Giorgio Napolitano, OMRI (Italian: [ˈdʒordʒo napoliˈtaːno];
born 29 June 1925) is an Italian politician who was the 11th
President of the Republic from 2006 to 2015, the only Italian
President to be reelected to the Presidency. Due to his dominant
position in Italian politics, critics often refer to him as Re Giorgio
("King George"). He is the longest serving President in the history
of the modern Italian Republic, which has been in existence since
Although the presidency is a nonpartisan office as guarantor of
Italy's Constitution, Napolitano was a longtime member of the Italian
Communist Party (and of its post-Communist social democratic
successors, from the
Democratic Party of the Left
Democratic Party of the Left onwards). He was a
leading member of a modernizing faction on the right of the party.
First elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1953, he took an assiduous
interest in parliamentary life and was President of the Chamber of
Deputies from 1992 to 1994. He was Minister of the Interior from 1996
to 1998 under Romano Prodi.
Napolitano was appointed a
Senator for life in 2005 by President Carlo
Azeglio Ciampi. In May 2006, he was elected by parliament as President
of Italy. During his first term of office, he oversaw governments both
of the centre-left, led by Prodi, and the centre-right, led by Silvio
Berlusconi. In November 2011, Berlusconi resigned as Prime Minister
amid financial and economic problems. Napolitano, in keeping with his
constitutional role, then asked former EU commissioner
Mario Monti to
form a cabinet which was referred to as a "government of the
president" by critics.
When his seven-year presidential term expired in April 2013,
Napolitano (then aged 87) reluctantly agreed to stand again, to
safeguard the continuity of the country's institutions during the
parliamentary deadlock that followed the 2013 general election. On
being reelected as President with broad cross-party support in
parliament, he overcame the impasse by inviting
Enrico Letta to
propose a government in the form of a grand coalition. When Letta
handed in his resignation on 14 February 2014, Napolitano mandated
Matteo Renzi (Letta's factional challenger) to form a new government.
After a record eight and a half years as president, Napolitano
resigned at age 89 in January 2015.
He was often accused by his critics of having transformed a largely
ceremonial role into a political one, becoming, during the years of
his tenure, the real kingmaker of the Italian politics. At age
92, Napolitano is currently the only living former Italian President.
1 Early life
1.1 World War II
2 Early political career
2.1 From post-war years to the Hungarian revolution
3 Leading member of the Communist Party
3.1 From the 1960s to 1980s
4 After the Communist Party
4.1 President of the Chamber of Deputies
4.2 Late 1990s and early 2000s
5 Election as President
6.1 2008 political crisis
Eluana Englaro incident
6.3 2011 political crisis
6.4 Re-election as President
6.5 Later years and resignation
6.5.1 Letta Cabinet
6.5.2 Renzi Cabinet
7 Honours and decorations
9 External links
Giorgio Napolitano was born in Naples, in 1925. His father, Giovanni,
was a liberal lawyer and poet; his mother was Carolina Bobbio, a
descendant of a noble Piedmontese family.
From 1938 to 1941 he studied at the
Classical Lyceum Umberto I of
Naples, but in 1941 his family moved to
Padova and he was graduated to
the lyceum Titus Livius. In 1942, he matriculated at the University of
Naples Federico II, studying law. During this period, Napolitano
adhered to the local University Fascist Youth ("Gioventù
Universitaria Fascista"), where he met his core group of friends, who
shared his opposition to Italian fascism. As he would later
state, the group "was in fact a true breeding ground of anti-fascist
intellectual energies, disguised and to a certain extent
An enthusiast of the theatre since secondary school, during his
university years he contributed a theatrical review to the IX Maggio
weekly magazine and had small parts in plays organized by the
Gioventù Universitaria Fascista itself. He played in a comedy by
Salvatore Di Giacomo
Salvatore Di Giacomo at
Teatro Mercadante in Naples. Napolitano dreamt
of being an actor and spent his early years performing in several
productions at the Teatro Mercadante.
Napolitano has often been cited as the author of a collection of
sonnets in Neapolitan dialect published under a pseudonym, Tommaso
Pignatelli, and entitled Pe cupià ’o chiarfo ("To mimic the
downpour"). He denied this in 1997 and, again, on the occasion of his
presidential election, when his staff described the attribution of
authorship to Napolitano as a "journalistic myth". He published
his first acknowledged book, entitled Movimento Operaio e Industria di
Stato (which can be translated as "Workers' Movement and State
Industry"), in 1962.
World War II
During the existence of the
Italian Social Republic
Italian Social Republic (1943–1945), a
puppet state of
Nazi Germany in the final period of World War II,
Napolitano and his circle of friends took part in several actions of
Italian resistance movement
Italian resistance movement against German and Italian fascist
Early political career
From post-war years to the Hungarian revolution
In 1944, along with the group of Neapolitan Communists, as Mario
Palermo and Maurizio Valenzi, Napolitano prepared the arrival in
Naples of Palmiro Togliatti, the long-time leader of the Italian
Communist Party who was in exile since 1926 when the Communist Party
Italy was banned by the Italian Fascist government, and Togliatti
was one of few leaders not to be arrested, as he was attending a
meeting of the
Comintern in Moscow.
Following the end of the war in 1945, Napolitano joined the Communist
Party and suddenly became its federal secretary for
Caserta. In 1947, he graduated in jurisprudence with a final
dissertation on political economy, entitled Il mancato sviluppo
Mezzogiorno dopo l'unità e la legge speciale per
Napoli del 1904 ("The lack of industrial development in the
Mezzogiorno following the unification of
Italy and the special law of
1904 for Naples"). He became a member of the Secretariat of the
Italian Economic Centre for
Southern Italy in 1946, which was
represented by Senator Paratore, where he remained for two years.
Napolitano played a major role in the Movement for the Rebirth of
Southern Italy for over ten years.
He was first elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1953 for the
electoral district of Naples, and was reelected in every election
until 1996. He was elected to the National Committee of the party
during its eighth national congress in 1956, largely thanks to the
support offered by Palmiro Togliatti, who wanted to involve younger
politicians in the central direction of the party. He became
responsible for the commission for
Southern Italy within the National
In 1953 a document of the Italian Ministry of Interior reported
Napolitano as a member of the secret armed paramilitary groups of the
Communist Party in the city of
Rome (so-called "Gladio Rossa") 
Later on in the same year, the
Hungarian Revolution of 1956
Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its
military suppression by the
Soviet Union occurred. The leadership of
Italian Communist Party
Italian Communist Party labelled the insurgents as
counter-revolutionaries, and the official party newspaper L'Unità
referred to them as "thugs" and "despicable agents provocateurs".
Napolitano complied with the party-sponsored position on this matter,
a choice he would repeatedly declare to have become uncomfortable
with, developing what his autobiography describes as a "grievous
self-critical torment". He would reason that his compliance was
motivated by concerns about the role of the
Italian Communist Party
Italian Communist Party as
"inseparable from the fates of the socialist forces guided by the
USSR" as opposed to "imperialist" forces.
The decision to support the USSR against the Hungarian revolutionaries
generated a split in the Italian Communist Party, and even the CGIL
(Italy's largest trade union, then supportive of the PCI) refused to
conform to the party-sponsored position and applauded the revolution,
on the basis that the eighth national congress of the Italian
Communist Party had indeed stated that the "Italian way to socialism"
was to be democratic and specific to the nation. These views were
supported in the party by Giorgio Amendola, whom Napolitano would
always look up to as a teacher. Frequently seen together, Giorgio
Giorgio Napolitano would jokingly be referred to by
friends as (respectively) Giorgio 'o chiatto and Giorgio 'o sicco
("Giorgio the pudgy" and "Giorgio the slim" in the Neapolitan
Leading member of the Communist Party
From the 1960s to 1980s
Napolitano with Romanian President
Nicolae Ceaușescu in 1974.
Between 1963 and 1966, Napolitano was party chairman in the city of
Naples and later, between 1966 and 1969, he was appointed as chairman
of the secretary's office and of the political office. In 1964,
following the death of Palmiro Togliatti, Napolitano was one of the
main leaders who supported an alliance with the Italian Socialist
Party, which after the end of the so-called "Popular Democratic Front"
joined the government with the Christian Democracy). During the 1970s
and 1980s, Napolitano was in charge for cultural activities, economic
policy and the international relations of the party.
Napolitano's political thought was somewhat moderate in the context of
the PCI: in fact, he became the leader of the so-called meliorist wing
(corrente migliorista) of the party, whose members notably included
Gerardo Chiaromonte and Emanuele Macaluso. The term migliorista (from
migliore, Italian for "better") was coined with a slightly mocking
intent. To be a betterist was regarded more negatively than to be a
reformist by traditional Communists.
Napolitano with Enrico Berlinguer.
In the mid-1970s, Napolitano was invited by the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology to give a lecture, but the United States
ambassador to Italy, John A. Volpe, refused to grant Napolitano a visa
on account of his membership of the PCI. Between 1977 and 1981
Napolitano had some secret meetings with the United States ambassador
Richard Gardner, at a time when the PCI was seeking contact with the
US administration, in the context of its definitive break with its
past relationship with the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union and the
beginning of eurocommunism, the attempt to develop a theory and
practice more adapted to the democratic countries of Western Europe.
He was an active member of the party until it ended in 1991. In
2006, when Napolitano was elected President of the Italian Republic,
Gardner stated to AP Television News that he considered Napolitano "a
real statesman", "a true believer in democracy" and "a friend of the
United States [who] will carry out his office with impartiality and
Thanks to this role and in part by the good offices of Giulio
Andreotti, in the 1980s Napolitano was able to travel to the United
States and give lectures at
Aspen, Colorado and at Harvard University.
He has since visited and lectured in the United States several times.
After the death of
Enrico Berlinguer in 1984, Napolitano was among the
possible successors as Secretary of the party, but Alessandro Natta
was preferred. In July 1989 Napolitano became Foreign Minister in the
PCI shadow government, from which he resigned the day after the
Congress of Rimini, where advocates for processing into Democratic
Party of the Left.
After the Communist Party
Napolitano as President of the Chamber of Deputies.
After the dissolution of the
Italian Communist Party
Italian Communist Party in February 1991,
Napolitano joined the Democratic Party of the Left, a democratic
socialist and social democratic party, considered the
post-communist evolution of the PCI.
President of the Chamber of Deputies
In 1992 he was elected President of the Chamber of Deputies, replacing
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, who became President of the Italian Republic.
That legislature was hit by "Tangentopoli" and his presidency became
one of the fronts of the relationship between the judiciary and
Late 1990s and early 2000s
After the 1996 general election, the centre-left Prime Minister Romano
Prodi selected him as Minister of the Interior. He was the first
former Communist to hold the office, a role traditionally occupied by
Christian Democrats. In this capacity, he took part, together with
fellow lawmaker and Cabinet Minister Livia Turco, in drafting the
government-sponsored law on immigration control (Legislative Decree
No. 40 6 March 1998), better known as the "Turco–Napolitano bill".
Napolitano remained Minister of the Interior until October 1998, when
Prodi's government lost its majority in the Parliament.
Napolitano also served a second term as a MEP from 1999 to 2004 as
member of the Party of European Socialists. In October 2005, he
was named senator for life, and was, therefore, one of the last two to
be appointed by
President of the Republic Carlo Azeglio Ciampi,
together with Sergio Pininfarina.
Election as President
Main article: Italian presidential election, 2006
The general election in April 2006 saw a victory of the centre-left
Romano Prodi against the incumbent conservative Prime
Minister Silvio Berlusconi. After the election, the Presidents of both
houses of parliament were chosen by the winning centre-left coalition,
and so the centre-right
House of Freedoms demanded an impartial
candidate for the role of President of the Republic. The Union
stressed the fact that the Italian Constitution demands that the
President be a defender of the constitution, hinting that such a
quality was scarce among the opposition members.
Giorgio Napolitano with Prime Minister Romano Prodi, in 2006.
Silvio Berlusconi was the most vocal opponent of any candidate that
came from the former Italian Communist Party, in line with the
anti-communist stance he had taken in the campaign. His allies,
Union of Christian and Centre Democrats
Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC), openly
disagreed with his intransigence but vowed to stick with their ally's
decision. Yet, when Napolitano was elected,
Silvio Berlusconi gave an
interview to one of his political magazines Panorama saying that the
UDC betrayed him by letting 60 of his electors cast a blank vote on
the first ballot, instead of supporting the official candidate Gianni
Letta. When the UDC argued that this might have spelt the end of the
Silvio Berlusconi quickly changed his stance by saying, as
he often had, that he had been "misunderstood" and that he never gave
that journalist an interview.
The candidacy of
Massimo D'Alema was supported by his party, the
Democrats of the Left, and by other parties of the coalition, such as
the Party of Italian Communists, the
Communist Refoundation Party
Communist Refoundation Party and
Democracy is Freedom – The Daisy, but opposed by others, such as the
Rose in the Fist, arguing that his candidacy was driven by a
particracy's mentality. Also, part of the left-wing coalition
considered D'Alema far too willing to conduct backroom deals with the
opposition. Some moderate journalists liked D'Alema because his
presidency would have given
Romano Prodi a stable government since the
biggest party of the Union had not been rewarded with any
In the opposition coalition, while
Silvio Berlusconi vehemently
opposed a D'Alema presidency, some of his aides, such as Marcello
Dell'Utri, and some aligned newspapers, such as Il Foglio, campaigned
for D'Alema. However, the official stance of the centre-right was that
D'Alema, being an important left-wing politician and having
participated in the election campaign, was ill-suited for president, a
role that it is supposed to be impartial.
However, when The Union proposed Giorgio Napolitano, the House of
Freedom objected that the Union should have presented a list of names.
Even though Napolitano appeared at first a candidate that the House of
Freedoms could converge on, the proposal was rejected much like that
The centre-left majority coalition, on 7 May 2006, officially endorsed
Napolitano as its candidate in the presidential election that began on
8 May. The Vatican endorsed him as President through its official
newspaper, L'Osservatore Romano, just after The Union named him as its
candidate, as did Marco Follini, former secretary of the Union of
Christian and Centre Democrats, a member party of the House of
Napolitano was elected on 10 May, in the fourth round of voting —
the first of those requiring only an absolute majority, unlike the
first three which required two-thirds of the votes — with 543 votes
(out of a possible 1009). At the age of 80, he became the first former
Communist to become President of Italy, as well as the third
Enrico De Nicola
Enrico De Nicola and Giovanni Leone. He came out of
retirement to accept. After his election, expressions of esteem
toward him personally as regarding his authoritative character as
President of the Italian Republic
President of the Italian Republic were made by both members of
The Union and of the
House of Freedoms (which had turned in blank
votes), such as Pier Ferdinando Casini. Nevertheless, some Italian
right-wing newspapers, such as il Giornale, expressed concerns about
his communist past. He started his term on 15 May.
Napolitano attending to the Army Parade of the Republic Day, June 2,
On 9 July 2006, Napolitano was present at the FIFA World Cup final, in
which the Italian team defeated
France and won its fourth World Cup,
and afterwards he joined the players' celebrations. He is the second
President of the Italian Republic
President of the Italian Republic to be present at a FIFA World Cup
final won by the Italian team, after
Sandro Pertini in 1982.
On 26 September 2006, Napolitano made an official visit to Budapest,
Hungary, where he paid tribute to the fallen in the 1956 revolution,
which he initially opposed as member of the Italian Communist Party,
by laying a wreath at Imre Nagy's grave.
On 10 February 2007 a diplomatic crisis arose between
Croatia after President Napolitano made an official speech during the
celebration of the
National Memorial Day of the Exiles and Foibe
National Memorial Day of the Exiles and Foibe in
which he stated:
...Already in the unleashing of the first wave of blind and extreme
violence in those lands, in the autumn of 1943, summary and tumultuous
justicialism, nationalist paroxysm, social retaliation and a plan to
eradicate Italian presence intertwined in what was, and ceased to be,
the Julian March.
There was, therefore, a movement of hate and bloodthirsty fury, and a
Slavic annexationist design, which prevailed above all in the peace
treaty of 1947, and assumed the sinister shape of "ethnic cleansing".
What we can say for sure is that what was consumed – in the most
evident way through the inhuman ferocity of the foibe – was one of
the barbarities of the past century.
Barack Obama and Napolitano at
Quirinale Palace in Rome, 2009.
The European Commission did not comment on this event, but did comment
on (and partly condemn) the response by Croatian president Stjepan
Mesić, who described Napolitano's statement as racist because
Napolitano did not refer to either Slovenians or Croatians as a nation
when he spoke about a "Slavic annexationist design" for the Julian
March (at the time, Slovenians and Croatians fought together in
the Yugoslav Resistance Movement). Another matter of debate in Croatia
was that the Italian President made awards to relatives of 25 foibe
victims, who included the last fascist Italian prefect in Zadar,
Vincenzo Serrentino, who was sentenced to death in 1947 in
Šibenik. That was seen by Mesić as "historic revisionism"
and open support for revanchism. President Napolitano's remarks on the
foibe massacres were praised by both centre-left and centre-right in
Italy, and both coalitions condemned Mesić's statements, while the
Croatia stood by Mesić, who later acknowledged that
Napolitano didn't want to put in discussion the Peace Treaty of 1947.
On 21 February 2007, Prime Minister
Romano Prodi submitted his
resignation after losing a foreign policy vote in the Parliament;
Napolitano held talks with the political groups in parliament, and on
24 February rejected the resignation, prompting Prodi to ask for a new
vote of confidence. Prodi won the vote in the upper house on 28
February and in the lower house on 2 March, allowing his
cabinet to remain in office.
2008 political crisis
Main article: 2008 Italian political crisis
On 24 January 2008,
Romano Prodi lost a vote of confidence in the
Senate by a vote of 161 to 156 votes, after the UDEUR Populars ended
its support for the Prodi-led government.
On 30 January, Napolitano appointed
Franco Marini to try to form a
caretaker government with the goal of changing the current electoral
system, rather than call a quick election. The state of the
electoral system had been under criticism not only within the outgoing
government, but also among the opposition and in the general
population, because of the impossibility to choose candidates directly
and of the risks that a close-call election may not grant a stable
majority in the Senate.
Napolitano with Silvio Berlusconi, in 2008.
After Marini was given the mandate, two politicians (
Bruno Tabacci and
Mario Baccini) splintered from the Union of Christian and Centre
Democrats to form the White Rose, while two leading members of the
Forza Italia faction
Liberal-Popular Union (
Ferdinando Adornato and
[Angelo Sanza) switched allegiance to the UDC. On 4 February, the
Liberal Populars (a UDC faction which favours merging with Forza
Italia) seceded from UDC to join Berlusconi's
People of Freedom
People of Freedom later
On 4 February 2008 Marini acknowledged that he had failed to find the
necessary majority for an interim government, and resigned his
mandate, after having met with all major political forces and
having found opposition to forming an interim government mainly from
Forza Italia and National Alliance, favoured in a
possible next election and strongly in favour of an early vote.,
President Napolitano summoned Bertinotti and Marini, the two speakers
of the houses of the Italian parliament, acknowledging the end of the
legislature, on 5 February 2008. He dissolved parliament on 6
February 2008. Elections were held on 13 April and 14 April 2008,
together with the administrative elections. The elections resulted
in a decisive victory for Berlusconi's
Elections were held on 13 and 14 April 2008, together with the
administrative elections, and won by a coalition of right-wing and
On 7 May 2008, President Napolitano appointed
Silvio Berlusconi as
Prime Minister, following his landslide victory in the general
election. The cabinet was officially inaugurated one day later, with
Berlusconi thus becoming the second Prime Minister under President
Eluana Englaro incident
On 6 February 2009, President Napolitano refused to sign an emergency
decree made by the Berlusconi government in order to suspend a final
court sentence allowing suspension of nutrition to 38-year-old coma
patient Eluana Englaro; the decree could not be enacted by Berlusconi.
This caused a major political debate within
Italy regarding the
relationship between the President and the government in office.
2011 political crisis
Napolitano with Prime Minister
Mario Monti and German Chancellor
On 10 October 2011, the Chamber of Deputies rejected the law on the
budget of the State proposed by the government. As a result of
this event Berlusconi moved for a confidence vote in the Chamber on 14
October, he won the vote with just 316 votes to 310, minimum required
to retain a majority. An increasing number of Deputies continued
to cross the floor and join the opposition and on 8 November the
Chamber approved the law on the budget of the State previously
rejected but with only 308 votes, while opposition parties didn't
participate in the vote to highlight that Berlusconi lost his
majority. After the vote, Berlusconi announced his resignation
after Parliament passed economic reforms.
On 12 November 2011, after a final meeting with his cabinet,
Berlusconi met Napolitano at the
Palazzo del Quirinale
Palazzo del Quirinale to tend his
resignation. As he arrived at the presidential residence, a hostile
crowd gathered with banners shouting insults at Berlusconi and
throwing coins at the car. After his resignation, the booing and
jeering continued as he left in his convoy, with the public shouting
words such as "buffoon", "dictator" and "mafioso". Following
Berlusconi's resignation, President Napolitano then decided to appoint
former EU commissioner
Mario Monti as a senator for life, and then as
prime minister-designate. Monti was subsequently confirmed by an
overwhelming majority of both houses of the Italian parliament, in
what was widely referred to as a "government of the
Napolitano's management of the events caused unprecedented worldwide
media exposure regarding his role as President of the Italian
Republic, a role normally regarded as largely ceremonial.
Re-election as President
Main article: Italian presidential election, 2013
President Napolitano with the President of the Chamber of Deputies
Laura Boldrini and President of the Senate Pietro Grasso.
Following five inconclusive ballots for the 2013 presidential
election, Napolitano agreed to stand for re-election as President –
an unprecedented move – following pleas by Prime Minister Mario
Monti and the leaders of the main political blocks, Pier Luigi Bersani
and Silvio Berlusconi.
Eventually, Napolitano reluctantly agreed to run for another term in
order to safeguard the continuity of the country's
Giorgio Napolitano was easily re-elected on 20 April 2013, receiving
738 of the 1007 possible votes, and was sworn in on 22 April 2013
after a speech when he asked for constitutional and electoral
Later years and resignation
After his re-election, Napolitano immediately began consultations with
the chairmen of the Chamber of Deputies, Senate and political forces,
after the failure of the previous attempt with Pier Luigi Bersani
after the elections, and the establishment of a panel of experts by
the President himself (dubbed as wise men by the press), in order to
outline priorities and formulate an agenda to deal with the persistent
economic hardship and growing unemployment.
Giorgio Napolitano with Prime Minister Enrico Letta, in
On 24 April 2013, Napolitano gave to the vice-secretary of the
Democratic Party, Enrico Letta, the task of forming a government,
having determined that Pier Luigi Bersani, leader of the winning
Italy Common Good, could not form a government because it
did not have a majority in the Senate. On 27 April Letta formally
accepted the task of leading a
Grand coalition government, with
support from the centre-left Democratic Party (of which he stays
Deputy Secretary), the centre-right People of Freedom, and the
centrist Civic Choice, and subsequently listed the members of his
Cabinet. The government he formed became the first in the history of
the Italian Republic to include representatives of all the major
candidate-coalitions that had competed in the election. His close
relationship with his uncle Gianni Letta, one of Silvio Berlusconi's
most trusted advisors, was perceived as a way of overcoming the bitter
hostility between the two opposing camps. Letta appointed
Angelino Alfano, secretary of the People of Freedom, as his Deputy
Prime Minister. Letta was formally sworn-in as Prime Minister on 28
April; during the ceremony, a man fired shots outside Palazzo Chigi
and wounded two Carabinieri.
In the December election, the young Mayor of
Matteo Renzi was
elected with 68% of the popular vote, compared to 18% for Gianni
Cuperlo and 14% for Giuseppe Civati. He became the new Secretary of
the Democratic Party and the centre-left's prospective candidate for
Prime Minister. His victory was welcomed by Prime Minister Enrico
Letta, who had been the Vice Secretary of the party under Bersani's
In an earlier speech, Renzi had paid tribute to Letta, saying that he
was not intended to put him "on trial". But, without directly
proposing himself as the next Prime Minister, he said the Eurozone's
third-largest economy urgently needed "a new phase" and "radical
programme" to push through badly-needed reforms. The motion he put
forward made clear "the necessity and urgency of opening a new phase
with a new executive". Speaking privately to party leaders, Renzi said
Italy was "at a crossroads" and faced either holding fresh
elections or a new government without a return to the polls. On 14
February, President Napolitano accepted Letta's resignation from the
office of Prime Minister.
Napolitano with Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, in 2014.
Following Letta's resignation, Renzi formally received the task of
forming the new Italian Government from President Napolitano on 17
February. Renzi held several days of talks with party leaders, all
of which he broadcast live on the internet, before unveiling his
Cabinet on 21 February, which contained members of his Democratic
Party, the New Centre-Right, the Union of the Centre and the Civic
Choice. His Cabinet became Italy's youngest government to date, with
an average age of 47. It was also the first in which the number of
female Ministers was equal to the number of male Ministers, excluding
the Prime Minister.
The following day Renzi was formally sworn in as Prime Minister,
becoming the fourth Prime Minister in four years and the youngest
Prime Minister in the history of Italy.
On 30 January 2014 the
Five Star Movement
Five Star Movement deposited an impeachment
accusing Napolitano of harming the Italian Constitution, to allow
unconstitutional laws and in relation of the events State-Mafia
negotiation. The motion was later dismissed.
On 9 November 2014, the Italian press reported that Napolitano would
step down at the end of the year. The press office of the
Quirinale "neither confirmed nor denied" the reports. Napolitano
officially resigned on 14 January 2015, after the end of the six-month
Italian presidency of the European Union.
Honours and decorations
Italy * Head of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
Italy * Chief of the Military Order of Italy
Italy * Head of the Order of Vittorio Veneto
Vatican City Knight with Collar Order of Pius IX
Austria Grand Star of the Decoration of Honour for Services to
the Republic of
Austria  (2007)
France Grand Cross of the Order of the Legion of Honour
Netherlands Grand Cross of the Order of the Netherlands
Poland Order of the White Eagle (2012) 
Romania Sash of the Order of the Star of Romania
Slovakia Grand Cross of the Order of the White Double Cross
Spain Grand Cross of the Order of Isabella the Catholic
Turkey First Class of the Order of the State of Republic of
Israel President's Medal (2014)
Dan David Prize: To Mr. Giorgio Napolitano, President of the Italian
Republic, for his dedication to the cause of Parliamentary democracy,
thereby contributing to a strengthening of democratic values and
Italy and Europe; and for his courage and intellectual
integrity which have been crucial in healing the wounds of the Cold
War in Europe, as well as the scars left in
Italy in the wake of
Napolitano received Medaglia Teresiana at
University of Pavia
University of Pavia in
^ Profile of Giorgio Napolitano
^ Donadio, Rachel (2 December 2011). "From Ceremonial Figure to
Italy's Quiet Power Broker". The New York Times. Retrieved 31 January
^ Il governo del presidente
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Minister for Civilian Protection Coordination
Rosa Russo Iervolino
Giovanni Rinaldo Coronas
Minister of the Interior
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro
President of the Chamber of Deputies
Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
President of Italy
Speaker at the Invocation of the College of Europe
Order of precedence
as President of the Constitutional Court
Order of precedence of Italy
as Former President
as Vice Presidents of the Senate
Enrico De Nicola
Oscar Luigi Scalfaro
Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
Presidents of the Italian Chamber of Deputies
Kingdom of Sardinia
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