election recount of 2000 was a period of vote recounting
that occurred during the weeks after Election Day in the
2000 United States presidential election between
George W. Bush
George W. Bush
vote was ultimately settled in Bush's favor by a
margin of 537 votes when the U.S. Supreme Court, in Bush v. Gore,
stopped a recount that had been initiated upon a ruling by the Florida
Supreme Court. That in turn gave Bush a majority of votes in the
Electoral College and victory in the presidential election.
2.1 Controversial issues
2.2 Palm Beach County's butterfly ballots
2.3 Influential Decisions
Florida Supreme Court appeals
U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court proceedings
Florida counties' recount decisions
3 Post-election studies
Florida Ballot Project recounts
3.2 Media recounts
3.3 County-by-county standards for write-in overvotes in 2000
3.4 Opinion polling on recount
5 See also
7 External links
The controversy began on election night, when the national television
networks, using information provided to them by the Voter News
Service, an organization formed by the
Associated Press to help
determine the outcome of the election through early result tallies and
exit polling, first called
Florida for Gore in the hour after polls
closed in the peninsula but about ten minutes before they closed in
the heavily Republican counties of the panhandle (in the Central time
zone). Later in the evening, the networks reversed their call, moving
to "too close to call", then later giving it to Bush; then they
retracted that call as well, finally indicating the state was "too
close to call".[citation not found] Gore phoned Bush the night of
the election to concede, then retracted his concession after learning
how close the
Florida count was. Bush led the election-night vote
Florida by 1,784 votes. The small margin produced an
automatic recount under
Florida state law. The machine recount
occurred the day after the election and reduced that margin to just
over 900 votes. Once it became clear that
Florida would decide the
presidential election, the nation's attention focused on the manual
The Palm Beach County recount attracted protestors and media.
Florida election was closely scrutinized after Election Day. Due
to the narrow margin of the original vote count,
Florida Election Code
102.141 mandated a statewide machine recount, which was performed
the day after the election. It was completed on November 10 in the 66
Florida counties that used vote-counting machines and reduced Bush's
lead to just over 900 votes.
Once the closeness of the election in
Florida was clear, both the Bush
and Gore campaigns organized themselves for the ensuing legal process.
On November 9, the Bush campaign announced they had hired George H. W.
Bush's former Secretary of State
James Baker and Republican political
Roger Stone to oversee their legal team, and the Gore
campaign hired Bill Clinton's former Secretary of State Warren
Following the statewide machine recount, the Gore campaign requested a
manual recount in four counties.
Florida state law at the time allowed
a candidate to request a manual recount by protesting the results of
at least three precincts. The county canvassing board was then to
decide whether to do a recount, as well as the method of the recount,
in those three precincts. If the board discovered an error that in
its judgment could affect the outcome of the election, they were then
authorized to do a full recount of the ballots. This statutory
process primarily accommodated recounts for local elections. The Gore
campaign requested that disputed ballots in Miami-Dade, Broward, Palm
Beach and Volusia Counties be counted by hand. Volusia County started
its recount on November 12.
Florida statutes also required that all
counties certify and report their returns, including any recounts, by
5:00 p.m. on November 14. The manual recounts were
time-consuming, and it soon became clear that some counties would not
complete their recounts before the deadline. On November 13 the Gore
campaign and Volusia and Palm Beach Counties sued to have the
Meanwhile, the Bush campaign worked to stop the recount. On November
11, it joined a group of
Florida voters in suing in federal district
court for a preemptive injunction to stop all manual recounting of
votes in Florida. Bush's lawyers argued that recounting votes in just
four counties violated the 14th Amendment and also that similarly
punched ballots could be tabulated differently since
Florida had no
detailed statutory standards for hand-counting votes.:8–9 On
November 13, the federal court ruled against an injunction.
On November 14, the original deadline for reporting results, with the
Volusia County recount complete, Bush held a 300-vote lead. The same
day, a state judge upheld that deadline but ruled that further
recounts could be considered later. Florida's secretary of state,
Katherine Harris, a Republican, then gave counties until
2:00 p.m. on November 15 to provide reasons for recounting their
ballots. The next day, the
Florida Supreme Court allowed manual
recounts in Palm Beach and Broward Counties to continue but left it to
a state judge to decide whether Harris must include those votes in the
final tally. Miami-Dade County decided on November 17 to conduct a
recount but suspended it on November 22. The Gore campaign sued to
force Miami-Dade County to continue its recount, but the Florida
Supreme Court refused to consider the request.
As the manual recounts continued, the battle to certify the results
intensified. On November 17, Judge Terry Lewis of Leon County Circuit
Court permitted Harris to certify the election results without the
manual recounts, but on the same day the
Florida Supreme Court stayed
that decision until it could consider an appeal by Gore. On November
Florida Supreme Court ruled unanimously that manual counts in
Broward, Palm Beach and Miami-Dade Counties must be included and set
5:00 p.m. on November 26 as the earliest time for certification.
After that decision, the Bush campaign appealed to the U.S. Supreme
Court, arguing that the state court effectively rewrote state election
statutes after the vote.
As the manual recounts progressed, most of Florida's counties were
considering overseas absentee ballots. That part of the vote count was
completed on November 18, increasing Bush's lead to 930 votes (see
Controversial issues below).
The Palm Beach County recount and the Miami-Dade County recount
(having been suspended) were still incomplete at 5:00 p.m. on
November 26, when Harris certified the statewide vote count with Bush
ahead by 537 votes. The next day, Gore sued under Florida's statutory
construct of the "contest phase". On November 28, Judge N. Sanders
Sauls of Leon County Circuit Court rejected Gore's request to include
the recount results from Miami-Dade and Palm Beach Counties. Gore
appealed that decision to the
Florida Supreme Court. Sauls also
rejected Gore's contest of the election result on December 4, and Gore
appealed that decision too. On December 8, the
Florida justices, by a
4-3 vote, rejected the selective use of manual recounts in just four
counties and ordered immediate manual recounts of all ballots in the
state where no vote for president had been machine-recorded, also
known as undervotes.
U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court convened on December 1 to consider Bush's
appeal. On December 4, the Court ordered the
Florida Supreme Court to
clarify its ruling that had extended the certification date. On
December 9, the Court suspended the manual recount, in progress for
only several hours, on the grounds that irreparable harm could befall
Bush, according to the order written by Justice Antonin Scalia (see
U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court proceedings below).
Meanwhile, on December 6 the Republican-controlled
convened a special session to appoint a slate of electors pledged to
Bush, as the U.S. Constitution bestows upon state legislatures the
duty to determine how its state's electors are appointed. On December
12, the same day as the
U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court ruling, the
approved awarding the state's electoral votes to Bush, but the matter
was moot after the Court's ruling.
On December 13, Gore conceded the election to Bush in a nationally
During the recount, controversy ensued with the discovery of various
irregularities that had occurred in the voting process in several
counties. Among these was the Palm Beach "butterfly ballot," which
resulted in an unusually high number of votes for Reform Party
candidate Pat Buchanan. Conservatives claimed that the same ballot had
been successfully used in the 1996 election; in fact, it had
never been used in a Palm Beach County election among rival candidates
for office.:215–216 Also, before the election, the Secretary of
State's office had expunged tens of thousands of citizens identified
as felons from the
Florida voting rolls, with African-Americans
identified on some counties' lists at up to five times their share of
the population. Democrats claimed that many of these were not felons
and should have been eligible to vote under
Florida law. It was
expected that had they been able to vote, most would have chosen the
Democratic candidate. Additionally, this
Florida election produced
many more "overvotes" than usual, especially in predominantly
African-American precincts in Duval County (Jacksonville), where some
21,000 ballots had multiple markings, such as two or more choices for
president. Unlike the much-discussed Palm Beach County butterfly
ballot, the Duval County ballot spread choices for president over two
non-facing pages. At the same time that the Bush campaign was
contesting hand recounts in Democratic counties, it accepted hand
recounts in Republican counties that gained them 185 votes, including
votes where Republican Party workers were permitted to correct errors
on thousands of applications for absentee ballots for Republicans.
Alternately, Republicans charged that Democrats had registered
non-citizens to vote, fought to exclude overseas military ballots, and
arbitrarily changed vote-counting criteria after the election.
Political commentator and author
Jeff Greenfield observed that the
Republican operatives in
Florida talked and acted like combat platoon
sergeants in what one called "switchblade time", the biggest political
fight of the century. On the other hand, he said, Democrats talked
like referees with a fear of pushing too hard, not wanting to be seen
as sore losers.:221–234
While Democrats did make their way down to Florida, there was nothing
like the certainty or the passion that ignited Republicans. The only
exception: African-Americans. For all the furor over Palm Beach, it
was black precincts where voters had been turned away, denied a ballot
because some had been mislabeled as felons, blocked from voting
because of bureaucratic bungles, or because the huge increase in black
turnout had overwhelmed local officials. For those with memories going
back four decades, all this was no accident. It was instead a painful
reminder of the days when the battle for the ballot was, literally, a
life-and-death matter. At an NAACP-sponsored hearing in Miami four
days after the election, prospective voters told of police cars
blocking the way to the polls, of voters harassed by election workers.
It was anecdotal evidence at best, and local authorities argued
persuasively that the police presence near a polling place was pure
coincidence. Such explanations did little to lessen the sense of anger
among black Democrats.
Various flaws and improprieties in Florida's electoral processes were
immediately apparent, while others were reported after later
investigation. Controversies included:
All five major U.S. TV news networks (CBS, NBC, ABC, Fox and CNN)
assumed that they could confidently call a winner in any state "where
the vast majority of polls had closed", based on history. No call in a
state with two different poll-closing times had ever turned out
wrong. While most of
Florida is in the Eastern time zone, polls in
the westernmost counties in
Florida were open for another hour, until
8:00 p.m. EST, as they are in the Central time zone. The network
calls were made about ten minutes before the polls in the Central time
zone closed, based on the
Voter News Service calling the state of
Florida for Gore at 7:48 p.m. EST. This region of the state
traditionally voted mostly Republican. A survey estimate by John
McLaughlin & Associates put the number of voters who might not
have voted due to the networks' call as high as 15,000, which could
have reduced Bush's margin of victory by an estimated 5,000 votes;
a study by Fox News columnist
John Lott found that Bush's margin of
victory was reduced by 7,500 votes. This survey assumed that the
turnout in the Panhandle counties, which was 65%, would have equaled
the statewide average of 68% if the state had not been called for Gore
while the polls were still open. But the relatively smaller turnout
percentage in the Panhandle has been attributed to the surge in the
black vote elsewhere in
Florida to 16% of the total, from 10% of the
total in 1996. In a 2010 television special by the TV Guide
Network, the "2000 Election Flip Flop Coverage" ranked #3 on a list of
the 25 biggest TV blunders, having caused news outlets to change the
way they report on election night.
Supreme Court of Florida.
Democratic State Senator Daryl Jones said that there had to have been
an order to set up roadblocks in heavily Democratic regions of the
state on the day of the election. The Voting Section of the U. S.
Department of Justice later investigated reports from the Tallahassee
and Tampa areas and concluded that there was no evidence that
roadblocks were related to the election or had occurred in close
proximity to voting places.
On November 8,
Florida Division of Elections staff prepared a press
release for Secretary of State
Katherine Harris that said overseas
ballots must be "postmarked or signed and dated" by Election Day. It
was never released.:16 On November 13, Harris issued her first
statement on overseas ballots, saying that they have to be "executed"
on or before Election Day. They are not required to be "postmarked on
or prior to" Election Day.:18 Over Thanksgiving, 14 county boards
decided to reverse their prior decisions in order to include 288
overseas ballots that had been rejected days earlier, an act that was
dubbed the Thanksgiving stuffing.
On November 14, Democratic lawyer Mark Herron authored a memo on how
to challenge flawed ballots, including overseas ballots cast by
members of the military. The Herron memo gave postmark and "point of
origin" criteria that Herron maintained could be used to challenge
overseas ballots. It was in line with a letter sent out by Harris
stating that if a postmark was not present on an overseas ballot, it
had to be thrown out. Meanwhile, Republicans relied on their own
52-page manual for the same purpose. But on November 19,
Democratic vice-presidential candidate Senator Joseph I. Lieberman
Meet the Press
Meet the Press and said that election officials should
give the "benefit of the doubt" to military voters rather than
disqualifying any overseas ballots that lacked required postmarks or
Florida Attorney General Bob Butterworth, a Gore
supporter, later told the counties to reconsider those ballots without
a postmark. Before that, the Democrats had pursued a strategy of
persuading counties to strictly enforce postmark requirements by
disqualifying illegal ballots from overseas, which were predominantly
for Bush. In contrast, Republicans pursued a strategy of
disqualifying overseas ballots in counties that favored Gore and
pressuring elections officials to include flawed overseas ballots in
Florida Secretary of State
Katherine Harris became a controversial
figure during the
Florida electoral recount.
A suit by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP v. Harris) argued that
Florida was in violation of the
Voting Rights Act of 1965
Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the United States Constitution's Equal
Protection Amendment. A settlement agreement was reached in this suit
with ChoicePoint, the owner of DBT Online, a contractor involved in
preparing Florida's voter roll purge list.
Four counties distributed sample ballots to voters that differed from
the actual ballot used on election day, including Duval County, which
used a caterpillar ballot, so called because the list of presidential
candidates stretched over two pages. The instructions on the sample
ballots said "Vote every page." More than 20% of ballots in black
precincts of Duval County were rejected because of votes for president
on each page. Further, counties and precincts with large black
populations disproportionately had technologies where ballots would
predictably go uncounted. In punchcard counties, 1 in 25 ballots had
uncountable presidential votes. In comparison, counties that used
paper ballots scanned by computers at voting places (in order to give
voters a chance to correct their ballot if it had an error) had just 1
in 200 uncountable ballots. A systematic investigation by the
United States Commission on Civil Rights concluded that although
blacks made up 11% of Florida's voting population, they cast 54% of
the uncounted ballots.
Between May 1999 and Election Day 2000, two
Florida secretaries of
Sandra Mortham and Katherine Harris, contracted with DBT Online
Inc., at a cost of $4.294 million, to have the "scrub lists" reworked.
In a May 2000 list, over 57,000 voters were identified as felons, with
all counties being ordered to remove all listed names from their
voting rolls. Democrats claimed that many simply had names similar to
actual felons, some listed "felonies" were dated years in the future,
and some were random. Some counties refused to use the list, finding
it error-ridden. In other counties, supervisors of elections notified
those at risk of being scrubbed, giving them a chance to prove they
were not felons, which a small number chose to do. In most cases,
those on the scrub list were not told that they weren't allowed to
vote until they were turned away at the polls. An estimated 15% of the
names on the county lists were in error.
Florida was the only state in
the nation to contract the first stage of removal of voting rights to
a private company and did so with directions not to use cross-checks
or the company's sophisticated verification plan. See Florida
Central Voter File.
Some observers, such as Washington County Elections Chief Carol
Griffen, have argued that
Florida was in violation of the National
Voter Registration Act of 1993 by requiring those convicted of
felonies in other states (and subsequently restored their rights by
said states) to request clemency and a restoration of their rights
from Governor Jeb Bush, a process that could take two years and
ultimately was left to the governor's discretion. (In 1998
Florida Department of State held that
Florida could not
prevent a man convicted of a felony in Connecticut, where his civil
rights had not been lost, from exercising his civil rights.)
The Brooks Brothers riot: A raucous demonstration by several dozen
paid activists, mostly Republican House aides from Washington, flown
in at Republican Party expense to oppose the manual recount in
Miami-Dade County. The recount was shut down a couple hours after
the screaming protesters arrived at the county offices, where they
began pounding on the doors, chanting and threatening to bring in a
thousand Republicans from the vociferous Cuban-American community.
Some Republicans contend that their demonstration was peaceful and was
in response to the Miami-Dade election board's decision to move the
ballot counting to a smaller room closer to the ballot-scanning
machines to speed up the process. The election board consisted of
three appointees, Myriam Lehr and David Leahy, who were Independents,
and Lawrence King, a Democrat. The demonstration, which took place in
view of multiple national network television cameras, resulted in the
election board reversing their earlier decision to recount ballots,
after determining that it could not be completed by the court-issued
deadline. The Republican representatives involved in the recount
effort credit this demonstration, dubbed the "Brooks Brothers Riot"
because of the suits and Hermès ties worn by the Republican
operatives, as a key factor in "preventing the stealing of the 2000
The suppression of vote pairing. Several websites sprang up to match
Nader supporters in swing states like
Florida with Gore supporters in
non-swing states like Texas. For example, the Nader supporters in
Florida would vote for Gore, and the Gore supporters in Texas would
vote for Nader. This would have allowed Nader to get his fair share of
the vote and perhaps to cross the nationwide total vote threshold to
allow the Green Party to participate in the presidential debates in
the 2004 election, while helping Gore to carry swing states. Six
Republican state secretaries of state, led by Bill Jones of
California, threatened the websites with criminal prosecution and
caused some of them to reluctantly shut down. The ACLU got involved in
a legal (not political) effort to protect the sites, and the Federal
Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against Jones seven years later.
The vote-pairing sites allegedly tallied 1,412 Nader supporters in
Florida who voted for Gore.
The actions of the
Florida Supreme Court. It was argued, particularly
by Republicans, that the court was exceeding its authority and issuing
rulings biased in Gore's favor. On November 17, the court acted "on
its own motion" to stay the official certification of the election
until it could hear Gore's appeal of Harris's decision to reject
late-filed hand recounts, while specifically allowing counting of
absentee and other ballots to continue, an action the Gore legal team
did not request. Similarly, the court's ruling of December 8,
2000, ordered a statewide counting of undervotes, which the Gore team
had also not requested. James Baker, among other Republicans, in
speaking of this ruling, accused the court of being "inconsistent with
Florida law", on which basis Bush appealed to the U.S. Supreme
Court. Democrats argued that the
Florida Supreme Court was simply
trying to ensure a fair and accurate count.
While the Bush campaign opposed the Gore campaign’s requests for
manual recounts in four heavily Democratic counties, they quietly
accepted manual recounts from four Republican-leaning counties. Polk,
Hamilton, Seminole, and Taylor Counties, which used the more reliable
optical scanners, decided to manually examine unreadable ballots (both
undervotes and overvotes) during the counties' electronic recounts, in
accordance with those counties' existing policies (see
County-by-county standards below). These manual counts garnered Bush a
net gain of 185 votes.
Adding to these controversies was the fact that Florida's governor was
the Republican presidential nominee's brother, although the governor
recused himself from the recount process.
Palm Beach County's butterfly ballots
Simulation of the "butterfly ballot", seen at an angle
Many voters in Palm Beach County who intended to vote for Gore
actually marked their ballots for
Pat Buchanan or spoiled their
ballots because they found the ballot's layout to be confusing. The
ballot displayed the list of presidential running-mate pairs
alternately across two adjacent pages, with a column of punch spaces
down the middle. Bush's name appeared at the top of the ballot,
sparing most Bush voters from error. About 19,000 ballots were spoiled
because of overvotes (two votes in the same race), compared to 3000 in
1996.:215–221 According to a 2001 study in the American
Political Science Review, the voting errors caused by the butterfly
ballot cost Gore the election: "Had PBC used a ballot format in the
presidential race that did not lead to systematic biased voting
errors, our findings suggest that, other things equal,
Al Gore would
have won a majority of the officially certified votes in Florida."
On The Today Show of November 9, 2000, Buchanan said, "When I took one
look at that ballot on Election Night ... it's very easy for me
to see how someone could have voted for me in the belief they voted
for Al Gore." He, unlike the voters, did not have the opportunity
to see the ballot before Election Day.
Although Bush spokesman
Ari Fleischer said on November 9 that "Palm
Beach County is a
Pat Buchanan stronghold and that's why Pat Buchanan
received 3,407 votes there", Buchanan's
Florida coordinator, Jim
McConnell, responded by calling that "nonsense", and Jim Cunningham,
chairman of the executive committee of Palm Beach County's Reform
Party, responded, "I don't think so. Not from where I'm sitting and
what I'm looking at." Cunningham estimated the number of Buchanan
supporters in Palm Beach County to be between 400 and 500. Asked how
many votes he would guess Buchanan legitimately received in Palm Beach
County, he said, "I think 1,000 would be generous. Do I believe that
these people inadvertently cast their votes for Pat Buchanan? Yes, I
do. We have to believe that based on the vote totals elsewhere."
The ballot had been redesigned earlier that year by Theresa LePore
(Supervisor of Elections and member of the Democratic Party). She said
that she used both sides of the ballot in order to make the candidate
names larger so the county's elderly residents could more easily see
Florida Supreme Court appeals
Main articles: Palm Beach County Canvassing Board v. Harris (Harris I)
and Gore v. Harris (Harris II)
Florida Supreme Court spokesman Craig Waters
The case of Palm Beach Canvassing Board v.
Katherine Harris was a
lawsuit about whether county canvassing boards had authority to extend
manual recounts in order to inspect ballots for which the machine
counter did not register a vote. The court ruled that counties had
that authority and to allow time for these efforts, extended the
statutory deadline for the manual recounts. It also stayed the state
certification to November 26. Aside from this case, also in dispute
were the criteria that each county's canvassing board would use in
examining the overvotes and/or undervotes. Numerous local court
rulings went both ways, some ordering recounts because the vote was so
close and others declaring that a selective manual recount in a few
heavily Democratic counties would be unfair.
Eventually, the Gore campaign appealed to the
Florida Supreme Court,
which ordered the recount to proceed. The Bush campaign subsequently
appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States, which took up the
Bush v. Palm Beach County Canvassing Board
Bush v. Palm Beach County Canvassing Board on December 1. On
December 4, the
U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court returned this matter to the Florida
Supreme Court with an order vacating its earlier decision. In its
opinion, the Supreme Court cited several areas where the Florida
Supreme Court had violated both the federal and
The Court further held that it had "considerable uncertainty" as to
the reasons given by the
Florida Supreme Court for its decision. The
Florida Supreme Court clarified its ruling on this matter while the
United States Supreme Court was deliberating Bush v. Gore.
At 4:00 p.m. EST on December 8, the
Florida Supreme Court, by a 4
to 3 vote, rejected Gore' s original four-county approach and ordered
a manual recount, under the supervision of the Leon County Circuit
Court and Leon County Elections Supervisor Ion Sancho, of all
undervoted ballots in all
Florida counties (except Broward, Palm Beach
and Volusia) and the portion of Miami-Dade county in which such a
recount was not already complete. That decision was announced on live
worldwide television by the
Florida Supreme Court's spokesman Craig
Waters, the Court's public information officer. The results of this
tally were to be added to the November 26 tally.
U.S. Supreme Court
U.S. Supreme Court proceedings
Main article: Bush v. Gore
The recount was in progress on December 9 when the United States
Supreme Court, by a 5 to 4 vote (Justices Stevens, Souter, Ginsburg
and Breyer dissenting), granted Bush's emergency plea for a stay of
Florida Supreme Court recount ruling, stopping the incomplete
Supporters for the Gore-Lieberman ticket outside the U.S. Supreme
Court on December 11
About 10 p.m. EST on December 12, the United States Supreme Court
handed down its ruling. Seven of the nine justices saw constitutional
problems with the
Equal Protection Clause
Equal Protection Clause of the United States
Constitution in the
Florida Supreme Court's plan for recounting
ballots, citing differing vote-counting standards from county to
county and the lack of a single judicial officer to oversee the
recount. By a 5–4 vote the justices reversed and remanded the case
Florida Supreme Court "for further proceedings not inconsistent
with this opinion", prior to the optional "safe harbor" deadline which
Florida court had said the state intended to meet. With only two
hours remaining until the December 12 deadline, the Supreme Court's
order effectively ended the recount.
The decision was extremely controversial due to its partisan split and
the majority's unusual instruction that its judgment in Bush v. Gore
should not set precedent but should be "limited to the present
circumstances". Gore said he disagreed with the Court's decision, but
conceded the election.
Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris's certification of the
election results was thus upheld, allowing Florida's electoral votes
to be cast for Bush, making him president-elect.
Florida counties' recount decisions
Florida Attorney General
Robert Butterworth in his advisory opinion to
county canvassing boards:
The longstanding case law in
Florida [ ] has held that the intent of
the voters as shown by their ballots should be given effect. Where a
ballot is so marked as to plainly indicate the voter's choice and
intent, it should be counted as marked unless some positive provision
of law would be violated. As the state has moved toward electronic
voting, nothing in this evolution has diminished the standards first
articulated in such [judicial] decisions ... that the intent of the
voter is of paramount concern and should be given effect if the voter
has complied with the statutory requirement and that intent may be
determined. ... The
Florida Statutes contemplate that where electronic
or electromechanical voting systems are used, no vote is to be
declared invalid or void if there is a clear indication of the intent
of the voter as determined by the county canvassing board.
Andrew Sullivan in a contemporaneous article:
There is a real issue here about what voting actually means. To some,
voting is a right that should be guaranteed regardless of any
incompetence, error, failure, or irresponsibility on the part of the
voter. ... Others have a different view. They argue that American
democracy is ... a far stricter, Lockean, Anglo-American system based
on the letter of the law and a successful vote cast by a rational,
responsible voter. In this constitutional system, the "will of the
people" is an irrelevant abstraction. ... From affirmative action and
hate-crime laws it's a small step to ensuring that all voters, however
negligent, have their intent, however vague, reflected in the final
result of an election.
Florida Code Section 101.5614 states that no vote "shall be
declared invalid or void if there is a clear indication of the intent
of the voter." A physical mark on a ballot, at or near a designated
target, is such an indication.
Pre-certification decisions that altered certified
presidential vote total
Impact on vote count[a]
Canvassing boards around the state
Decisions by some canvassing boards to count illegal overseas absentee
ballots.[b] At Thanksgiving, decisions by 14 county boards to reverse
prior decisions in order to include 288 ballots that had been rejected
Canvassing boards of Alachua, Bay, Bradford, Charlotte, Columbia,
Escambia, Franklin, Gulf, Hendry, Hernando, Holmes, Lake, Manatee,
Okaloosa, Okeechobee, St. Johns and Washington Counties
Election day decisions by 17 Optiscan counties not to "manually review
overvotes that couldn't be properly read by machine"[e][f]
Canvassing boards of Alachua, Bay, Charlotte, Citrus, Columbia,
Escambia, Franklin, Gadsden, Holmes, Jackson, Lake, Leon, Manatee,
Monroe, Okaloosa, Okeechobee, St. Johns, Suwanee and Washington
Election day decisions by 19 Optiscan counties not to "manually review
undervotes that couldn't be read by counting machines"[e][g]
Canvassing boards of Collier, DeSoto, Dixie, Duval, Glades, Hardee,
Highlands, Hillsborough, Indian River, Jefferson, Lee, Madison,
Marion, Miami-Dade, Nassau, Osceola, Pasco, Pinellas, Sarasota, Sumter
and Wakulla Counties
Election day decisions by 21 punch-card counties not to "attempt to
determine voter intent on undervotes that couldn't be read by counting
The above 21 boards plus Palm Beach County Canvassing Board
Election day decisions by 22 punch-card counties not to "attempt to
determine voter intent on overvotes that couldn't be properly read by
Palm Beach County Canvassing Board
Decision not to review dimpled ballots with clear indications of
Nassau County Canvassing Board
Decision to change county's certified vote from the mechanical recount
total back to the election night vote total[c]
Secretary of State Katherine Harris
Decision not to include Palm Beach County's vote recount results (all
but 53 precincts) submitted before certification
Secretary of State Katherine Harris
Decision not to include Miami-Dade County's vote recount results (139
precincts) accomplished before certification deadline
Impact of all decisions on candidates' potential statewide totals
Potential statewide vote count in absence of all decisions[m]
^ Positive sign indicates number of votes that decision caused to be
included (or put back) in state certified total. Negative sign
indicates number of votes that decision caused to be excluded from
state certified total.
^ Ballots received after deadline, lacking required postmarks,
unsigned, undated, cast after election day, from unregistered voters
or voters not requesting ballots, lacking witness signature or
address, or double-counted.
^ a b The NORC study (see below) did not address either of the
concerns about overseas absentee ballots and Nassau County's
certification change, as their effects were already included in the
^ a b Dr. Gary King of Harvard University applied statistical modeling
to determine that the best estimate for the impact of illegal votes
would reduce the certified vote margin for Bush from 537 to
^ a b c d According to standards being applied by each county at the
time. Two-coder general agreement for punch-card counties.
^ Taylor County determined voter intent on some overvotes; however, it
did not include them in its certified results.
^ Even though four other Optiscan counties (Hamilton, Polk, Seminole,
Taylor) manually reviewed machine-rejected ballots for votes to
include in their certified totals, there were still an additional
156 undervotes for Bush and Gore that could be reclaimed in these
counties under the county custom standard, according to the NORC study
(see below). Those 156 votes are included in this line's totals.
^ a b Includes increase in Orange County's unofficially revised
machine-tabulated vote total, due to machine later counting 512
ballots that were previously machine-rejected ("could not be
distinguished from ballots that were accepted and counted – they
appeared to be properly completed"): Gore 249, Bush 184 (total
^ Amount excludes 139 Miami-Dade precincts that were recounted.
^ Unlike the other 20 counties, Palm Beach and Pasco Counties
determined voter intent on 74 overvotes for Gore and Bush; however,
they did not include them in their certified results.
^ Of these 4842 excluded ballots, 4513 had been set aside by the
canvassing board for later inspection by a court (which never
happened). All were among 10,310 undervotes in the county. The "set
aside" ballots were dimpled ballots that were challenged by the two
parties. A January 2001 review by the Palm Beach Post of those
"set-aside" ballots determined that 4318 were "unambiguous" valid
^ When Palm Beach County completed its recount two hours after the
certification deadline, its final count was Gore 501 votes, Bush 327
votes excluded from the state certified total.
^ On December 9, 2000, four counties (Leon, Liberty, Madison, Manatee)
completed recounts of undervotes ordered by the
Florida Supreme Court,
identifying a small number of new votes. Escambia County also reported
completing its recount that day but did not include all of its
Florida Ballot Project recounts
National Opinion Research Center
National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago,
sponsored by a consortium of major United States news organizations,
Florida Ballot Project, a comprehensive review of
175,010 ballots that were collected from the entire state, not just
the disputed counties that were recounted. These ballots contained
undervotes (votes with no choice made for president) and overvotes
(votes made with more than one choice marked). The organization
analyzed 61,190 undervotes and 113,820 overvotes. Of those overvotes,
68,476 chose Gore and a minor candidate; 23,591 chose Bush and a minor
candidate. Because there was no clear indication of what the
voters intended, those numbers were not included in the consortium's
The project's goal was to determine the reliability and accuracy of
the systems used in the voting process, including how different
systems correlated with voter mistakes. The total number of undervotes
and overvotes in
Florida amounted to 3% of all votes cast in the
state. The review's findings were reported in the media during the
week after November 12, 2001, by the organizations that funded the
recount: Associated Press, CNN, The Wall Street Journal, The New York
Times, The Washington Post, The St. Petersburg Times, The Palm Beach
Post and Tribune Publishing, which included the Los Angeles Times,
Orlando Sentinel and Chicago
Based on the NORC review, the media group concluded that if the
disputes over the validity of all the ballots in question had been
consistently resolved and any uniform standard applied, the electoral
result would have been reversed and Gore would have won by 60 to 171
votes (with, for each punch ballot, at least two of the three ballot
reviewers' codes being in agreement). The standards that were chosen
for the NORC study ranged from a "most restrictive" standard (accepts
only so-called perfect ballots that machines somehow missed and did
not count, or ballots with unambiguous expressions of voter intent) to
a "most inclusive" standard (applies a uniform standard of "dimple or
better" on punch marks and "all affirmative marks" on optical scan
An analysis of the NORC data by
University of Pennsylvania
University of Pennsylvania researcher
Steven F. Freeman and journalist
Joel Bleifuss concluded that, no
matter what standard is used, after a recount of all uncounted votes,
Gore would have been the victor. Such a statewide review including
all uncounted votes was a tangible possibility, as Leon County Circuit
Court Judge Terry Lewis, whom the
Florida Supreme Court had assigned
to oversee the statewide recount, had scheduled a hearing for December
13 (mooted by the U.S. Supreme Court's final ruling on the 12th) to
consider the question of including overvotes. Subsequent statements by
Lewis and internal court documents support the likelihood that
overvotes would have been included in the recount.
University professor of public policy Lance deHaven-Smith observed
that, even considering only undervotes, "under any of the five most
reasonable interpretations of the
Florida Supreme Court ruling, Gore
does, in fact, more than make up the deficit". Fairness and
Accuracy in Reporting's analysis of the NORC study and media coverage
of it supported these interpretations and criticized the coverage of
the study by media outlets such as the
New York Times
New York Times and the other
media consortium members for focusing on how events might have played
out rather than on the statewide vote count.
Outcomes of potential recount scenarios in
Florida Ballot Project)
Total new votes for Bush and Gore
Review of all uncounted ballots statewide (never undertaken by
County custom standard: what each individual county canvassing board
considered a vote, in regard to both undervotes and overvotes.
Gore by 171
Most restrictive standard: requires fully punched chads and complete
fills on optical scan ballots, no overvotes
Gore by 115
Most inclusive standard: any dimpled chads, any affirmative mark on
optical scan ballots; includes optical scan overvotes.
Gore by 107
Prevailing standard: requires at least one corner of chad detached on
punch card undervotes; any affirmative mark on optical scan ballots;
Gore by 60
Review of limited sets of uncounted ballots (initiated but not
Gore request for recounts in four counties:[c] applies the above
"prevailing standard" (but with no overvotes) to remaining uncounted
ballots in Miami-Dade; accepts uncertified hand counts from Palm Beach
and 139 precincts in Miami-Dade and certified counts from other 65
Bush by 225
Florida Supreme Court order: accepts completed recounts for Broward,
Palm Beach, Volusia and Miami-Dade (139 precincts); applies the above
"prevailing standard" (but with no overvotes) to remaining Miami-Dade
and other 63 counties
Bush by 430
Florida Supreme Court order as being implemented: accepts completed
recounts in eight counties and certified counts from four counties
that refused to recount;[d] applies the above "county custom standard"
to remaining Miami-Dade and other 55 counties[e]
Bush by 493
Unofficial recount totals
Incomplete result when the Supreme Court stayed the recount (December
Bush by 154[f]
Certified Result (official final count)
Recounts included from Volusia and Broward only
Bush by 537
^ two-coder general agreement for punch card ballots
^ Officials in a majority of punch-card counties said they would
accept a single-corner detached chad as an indicator of voter intent,
and officials in a majority of optical scan counties said they would
accept all affirmative marks as described in NORC codes as indicators
of voter intent. These standards are applied to both undervotes and
^ rejected by the
Florida Supreme Court in its ruling of December 8,
^ the lightly populated counties of Gadsden, Hamilton, Lafayette and
^ Nine counties (Alachua, Columbia, DeSoto, Glades, Lake, Sarasota,
Seminole, Sumter and Wakulla) reported that it was their intent to
count reclaimable overvotes under the
Florida Supreme Court order.
Nine other counties said that it was a possibility, while 49 counties
said that they would not have counted reclaimable overvotes per the
^ When the
Florida Supreme Court ordered a statewide recount of
remaining uncounted undervotes, it stipulated that the incomplete
results from Palm Beach and Miami-Dade Counties that had been rejected
Katherine Harris be counted. This immediately reduced the Bush
margin from 537 to 154 (537–215–168 is 154).
Total reclaimable ballots from
Florida 2000 presidential election
Reclaimable undervote ballots from
Marked only for Bush or Gore
No. Bush and Gore
Fully punched proper vote
2- or 3-corner detached chads
Dimple or 1-corner detached chads
Other (marginal) ballots
Properly filled, not read by machine[c]
Wrong ink color/carbon content (oval/arrow filled)
Mark away from oval/arrow
^ Primarily write-in overvotes
^ ballots recorded by the assigned review coders as either having
"multiple marks" or no punches in the presidential section of ballots,
or having indications of voter intent (that meet dynamic filter
criteria) recorded by just one of three coders
^ a b c Orange County total of 512 properly filled ballots not read by
machine on Nov 8, 2000. Possible reasons include, but are not limited
to, ambient humidity, feeder misalignment and scanner light
The NORC was expecting 176,446 uncounted ballots to be available from
Florida's counties, based on county precinct reports that produced the
final, state-certified vote totals.:74
Orange County presented fewer rejected ballots to the NORC than
expected. When the county segregated all ballots by machine for the
NORC review, 512 previously rejected ballots were determined to be
completely valid. Orange County then performed a hand segregation and
determined that these votes numbered 184 for Bush, 249 for Gore and 79
for other candidates.
The NORC adjusted its analysis for the Orange County results and a few
minor differences by increasing the starting baseline vote total by
535 votes. In addition, some counties had provided an extra 432 total
ballots, while others produced 1333 fewer ballots than expected. As
adjusted, 176,343 ballots were expected, compared to 175,010 ballots
actually provided to the NORC for review. The county-level variance
from the total number of ballots was 0.76%. Thus, the project included
a sample within less than 1% of the expected total of votes.
Only a fourth of the variance consisted of optical ballots. Most of
the variation occurred in Votomatic overvotes, the least likely
ballots to yield votes in a recount. Among the nearly 85,000
Votomatic overvotes in the sample, there were only 721 reclaimable
votes confirmed in the NORC study.
From the beginning of the controversy, politicians, litigants and the
press focused exclusively on the undervotes, in particular
incompletely punched chads. Undervotes (ballots that did not register
any vote when counted by machine) were the subject of much media
coverage, most of the lawsuits and the
Florida Supreme Court
ruling. After the election, recounts conducted by various United
States news media organizations continued to focus on undervotes.
Based on the review of these ballots, their results indicated that
Bush would have won if certain recounting methods had been used
(including the one favored by Gore at the time of the Supreme Court
decision), but that Gore might have won under other standards and
scenarios. The post-controversy recounts revealed that, "if a
manual recount had been limited to undervotes, it would have produced
an inaccurate picture of the electorate's position."
USA Today, The Miami Herald, and
Knight Ridder commissioned accounting
BDO Seidman to count undervotes. BDO Seidman's results, reported
in USA Today, show that under the strictest standard, where only a
cleanly punched ballot with a fully removed chad was counted, Gore's
margin was three votes. Under the other standards used in the
study, Bush's margin of victory increased as looser standards were
used. The standards considered by
BDO Seidman were:
Lenient standard. Any alteration in a chad, ranging from a dimple to a
full punch, counts as a vote. By this standard, Bush margin: 1,665
Palm Beach standard. A dimple is counted as a vote if other races on
the same ballot show dimples as well. By this standard, Bush margin:
Two-corner standard. A chad with two or more corners removed is
counted as a vote. This is the most common standard in use. By this
standard, Bush margin: 363 votes.
Strict standard. Only a fully removed chad counts as a vote. By this
standard, Gore margin: 3 votes.
The study notes that because of the possibility of mistakes, it is
difficult to conclude that Gore would have won under the strict
standard or that a high degree of certainty obtained in the study's
results. It also remarks that there were variations between examiners
and that election officials often did not provide the same number of
undervotes as were counted on Election Day. Furthermore, the study did
not consider overvotes, ballots that registered more than one vote
when counted by machine.
The study also found that undervotes originating in optical-scan
counties differ from those from punchcard counties in a particular
characteristic. Undervotes from punch-card counties give new votes to
candidates in roughly the same proportion as the county's official
vote. Furthermore, the number of undervotes correlates with how well
the punch-card machines are maintained, and not with factors such as
race or socioeconomic status. Undervotes from optical-scan counties,
however, correlate with Democratic votes more than Republican votes,
and in particular to counties that scanned ballots at a central
location rather than at precinct locations. Optical-scan counties were
the only places in the study where Gore gained more votes than Bush,
1,036 to 775.
Some media reports focused on undervotes (chad blocked hole, wrong ink
or pencil used, partial oval mark not detected, humidity affected
scanner, ballot feeder misalignment), while others also included
overvotes (hole punched or oval filled plus a write-in name, other
multi-marked ballots). A larger consortium of news organizations,
including USA Today, The Miami Herald, Knight Ridder, The Tampa
Tribune, and five other newspapers next conducted a full recount of
all machine-rejected ballots, including both undervotes and overvotes.
The organization analyzed 171,908 ballots (60,647 undervotes and
111,261 overvotes), 3102 less than the later NORC study. According to
their results, Bush won under stricter standards and Gore won under
looser standards. A Gore win was impossible without a recount of
overvotes, which he did not request; however, faxes between Judge
Terry Lewis and the canvassing boards throughout the state indicated
that Lewis, who oversaw the recount effort, intended to have overvotes
According to the study, 3146 (3%) of the 111,261 examined overvotes
"contained clear and therefore legally valid votes not counted in any
of the manual recounts during the dispute." According to Anthony
Salvado, a political scientist at the University of California,
Irvine, who acted as a consultant on the media recount, most of the
errors were caused by ballot design, ballot wording, and efforts by
voters to choose both a president and a vice president. For example,
21,188 of the
Florida overvotes, or nearly one-fifth of the total,
originated from Duval County, where the presidential ballot was split
across two pages and voters were instructed to "vote every page". Half
of the overvotes in Duval County had one presidential candidate marked
on each page, making their vote illegal under
Florida law. Salvado
says that this alone cost Gore the election.
Including overvotes in the above totals for undervotes gives different
margins of victory:
Lenient standard. Gore margin: 332 votes.
Palm Beach standard. Gore margin: 242 votes.
Two-corner standard. Bush margin: 407 votes.
Strict standard. Bush margin: 152 votes.
The overvotes with write-in names were also noted by
University public policy professor and elections observer, Lance
deHaven-Smith, in his interview with Research in Review at Florida
...Everybody had thought that the chads were where all the bad ballots
were, but it turned out that the ones that were the most decisive were
write-in ballots where people would check Gore and write Gore in, and
the machine kicked those out. There were 175,000 votes overall that
were so-called "spoiled ballots." About two-thirds of the spoiled
ballots were over-votes; many or most of them would have been write-in
over-votes, where people had punched and written in a candidate’s
name. And nobody looked at this, not even the
Florida Supreme Court in
the last decision it made requiring a statewide recount. Nobody had
thought about it except Judge Terry Lewis, who was overseeing the
statewide recount when it was halted by the U.S. Supreme Court. The
write-in over-votes have really not gotten much attention. Those votes
are not ambiguous. When you see Gore picked and then Gore written in,
there’s not a question in your mind who this person was voting for.
When you go through those, they’re unambiguous: Bush got some of
those votes, but they were overwhelmingly for Gore. For example, in an
analysis of the 2.7 million votes that had been cast in Florida’s
eight largest counties,
The Washington Post
The Washington Post found that Gore’s name
was punched on 46,000 of the over-vote ballots it, [sic] while
Bush’s name was marked on only 17,000... –Lance deHaven-Smith
Florida Administrative Code: 1S-2.0031, "Write-in
Procedures Governing Electronic Voting Systems", (7) at the time
specified, "An overvote shall occur when an elector casts a vote on
the ballot card and also casts a write-in vote for a qualified
write-in candidate for that same office. Upon such an overvote, the
entire vote for that office shall be void and shall not be counted.
However, an overvote shall not occur when the elector casts a vote on
the ballot card but then enters a sham or unqualified name in the
write-in space for that same office. In such case, only the write-in
vote is void." There were two write-in candidates for president who
had been qualified by the state of Florida. Under the FAC, a ballot
with any other name written in (including Bush and Gore, who were not
qualified as write-in candidates) was not an overvote, but rather a
valid vote for the candidate whose name was marked by the voter.
County-by-county standards for write-in overvotes in 2000
Optiscan counties' standards for valid write-in overvotes
do not count any votes for the marked candidate (4):
Columbia, Holmes, Okaloosa, Suwannee
Counties that count votes for the marked candidate if the write-in is
an opposing candidate (0):
the same name (1):
the same name or a blank space (28):
Bay, Bradford, Brevard, Calhoun, Charlotte, Citrus, Clay, Escambia,
Gadsden, Gulf, Hamilton, Hernando, Jackson, Lafayette, Lake, Levy,
Liberty, Okeechobee, Orange, Polk, Putnam, Santa Rosa, Seminole, St.
Johns, St. Lucie, Union, Walton, Washington
the same name, a blank space or a historical or fictional name (1):
the same name, a blank space or an uncertified person's name[a] (1):
the same name, a blank space, a historical or fictional name or an
uncertified person's name[a] (7):
Alachua, Baker, Leon, Manatee, Monroe, Taylor, Volusia
Punchcard counties' standards for valid write-in overvotes
do not count any votes for the marked candidate (9):
DeSoto, Duval, Gilchrist, Glades, Hardee, Miami-Dade, Nassau, Osceola,
count votes for the punched candidate if the write-in is an
uncertified person's name[a] (12):
Broward, Collier, Dixie, Hillsborough, Jefferson, Lee, Madison,
Marion, Palm Beach, Pasco, Pinellas, Wakulla
n/a or no answer (4):
Highlands, Indian River, Martin, Sumter
^ a b c in answer to "Would the county accept a write-in overvote if
the write-in text area contained a non-qualified candidate?"
Opinion polling on recount
A nationwide December 14–21, 2000 Harris poll asked, "If everyone
who tried to vote in
Florida had their votes counted for the candidate
who they thought they were voting for — with no misleading ballots
and infallible voting machines — who do you think would have won the
George W. Bush
George W. Bush or Al Gore?". The results were 49% for Gore
and 40% for Bush, with 11% uncertain or not wishing to respond.
The 2008 made-for-TV movie Recount, directed by
Jay Roach and produced
by and starring Kevin Spacey, explores the 2000 election and recount.
It premiered on the
HBO cable network on May 25, 2008.
United States House of Representatives elections in Florida,
2016 United States presidential election recounts
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Tossing Write-ins". Orlando Sentinel. Retrieved 2016-11-28.
^ Maxwell, Scott; Damron, David (November 14, 2000). "Now Democrats
Are Upset With The Way Lake Counted, Counters Threw Out 3,114 Ballots
Because Voters Also Wrote In The Name Of Their Candidate". Orlando
Sentinel. Retrieved 2016-11-28.
^ Martelle, Scott (November 28, 2000). "Add Nassau to List of
Problems". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2016-11-30. Election night:
Bush 16,404 votes to Gore 6,952. Mechanical Recount: Bush 16,280 votes
to Gore 6,879
^ a b
Florida Supreme Court (December 8, 2000). "No. SC00-2431, Albert
Gore, Jr., and Joseph I. Lieberman, Appellants, vs. Katherine Harris,
as Secretary, etc., et al., Appellees" (PDF). Retrieved 2016-11-30.
For the reasons stated in this opinion, we find that the trial court
erred as a matter of law in not including (1) the 215 net votes for
Gore identified by the Palm Beach County Canvassing Board (at
footnote: Bush claims in his brief that the audited total is 176
votes. We make no determination as to which of these two numbers are
accurate but direct the trial court to make this determination on
remand.) and (2) in not including the 168 net votes for Gore
identified in a partial recount by the Miami-Dade County Canvassing
^ Palm Beach County Supervisor of Elections. "2000 Presidential
Election - Handcount (00genhc.xls)". 2000 General Election Results.
^ Purdum, Todd S. (November 27, 2000). "Counting the vote: the
overview; Bush is declared winner in Florida, but Gore vows to contest
results". New York Times. Retrieved 2016-11-16.
^ Engelhardt, Joel; McCabe, Scott; Stapleton, Christine (January 27,
2001). "Disputed Palm Beach ballots held potential gains for Gore".
Palm Beach Post. West Palm Beach, Florida, United States.
^ "General, Nonpartisan and
Special Elections Recount; Miami-Dade
County, Florida". Miami-Dade County Elections. November 8, 2000.
Florida Ballots Project". National Opinion Research Center.
Archived from the original on December 17, 2001. Retrieved May 28,
^ a b c d e f Keating, Dan (28 Aug 2002). "Democracy Counts: The Media
Florida Ballot Review": 8. Paper presented at the annual
meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston Marriott
Copley Place, Sheraton Boston & Hynes Convention Center, Boston,
^ a b "Who Won the Election? Who Cares?". Fairness & Accuracy In
Reporting. Retrieved October 30, 2012.
^ a b Isikoff, Michael (2001-11-18). "The Final Word?". Newsweek.com.
^ a b Wolter, Kirk; Jergovic, Diana; Moore, Whitney; Murphy, Joe;
O'Muircheartaigh, Colm (February 2003). "Statistical Practice:
Reliability of the Uncertified Ballots in the 2000 Presidential
Election in Florida" (PDF). The American Statistician. American
Statistical Association. 57 (1): 1–14. doi:10.1198/0003130031144.
JSTOR 3087271. Retrieved 2016-06-12.
^ "Newspapers' recount shows Bush prevailed". USA Today. May 15, 2001.
Retrieved May 26, 2010.
Florida voter errors cost Gore the election". USA Today. May 11,
2001. Retrieved May 26, 2010.
^ a b Julian Pecquet (Winter 2005). "Battlefield Florida: A Chat with
Lance deHaven-Smith". rinr.fsu.edu. (Interview with author of The
Battle for Florida, 2005). Retrieved August 18, 2016.
^ "The Long Count". Pollingreport.com. Retrieved 2016-11-29.
How we got here: A timeline of the
Election 2000 - NPR
Bush V. Gore
Video highlight of
Florida Supreme Court Chief Justice Wells opening
Gore v. Harris argument on November 20, 2000
Video highlights of November 20, 2000 and December 7, 2000 oral
arguments in Gore v. Harris in front of
Florida Supreme Court
http://www.gregpalast.com/ for an investigative journalist's report on
voter suppression in
Florida in the 2000 presidential election.
Jonathan Rosenblum Papers. 1993-2006. 1 cubic foot (1 box). At the
Labor Archives of Washington. Contains records of Rosenblum's
assistance in ballot recount efforts in November 2000.
United States presidential election, 2000
United States presidential election, 2000 (→ 2004)
General election results
George W. Bush
George W. Bush (campaign)
VP nominee Dick Cheney
Candidates Lamar Alexander
Pat Buchanan (campaign)
John Kasich (campaign)
Alan Keyes (campaign)
John McCain (campaign)
Al Gore (campaign)
VP nominee Joe Lieberman
Bill Bradley (campaign)
Nominee Howard Phillips
VP nominee Curtis Frazier
Candidates Herb Titus
Ralph Nader (campaign)
VP nominee Winona LaDuke
Candidates Jello Biafra
Harry Browne (campaign)
VP nominee Art Olivier
Candidates Jacob Hornberger
L. Neil Smith
Pat Buchanan (campaign)
VP nominee Ezola B. Foster
Candidates John Hagelin
Donald Trump (campaign)
Natural Law Party
Nominee John Hagelin
VP nominee Nat Goldhaber
Nominee Earl Dodge
VP nominee W. Dean Watkins
Nominee David McReynolds
VP nominee Mary Cal Hollis
Socialist Workers Party
Nominee James Harris
VP nominee Margaret Trowe
Workers World Party
Nominee Monica Moorehead
VP nominee Gloria La Riva
Cathy Gordon Brown
Charles E. Collins
Florida election recount and legal proceedings
Florida Central Voter
File (scrub list)
Florida election recount
Brooks Brothers riot
Palm Beach County Canvassing Board v. Harris (Harris I)
Gore v. Harris (Harris II)
Bush v. Palm Beach County Canvassing Board
Bush v. Gore
Bush Family Fortunes
Bush Family Fortunes (2004)
Unprecedented: The 2000 Presidential Election (2002)
Other 2000 elections