford, York, Cambridge, and Shropshire. On 9 December a Protestant mob stormed Dover Castle , where the Catholic Sir Edward Hales was Governor, and seized it. On 8 December William met at last with James's representatives; he agreed to James's proposals but also demanded that all Catholics be immediately dismissed from state functions and that England pay for the Dutch military expenses. He received no reply, however.
DEPARTURE OF KING AND QUEEN
In the night of 9/10 December, the Queen and the Prince of Wales fled
for France. The next day saw James's attempt to escape, the King
dropping the Great Seal in the
Upon returning to London on 16 December, James was welcomed by cheering crowds. He took heart at this and attempted to recommence government, even presiding over a meeting of the Privy Council . He sent the Earl of Feversham to William to arrange for a personal meeting to continue negotiations. Now for the first time it became evident that William had no longer any desire to keep James in power in England. He was extremely dismayed by the arrival of Lord Feversham. He refused the suggestion that he simply arrest James because this would violate his own declarations and burden his relationship with his wife. In the end it was decided that he should exploit James's fears; the three original commissioners were sent back to James with the message that William felt he could no longer guarantee the king's well-being and that James for his own safety had better leave London for Ham .
William at the same time ordered all English troops to depart from the capital, while his forces entered on 17 December; no local forces were allowed within a twenty-mile radius until the spring of 1690. Already the English navy had declared for William. James, by his own choice, went under Dutch protective guard to Rochester in Kent on 18 December, just as William entered London, cheered by crowds dressed in orange ribbons or waving, lavishly distributed, oranges. The Dutch officers had been ordered that "if he wanted to leave, they should not prevent him, but allow him to gently slip through". James then left for France on 23 December after having received a request from his wife to join her, even though his followers urged him to stay. The lax guard on James and the decision to allow him so near the coast indicate that William may have hoped that a successful flight would avoid the difficulty of deciding what to do with him, especially with the memory of the execution of Charles I still strong. By fleeing, James ultimately helped resolve the awkward question of whether he was still the legal king or not, having created according to many a situation of interregnum .
WILLIAM AND MARY MADE JOINT MONARCHS
William III and Mary II reigned together for five years. William reigned on his own following Mary's death in 1694.
Part of a series of articles on
* Glorious Revolution
* German unification
5 October 1910 Revolution
Siamese revolution of 1932
* Birth of the Italian Republic
Spanish transition to democracy
* v * t * e
On 28 December, William took over the provisional government by
appointment of the peers of the realm, as was the legal right of the
latter in circumstances when the king was incapacitated, and, on the
advice of his Whig allies, summoned an assembly of all the surviving
members of parliament of Charles II 's reign, thus sidelining the
Tories of the
Although James had fled the country, he still had many followers, and William feared that the king might return, relegating William to the role of a mere regent, an outcome which was unacceptable to him. On 30 December, William, speaking to the Marquess of Halifax , threatened to leave England "if King James came again" and determined to go back to the Netherlands "if they went about to make him Regent".
The English Convention Parliament was very divided on the issue. The radical Whigs in the Lower House proposed to elect William as a king (meaning that his power would be derived from the people); the moderates wanted an acclamation of William and Mary together; the Tories wanted to make him regent or only acclaim Mary as queen. On 28 January a committee of the whole House of Commons promptly decided by acclamation that James had broken "the original contract"; had "abdicated the government"; and had left the throne "vacant". The House of Lords wished to amend this, however, as many were still loyal to James and believed in the Anglican doctrine of non-resistance. The Lords rejected the proposal for a regency in James's name by 51 to 48 on 2 February. The Lords also substituted the word "abdicated" for "deserted" and removed the "vacancy" clause. The Lords voted against proclaiming William and Mary monarchs by 52 to 47. On 4 February the Lords reaffirmed their amendments to the Commons's resolution by 55 to 51 and 54 to 53. On 5 February the Commons voted 282 to 151 for maintaining the original wording of the resolution. The next day, the two Houses entered into a conference but failed to resolve the matter. William in private conversation (with Halifax, Danby, Shrewsbury, Lord Winchester and Lord Mordaunt) made it clear that they could either accept him as king or deal with the Whigs without his military presence, for then he would leave for the Republic. But he let it be known that he was happy for Mary to be nominal monarch and preference in the succession given to Anne's children over his by a subsequent marriage. Anne declared that she would temporarily waive her right to the crown should Mary die before William, and Mary refused to be made queen without William as king. The Lords on 6 February now accepted the words "abdication" and "vacancy" and Lord Winchester's motion to appoint William and Mary monarchs. Generally there was a great fear that the situation might deteriorate into a civil war.
THE BILL OF RIGHTS
Main article: Bill of Rights 1689
The proposal to draw up a statement of rights and liberties and James's invasion of them was first made on 29 January in the Commons, with members arguing that the House "can not answer it to the nation or Prince of Orange till we declare what are the rights invaded" and that William "cannot take it ill if we make conditions to secure ourselves for the future" to "do justice to those who sent us hither". On 2 February a committee specially convened reported to the Commons 23 Heads of Grievances, which the Commons approved and added some of their own. However, on 4 February the Commons decided to instruct the committee to differentiate between "such of the general heads, as are introductory of new laws, from those that are declaratory of ancient rights". On 7 February the Commons approved this revised Declaration of Right, and on 8 February instructed the committee to put into a single text the Declaration (with the heads which were "introductory of new laws" removed), the resolution of 28 January and the Lords' proposal for a revised oath of allegiance. It passed the Commons without division.
The Declaration of Right was in December 1689 enacted in an Act of Parliament, the Bill of Rights 1689 . It listed twelve of James's policies by which James designed to "endeavour to subvert and extirpate the protestant religion, and the laws and liberties of this kingdom". These were:
* by assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with and suspending of laws; * by prosecuting the Seven Bishops; by establishing of the court of commissioners for ecclesiastical causes; * by levying money for the crown by pretence of prerogative than the same was granted by Parliament; * by raising and maintaining a standing army in peacetime without the consent of Parliament; * by disarming Protestants and arming Catholics contrary to law; * by violating the election of members to serve in Parliament; * by prosecuting in the King's Bench for matters cognisable only in Parliament and "divers other arbitrary and illegal courses"; * by employing unqualified persons to serve on juries; * by requiring an excessive bail for persons committed in criminal cases; * by imposing excessive fines and "illegal and cruel punishments inflicted"; * by making "several grants and promises made of fines and forfeitures before any conviction or judgment against the person, upon whom the same were to be levied".
The Bill of Rights also vindicated and asserted the nation's "ancient rights and liberties" by declaring:
* the pretended power to dispense with or suspend Acts of Parliament is illegal; * the commission for ecclesiastical causes is illegal; * levying money without the consent of Parliament is illegal; * it is the right of the subject to petition the king and prosecutions for petitioning are illegal; * maintaining a standing army in peacetime without the consent of Parliament is illegal; * Protestant subjects "may have arms for their defence suitable to their conditions, and allowed by law"; * the election of members of Parliament ought to be free; * that freedom of speech and debates in Parliament "ought not to be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament"; * excessive bail and fines not required and "cruel and unusual punishments " not to be inflicted; * jurors in high treason trials ought to be freeholders; * that promises of fines and forfeitures before conviction are illegal; * that Parliament ought to be held frequently.
On 13 February the clerk of the House of Lords read the Declaration of Right, and Halifax, in the name of all the estates of the realm, asked William and Mary to accept the throne. William replied for his wife and himself: "We thankfully accept what you have offered us". They then went in procession to the great gate at Whitehall. The Garter King at Arms proclaimed them King and Queen of England, France and Ireland, whereupon they adjourned to the Chapel Royal, with Compton preaching the sermon. They were crowned on 11 April, swearing an oath to uphold the laws made by Parliament. The Coronation Oath Act 1688 had provided a new coronation oath, whereby the monarchs were to "solemnly promise and swear to govern the people of this kingdom of England, and the dominions thereunto belonging, according to the statutes in parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the same". They were also to maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant Reformed faith established by law.
THE OTHER KINGDOMS
Although their succession to the English throne was relatively
peaceful, much blood would be shed before William's authority was
accepted in Ireland and Scotland. In
In Ireland there was no equivalent of the English or Scottish Convention and William had to conquer Ireland by force . The English Convention presumed to legislate for Ireland as well, and the Declaration of Right deemed William to be King of Ireland as well as of England.
James had cultivated support on the fringes of his Three Kingdoms –
in Catholic Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland. Supporters of
James, known as Jacobites, were prepared to resist what they saw as an
illegal coup by force of arms. The first
Though he had carefully avoided making it public, William's main motive in organising the expedition had been the opportunity to bring England into an alliance against France. On 9 December 1688 he had already asked the States General to send a delegation of three to negotiate the conditions. On 18 February (Julian calendar) he asked the Convention to support the Republic in its war against France; but it refused, only consenting to pay £600,000 for the continued presence of the Dutch army in England. On 9 March (Gregorian calendar) the States General responded to Louis's earlier declaration of war by declaring war on France in return. On 19 April (Julian calendar) the Dutch delegation signed a naval treaty with England. It stipulated that the combined Anglo-Dutch fleet would always be commanded by an Englishman, even when of lower rank; also it specified that the two parties would contribute in the ratio of five English vessels against three Dutch vessels, meaning in practice that the Dutch navy in the future would be smaller than the English. The Navigation Acts were not repealed. On 18 May the new Parliament allowed William to declare war on France. On 9 September 1689 (Gregorian calendar), William as King of England joined the League of Augsburg against France.
THE DECLINE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC
Having England as an ally meant that the military situation of the
Republic was strongly improved, but this very fact induced William to
be uncompromising in his position towards France. This policy led to a
large number of very expensive campaigns which were largely paid for
with Dutch funds. In 1712 the Republic was financially exhausted; it
withdrew from international politics and was forced to let its fleet
deteriorate, making what was by then the
Kingdom of Great Britain
REVOLUTION OR INVASION?
The events of 1688 are known as the "Glorious Revolution" but since an intensified historical interest due to the third centennial of the event, some academics have portrayed the "revolution" as a Dutch invasion of Britain. The "Glorious Revolution" fulfils the criterion for revolution, being an internal change of constitution and also the criterion for invasion , because it involved the landing of large numbers of foreign troops. The events were unusual because the establishment of a constitutional monarchy (a de facto republic, see Coronation Oath Act 1688 ) and Bill of Rights meant that the apparently invading monarchs, legitimate heirs to the throne, were prepared to govern with the English Parliament. It is difficult to classify the entire proceedings of 1687–89 but it can be seen that the events occurred in three phases: conspiracy, invasion by Dutch forces and "Glorious Revolution". It has been argued that the invasion aspect had been downplayed as a result of a combination of British pride and successful Dutch propaganda, trying to depict the course of events as a largely internal English affair.
WORLD EMPIRE OR MERCHANT ECONOMY?
The overthrow of James was hailed at the time and ever since, as the "Glorious Revolution". Edmund Burke set the tone for over two centuries of historiographical analysis when he proclaimed that: The Revolution was made to preserve our ancient indisputable laws and liberties, and that ancient constitution of government which is our only security for law and liberty.
Many historians have endorsed Burke's view, including Macaulay (1848)
and more recently John Morrill, who captured the consensus of
contemporary historiography well when he declared that "the Sensible
Revolution of 1688–89 was a conservative Revolution". On the
Steven Pincus (2009) argues that it was momentous especially
when looking at the alternative that James was trying to enact – a
powerful centralised autocratic state, using French-style
"state-building". England's role in Europe and the country's political
economy in the 17th century refutes the view of many late-20th-century
historians that nothing revolutionary occurred during the Glorious
Revolution of 1688–89. Pincus says it was not a placid turn of
events. In diplomacy and economics William III transformed the English
state's ideology and policies. This occurred not because William III
was an outsider who inflicted foreign notions on England but because
foreign affairs and political economy were at the core of the English
revolutionaries' agenda. The revolution of 1688–89 cannot be
fathomed in isolation. It would have been inconceivable without the
changes resulting from the events of the 1640s and 1650s. Indeed, the
ideas accompanying the
James II tried building a powerful militarised state on the mercantilist assumption that the world's wealth was necessarily finite and empires were created by taking land from other states. The East India Company was thus an ideal tool to create a vast new English imperial dominion by warring with the Dutch and the Mogul Empire in India. After 1689 came an alternative understanding of economics, which saw Britain as a commercial rather than an agrarian society. The proponents of this view, most famously Adam Smith in 1776, argued that wealth was created by human endeavour and was thus potentially infinite.
Prior to his arrival in England, the new king William III of England was not Anglican , but rather was a member of the Dutch Reformed Church . Consequently, as a Calvinist and Presbyterian he was now in the unenviable position of being the head of the Church of England, while technically being a Nonconformist . This was, however, not his main motive for promoting religious toleration. More important in that respect was the need to keep happy his Catholic allies in the coming struggle with Louis XIV. Though he had promised legal toleration for Catholics in his Declaration of October 1688, he was ultimately unsuccessful in this respect, due to opposition by the Tories in the new Parliament. The Revolution led to the Act of Toleration of 1689 , which granted toleration to Nonconformist Protestants , but not to Catholics. Catholic emancipation would be delayed for 140 years.
Williamite War in Ireland can be seen as the source of later
In North America, the
Lord Macaulay 's account of the Revolution in The History of England from the Accession of James the Second exemplifies its semi-mystical significance to later generations.
* ^ A B C D E F G In this article "New Style" means the start of
year is adjusted to 1 January. Events on the European mainland are
usually given using the
* ^ It was rumoured that he was a baby who had been smuggled into the royal bedchamber in a warming pan, but this is not now taken seriously. * ^ As there had been in 1672 with the concerted attack by France and England on the Republic on the basis of the Secret treaty of Dover .
* ^ John Churchill , later the 1st Duke of Marlborough , was the pre-eminent British general of his generation.
I once heard the
Duke of Wellington asked whether he thought Napoleon
or Marlborough the greater general. "It is difficult to answer that",
he replied. "I used always to say that the presence of Napoleon at a
battle was equal to a reinforcement of 40,000 men. But I can conceive
nothing greater than Marlborough at the head of an English army".
Philip Stanhope, 5th Earl Stanhope
* ^ Coward 1980 , pp. 298–302. * ^ See e.g. Israel see also Israel & Parker 1991 , pp. 335–64 * ^ In testimony before a House of Lords committee in the autumn of 1689 (Schwoerer 2004 , p. 3). * ^ "The Glorious Revolution". www.parliament.uk. Retrieved 3 February 2011. * ^ Harris, Tim (2006). Revolution: The Great Crisis of the British Monarchy, 1685–1720. London: Allen Lane. p. 440. ISBN 978-0-7139-9759-0 . * ^ Magennis, Eoin (1998). "A \'Beleaguered Protestant\'?: Walter Harris and the Writing of Fiction Unmasked in Mid-18th-Century Ireland". Eighteenth-Century Ireland. 13: 6–111. Retrieved 16 March 2012. * ^ Macaulay 1889 , pp. 368–69. * ^ Carpenter 1956 , pp. 96–98. * ^ Western 1972 , p. 201. * ^ Jones 1988 , p. 132. * ^ Jones 1988 , pp. 132–33. * ^ Jones 1988 , p. 146. * ^ Jones 1988 , p. 150. * ^ Childs 1980 , pp. 96–97. * ^ Troost 2001 , pp. 182–83. * ^ Troost 2001 , p. 176. * ^ Troost 2001 , p. 182. * ^ Troost 2001 , p. 187. * ^ Jones 1988 , pp. 218–19. * ^ Jones 1988 , pp. 219–20. * ^ Jones 1988 , pp. 221–22. * ^ A B Jones 1988 , p. 222. * ^ Jones 1988 , pp. 223–24. * ^ Hoak 1996 , p. 24 * ^ Troost 2001 , p. 191. * ^ Baxter 1966 , p. 225. * ^ Baxter 1966 , p. 231. * ^ Jones 1988 , pp. 238–39. * ^ Dalrymple 1790 , appendix to book v, pp. 107–10. * ^ Dalrymple 1790 , appendix to book v, p. 108. * ^ Dalrymple 1790 , appendix to book v, pp. 108–09. * ^ Dalrymple 1790 , appendix to book v, p. 109. * ^ A B C D Rodger 2004 , p. 139. * ^ A B Troost 2001 , p. 198. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 38. * ^ Baxter 1966 , pp. 232–33. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 52. * ^ Swetschinsky "> * ^ Prud\'homme van Reine 2009 , p. 287. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 41. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 39. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 37. * ^ Prud\'homme van Reine 2009 , p. 288. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 29. * ^ Williams 1960 , pp. 10–16. * ^ Speck 1989 , p. 74. * ^ Speck 1989 , pp. 74–75. * ^ Troost 2001 , p. 199. * ^ A B C D Rodger 2004 , p. 137. * ^ Jones 1973 , pp. 201–21. * ^ Rodger 2004 , p. 138. * ^ Prud\'homme van Reine 2009 , p. 291. * ^ Jardine 2008 , pp. 10–11. * ^ A B Western 1972 , p. 260. * ^ Prud\'homme van Reine 2009 , p. 289. * ^ Macaulay 1889 , p. 561. * ^ Prud\'homme van Reine 2009 , p. 290. * ^ A B Prud\'homme van Reine 2009 , pp. 290–91. * ^ Davies 1989 * ^ Macaulay 1889 , pp. 563–64. * ^ A B Macaulay 1889 , p. 565. * ^ Childs 1980 , pp. 175. * ^ Harris 2006 , p. 204; Sowerby 2013 , pp. 347–48; Speck 2002 , p. 76. * ^ Marquess of Cambridge 1966 , pp. 152–53. * ^ Childs 1980 , p. 4. * ^ Beddard 1988 , p. 19. * ^ Schuchard 2002 , p. 762. * ^ Western 1972 , p. 259. * ^ Van der Kuijl 1988 * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 16. * ^ A B Jardine 2008 , p. 15. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 32. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 31. * ^ Childs 1980 * ^ Stanhope 2011 , footnote 90. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 56. * ^ A B Information Services . * ^ A B Jardine 2008 , p. 17. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 19. * ^ Journaal van Constantijn Huygens, i, 62 * ^ Horwitz 1977 , p. 9. * ^ Beddard 1988 , p. 65 cites: Foxcroft, H. C. (1898), The Life and Letters of Sir George Savile, Marquis of Halifax, II, London, pp. 203–04 * ^ Horwitz 1977 , pp. 9–10. * ^ Horwitz 1977 , p. 10. * ^ Horwitz 1977 , p. 11. * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 26. * ^ Horwitz 1977 , p. 12. * ^ Williams 1960 , p. 26. * ^ Williams 1960 , p. 27. * ^ Williams 1960 , pp. 28–29. * ^ Carpenter 1956 , pp. 145–46. * ^ Williams 1960 , pp. 37–39. * ^ Vries Vallance 2007 * ^ Jardine 2008 , p. 27. * ^ Goodlad 2007 . * ^ Dekrey 2008 , pp. 738–73. * ^ A B Pincus 2009 * ^ Windeyer 1938 * ^ Webb 1995 , p. 166. * ^ Mitchell 2009 , xvi, xviii, xix. * ^ Black & MacRaid 2000 , pp. 7, 8. * ^ Israel 2003 , pp. 137–38. * ^ Israel 2003 , pp. 20.
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