JUAN EVO MORALES AYMA (born October 26, 1959), popularly known as EVO
(Spanish pronunciation: ), is a Bolivian politician and cocalero
activist who has been serving as
President of Bolivia
President of Bolivia since 2006.
Widely regarded as the country's first president to come from the
indigenous population, his administration has focused on the
implementation of leftist policies, poverty reduction, and combating
the influence of the United States and multinational corporations in
Bolivia. A socialist , he is the head of the Movement for Socialism
Born to an Aymara family of subsistence farmers in Isallawi, Orinoca
Canton , Morales undertook a basic education before mandatory military
service, in 1978 moving to
Chapare Province . Growing coca and
becoming a trade unionist, he rose to prominence in the campesino
("rural laborers") union. In that capacity he campaigned against U.S.
and Bolivian attempts to eradicate coca as part of the
War on Drugs
War on Drugs ,
denouncing these as an imperialist violation of indigenous Andean
culture. His involvement in anti-government direct action protests
resulted in multiple arrests. Morales entered electoral politics in
1995, became the leader of the MAS and was elected to Congress. His
campaign focused on issues affecting indigenous and poor communities,
advocating land reform and the redistribution of gas wealth. He gained
increased visibility through the
Cochabamba protests and gas conflict
. In 2002 he was expelled from Congress for encouraging protesters,
although he came second in that year\'s presidential election .
Once elected in 2005 , Morales increased taxation on the hydrocarbon
industry to bolster social spending, emphasising projects to combat
illiteracy, poverty, racism, and sexism. Vocally criticizing
neoliberalism and reducing Bolivia's dependence on the
World Bank and
International Monetary Fund
International Monetary Fund , his administration oversaw strong
economic growth while following a policy termed "Evonomics" which
sought to move from a liberal economic approach to a mixed economy .
Scaling back U.S. influence in the country, he built relationships
with leftist governments in the Latin American pink tide and signed
Bolivia into the
Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas
Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas . Attempting to
moderate the left-indigenous activist community, his administration
also opposed the right-wing autonomist demands of Bolivia\'s eastern
provinces . Winning a recall referendum in 2008 , he instituted a new
constitution that established
Bolivia as a plurinational state and was
re-elected in 2009 . His second term witnessed the continuation of
leftist policies and Bolivia's joining of the
Bank of the South
Bank of the South and
Community of Latin American and Caribbean States . After becoming the
world's oldest professional footballer by signing to a Bolivian team,
he was again reelected in the 2014 general election .
Morales has been praised for significantly reducing poverty and
Bolivia and has been internationally decorated with
various awards. His supporters have lauded him as a champion of
indigenous rights , anti-imperialism , and environmentalism .
Alternately, a number of leftist, indigenous, and environmentalist
critics have accused him of failing to live up to many of his espoused
values, while right-wing opponents have accused him of being
excessively radical and authoritarian and claimed that his defence of
coca contributes to illegal cocaine production.
* 1 Early life and activism
* 1.1 Childhood, education and military service: 1959–78
* 1.2 Early cocalero activism: 1978–83
* 1.3 General Secretary of the
Cocalero Union: 1984–94
* 2 Political rise
* 2.1 The ASP, IPSP and MAS: 1995–99
Cochabamba protests: 2000–02
* 2.3 Rise to power: 2003–05
* 3 Presidency
* 3.1 First presidential term: 2006–09
* 3.1.1 Economic program
* 3.1.2 ALBA and international appearances
* 3.1.3 Social reform
* 3.1.4 Domestic unrest and the new constitution
* 3.2 Second presidential term: 2009–14
* 3.2.1 Domestic protests
* 3.3 Third presidential term: 2014–present
* 4 Political ideology
* 5 Personal life
* 6 Influence and legacy
* 7 See also
* 8 References
* 8.1 Notes
* 8.2 Footnotes
* 8.3 Bibliography
* 9 External links
EARLY LIFE AND ACTIVISM
CHILDHOOD, EDUCATION AND MILITARY SERVICE: 1959–78
Aymara in traditional dress (left);
Poopó Lake was the
dominant geographical feature around Evo's home village of Isallawi
Morales was born in the small rural village of Isallawi in Orinoca
Canton , part of western Bolivia's
Oruro Department , on 26 October
1959. One of seven children born to Dionisio Morales Choque and Maria
Ayma, only he and two siblings, Esther and Hugo, survived past
childhood. His mother almost died from a postpartum haemorrhage
following his birth. Ethnically identifying as a member of the
Aymara people , in keeping with Aymara custom, his father
buried the placenta produced after his birth in a place specially
chosen for the occasion. His childhood home was a traditional adobe
house, and he grew up speaking the
Aymara language , although later
commentators would remark that by the time he had become president he
was no longer an entirely fluent speaker.
Morales's family were farmers; from an early age, he helped them to
plant and harvest crops and guard their herd of llamas and sheep,
taking a homemade soccer ball to amuse himself. As a toddler, he
briefly attended Orinoca's preparatory school, and at five began
schooling at the single-room primary school in Isallawi. Aged 6, he
spent six months in northern
Argentina with his sister and father.
There, Dionisio harvested sugar cane while Evo sold ice cream and
briefly attended a Spanish-language school. As a child, he regularly
traveled on foot to
Arani province in
Cochabamba with his father and
their llamas, a journey lasting up to two weeks, in order to exchange
salt and potatoes for maize and coca. A big fan of soccer, at age 13
he organised a community soccer team with himself as team captain.
Within two years, he was elected training coach for the whole region,
and thus gained early experience in leadership.
After finishing primary education, Morales attended the Agrarian
Humanistic Technical Institute of Orinoca (ITAHO), completing all but
the final year. His parents then sent him to study for a degree in
Oruro ; although he did poorly academically, he finished all of his
courses and exams by 1977, earning money on the side as a brick-maker,
day labourer, baker and a trumpet player for the Royal Imperial Band.
The latter position allowed him to travel across Bolivia. At the end
of his higher education he failed to collect his degree certificate.
Although interested in studying journalism, he did not pursue it as a
profession. Morales served his mandatory military service in the
Bolivian army from 1977 to 1978. Initially signed up at the Centre for
Special Troops (CITE) in Cochabamba, he was sent into
the Fourth Ingavi Cavalry Regiment and stationed at the army
headquarters in the Bolivian capital
La Paz . These two years were
one of Bolivia's politically most unstable periods, with five
presidents and two military coups, led by General
Juan Pereda and
David Padilla respectively; under the latter's regime, Morales
was stationed as a guard at the
Palacio Quemado (Presidential Palace).
EARLY COCALERO ACTIVISM: 1978–83
Following his military service, Evo returned to his family, who had
escaped the agricultural devastation of 1980's El Niño storm cycle by
relocating to the Tropics of
Cochabamba in the eastern lowlands.
Setting up home in the town of Villa 14 de Septiembre, El Chapare ,
using a loan from Evo's maternal uncle, the family cleared a plot of
land in the forest to grow rice, oranges, grapefruit, papaya, bananas
and later on coca . It was here that Morales learned to speak Quechua
, the indigenous local language. The arrival of the Morales family
was a part of a much wider migration to the region; in 1981 El
Chapare's population was 40,000 but by 1988 it had risen to 215,000.
Many Bolivians hoped to set up farms where they could earn a living
growing coca, which was experiencing a steady rise in price and which
could be cultivated up to four times a year; a traditional medicinal
and ritual substance in Andean culture, it was also sold abroad as the
key ingredient in cocaine . Evo joined the local soccer team, before
founding his own team, New Horizon, which proved victorious at the
August 2nd Central Tournament. The El Chapare region remained special
to Morales for many years to come; during his presidency he often
talked of it in speeches and regularly visited. A Bolivian man
holding a coca leaf.
In El Chapare, Morales joined a trade union of cocaleros (coca
growers), being appointed local Secretary of Sports. Organizing soccer
tournaments, among union members he earned the nickname of "the young
ball player" because of his tendency to organize matches during
meeting recesses. Influenced in joining the union by wider events, in
1980 the far-right General
Luis García Meza had seized power in a
military coup, banning other political parties and declaring himself
president; for Morales, a "foundational event in his relationship with
politics" occurred in 1981, when a campesino (coca grower) was accused
of cocaine trafficking by soldiers, beaten up, and burned to death.
In 1982 the leftist
Hernán Siles Zuazo and the Democratic and Popular
Union (Unidad Democrática y Popular – UDP) took power in
representative democratic elections, before implementing neoliberal
capitalist reforms and privatizing much of the state sector with US
support; hyperinflation came under control, but unemployment rose to
25%. Becoming increasingly active in the union, from 1982 to 1983,
Morales served as the General Secretary of his local San Francisco
syndicate. However, in 1983, Morales's father Dionisio died, and
although he missed the funeral he temporarily retreated from his union
work to organize his father's affairs.
War on Drugs
War on Drugs , the U.S. government hoped to stem the
cocaine trade by preventing the production of coca; they pressured the
Bolivian government to eradicate it, sending troops to
Bolivia to aid
the operation. Bolivian troops would burn coca crops and in many
cases beat up coca growers who challenged them. Angered by this, Evo
returned to cocalero campaigning; like many comrades, he refused the
US$2,500 compensation offered by the government for each acre of coca
he eradicated. Deeply embedded in Bolivian culture, the campesinos had
an ancestral relationship with coca and did not want to lose their
most profitable means of subsistence. For them, it was an issue of
national sovereignty, with the U.S. viewed as imperalists ; activists
regularly proclaimed "Long live coca! Death to the Yankees!"
("Causachun coca! Wañuchun yanquis!").
GENERAL SECRETARY OF THE COCALERO UNION: 1984–94
Wiphala , flag of the Aymara.
From 1984 to 1985 Morales served as Secretary of Records for the
movement, and in 1985 he became General Secretary of the August
Second Headquarters. From 1984 to 1991 the sindicatos embarked on a
series of protests against the forced eradication of coca by occupying
local government offices, setting up roadblocks, going on hunger
strike, and organizing mass marches and demonstrations. Morales was
personally involved in this direct activism and in 1984 was present at
a roadblock where 3 campesinos were killed. In 1988, Morales was
elected to the position of Executive Secretary of the Federation of
the Tropics. In 1989 he spoke at a one-year commemoratory event of
Villa Tunari massacre in which 11 coca farmers had been killed by
agents of the Rural Area Mobile Patrol Unit (Unidad Móvil Policial
para Áreas Rurales – UMOPAR). The following day,
beat Morales up, leaving him in the mountains to die, but he was
rescued by other union members. To combat this violence, Morales
concluded that an armed cocalero militia could launch a guerrilla war
against the government, but he was soon persuaded on an electoral path
to change instead. In 1992, he made various international trips to
champion the cocalero cause, speaking at a conference in Cuba, and
also traveling to Canada, during which he learned of his mother's
In his speeches, Morales presented the coca leaf as a symbol of
Andean culture that was under threat from the imperialist oppression
of the U.S. In his view, the U.S. should deal with their domestic
cocaine abuse problems without interfering in Bolivia, arguing that
they had no right trying to eliminate coca, a legitimate product with
many uses which played a rich role in Andean culture. In a speech on
this issue, Morales told reporters "I am not a drug trafficker. I am a
coca grower. I cultivate coca leaf, which is a natural product. I do
not refine (it into) cocaine, and neither cocaine nor drugs have ever
been part of the Andean culture." On another, he asserted that "We
produce our coca, we bring it to the main markets, we sell it and
that's where our responsibility ends."
Morales presented the coca growers as victims of a wealthy, urban
social elite who had bowed to U.S. pressure by implementing neoliberal
economic reforms. He argued that these reforms were to the detriment
of Bolivia's majority, and thus the country's representative
democratic system of governance failed to reflect the true democratic
will of the majority. This situation was exacerbated following the
1993 general election when the centrist Revolutionary Nationalist
Movement (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario – MNR) won the
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada became President. He adopted a
policy of "shock therapy ", implementing economic liberalization and
widescale privatization of state-owned assets. Sánchez also agreed
with the U.S. DEA to relaunch its offensive against the Bolivian coca
Bolivia to eradicating 12,500 acres (5,100 ha) of
coca by March 1994 in exchange for $20 million worth of US aid,
something Morales claimed would be opposed by the cocalero movement.
In August 1994 Morales was arrested; reporters present at the scene
witnessed him being beaten and accosted with racial slurs by civil
agents. Accused of sedition, in jail he began a dry hunger strike to
protest his arrest. The following day, 3000 campesinos began a
360-mile (580 km) march from
Villa Tunari to La Paz. Morales would be
freed on September 7, and soon joined the march, which arrived at its
destination on 19 September, where they covered the city with
political graffiti. He was again arrested in April 1995 during a
sting operation that rounded up those at a meeting of the Andean
Coca Producers that he was chairing on the shores of Lake
Titicaca. Accusing the group of plotting a coup with the aid of
FARC and Peru's
Shining Path , a number of his comrades
were tortured, although no evidence of a coup was brought forth and he
was freed within a week. He proceeded to
Argentina to attend a
seminar on liberation struggles.
THE ASP, IPSP AND MAS: 1995–99
Members of the sindicato social movement first suggested a move into
the political arena in 1986. This was controversial, with many fearing
that politicians would co-opt the movement for personal gain. Morales
began supporting the formation of a political wing in 1989, although a
consensus in favor of its formation only emerged in 1993. On March
27, 1995, at the 7th Congress of the Unique Confederation of Rural
Bolivia (Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores
Bolivia – CSUTCB), a "political instrument" (a term
employed over "political party") was formed, named the Assembly for
the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Asamblea por la Sobernía de los
Pueblos – ASP). At the ASP's 1st Congress, the CSUTCB participated
alongside three other Bolivian unions, representing miners, peasants
and indigenous peoples. In 1996, Morales was appointed chairman of
the Committee of the Six Federations of the Tropics of Cochabamba, a
position that he retained until 2006.
Bolivia's National Electoral Court (Corte Nacional Electoral – CNE)
refused to recognize the ASP, citing minor procedural infringements.
The coca activists circumvented this problem by running under the
banner of the United Left (IU), a coalition of leftist parties headed
by the Communist Party of
Bolivia (Partido Comunista
PCB). They won landslide victories in those areas which were local
strongholds of the movement, producing 11 mayors and 49 municipal
councilors. Morales was elected to the National Congress as a
representative for El Chapare, having secured 70.1% of the local vote.
In the national elections of 1997 , the IU/ASP gained four seats in
Congress, obtaining 3.7% of the national vote, with this rising to
17.5% in the department of Cochabamba. The election resulted in the
establishment of a coalition government led by the right-wing
Nationalist Democratic Action
Nationalist Democratic Action (Acción Democrática Nacionalista –
Hugo Banzer as President; Morales lambasted him as "the
worst politician in Bolivian history". MAS-IPSP partisans
celebrate the 16th anniversary of the IPSP party's founding in Sacaba
Rising electoral success was accompanied by factional in-fighting,
with a leadership contest emerging in the ASP between the incumbent
Alejo Véliz and Morales, who had the electoral backing of the social
movement's bases. The conflict led to a schism, with Morales and his
supporters splitting to form their own party, the Political Instrument
for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Instrumento Político por la
Soberanía de los Pueblos – IPSP). The movement's bases defected en
masse to the IPSP, leaving the ASP to crumble and Véliz to join the
New Republican Force (Nueva Fuerza Republicana – NFR),
for which Morales denounced him as a traitor to the cocalero cause.
Continuing his activism, in 1998 Morales led another cocalero march
from El Chapare to la Paz, and came under increasing criticism from
the government, who repeatedly accused him of being involved in the
cocaine trade and mocked him for how he spoke and his lack of
Morales came to an agreement with
David Añez Pedraza , the leader of
a defunct yet still registered party named the Movement for Socialism
(MAS); under this agreement, Morales and the Six Federaciónes could
take over the party name, with Pendraza stipulating the condition that
they must maintain its own acronym, name and colors. Thus the defunct
right wing MAS became the flourishing left wing vehicle for the coca
activist movement known as the Movement for
Socialism – Political
Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples . The MAS would come to
be described as "an indigenous-based political party that calls for
the nationalization of industry, legalization of the coca leaf ... and
fairer distribution of national resources." The party lacked the
finance available to the mainstream parties, and so relied largely on
the work of volunteers in order to operate. It was not structured
like other political parties, instead operating as the political wing
of the social movement, with all tiers in the movement involved in
decision making; this form of organisation would continue until 2004.
In the December 1999 municipal elections , the MAS secured 79
municipal council seats and 10 mayoral positions, gaining 3.27% of the
national vote, although 70% of the vote in Cochabamba.
COCHABAMBA PROTESTS: 2000–02
In 2000, the Tunari Waters corporation doubled the price at which
they sold water to Bolivian consumers, resulting in a backlash from
leftist activist groups, including the cocaleros. Activists clashed
with police and armed forces, in what was dubbed "the Water War ",
resulting in 6 dead and 175 wounded. Responding to the violence, the
government removed the contract from Tunari and placed the utility
under cooperative control. In ensuing years further violent protests
broke out over a range of issues, resulting in more deaths both among
activists and law enforcement. Much of this unrest was connected with
the widespread opposition to economic liberalization across Bolivian
society, with a common perception that it only benefited a small
In the Andean High Plateau, a cocalero group launched a guerrilla
uprising under the leadership of
Felipe Quispe ; an ethnic separatist,
he and Morales disliked each other, with Quispe considering Morales to
be a traitor and an opportunist for his willingness to cooperate with
White Bolivians . Morales had not taken a leading role in these
protests, but did use them to get across his message that the MAS was
not a single-issue party, and that rather than simply fighting for the
rights of the cocalero it was arguing for structural change to the
political system and a redefinition of citizenship in Bolivia.
Evo Morales (right) with French labor union leader
José Bové in 2002
In August 2001, Banzer resigned due to terminal illness, and Jorge
Quiroga took over as President. Under U.S. pressure, Quiroga sought
to have Morales expelled from Congress. To do so, he claimed that
Morales' inflammatory language had caused the deaths of two police
Sacaba near Cochabamba, however was unable to provide any
evidence of Morales' culpability. 140 deputies voted for Morales'
expulsion, which came about in 2002. Morales asserted that it "was a
trial against Aymara and Quechas", while MAS activists interpreted
it as evidence of the pseudo-democratic credentials of the political
The MAS gained increasing popularity as a protest party , relying
largely on widespread dissatisfaction with the existing mainstream
political parties among Bolivians living in rural and poor urban
areas. Morales recognized this, and much of his discourse focused on
differentiating the MAS from the traditional political class. Their
campaign was successful, and in the 2002 presidential election the MAS
gained 20.94% of the national vote, becoming Bolivia's second largest
party, being only 1.5% behind the victorious MNR, whose candidate,
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada
Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada , became President. They won 8 seats in
the Senate and 27 in the Chamber of Deputies. Now the leader of the
political opposition , Morales focused on criticising government
policies rather than outlining alternatives. He had several
unconstructive meetings with Lozada, but met with Venezuela's Hugo
Chávez for the first time.
Bolivia's U.S. embassy had become publicly highly critical of
Morales; just prior to the election, the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia
Manuel Rocha issued a statement declaring that U.S. aid to Bolivia
would be cut if MAS won the election. However, exit polls revealed
that Rocha's comments had served to increase support for Morales.
Following the election, the U.S. embassy maintained this critical
stance, characterising Morales as a criminal and encouraging Bolivia's
traditional parties to sign a broad agreement to oppose the MAS;
Morales himself began alleging that the U.S. Central Intelligence
Agency was plotting to assassinate him.
RISE TO POWER: 2003–05
Graffiti roughly translating into "The Gas is not for sale,
dammit!", with an indigenous woman in the foreground.
In 2003, the
Bolivian gas conflict broke out as activists –
including coca growers – protested against the privatization of the
country's natural gas supply and its sale to U.S. companies below the
market value. Activists blocked off the road into La Paz, resulting in
clashes with police. 80 were killed and 411 injured, among them
officers, activists, and civilians, including children. Morales did
not take an active role in the conflict, instead traveling to Libya
and Switzerland, there describing the uprising as a "peaceful
revolution in progress." The government accused Morales and the MAS
of using the protests to overthrow Bolivia's parliamentary democracy
with the aid of organised crime,
FARC , and the far left governments
of Venezuela, Cuba, and Libya.
Morales led calls for President Sánchez de Lozada to step down over
the death toll, gaining widespread support from the MAS, other
activist groups, and the middle classes; with pressure building,
Sánchez resigned and fled to
Florida . He was replaced by
Carlos Mesa , who tried to strike a balance between U.S. and cocalero
demands, but whom Morales mistrusted. In November, Morales spent 24
hours with Cuban President
Fidel Castro in
Havana , and then met
Nestor Kirchner . In the 2004 municipal
election, the MAS became the country's largest national party, with
28.6% of all councilors in Bolivia. However, they had failed to win
the mayoralty in any big cities, reflecting their inability to gain
widespread support among the urban middle-classes. In Bolivia's
wealthy Santa Cruz region, a strong movement for autonomy had
developed under the leadership of the Pro Santa Cruz Committee (Comite
Pro Santa Cruz). Favorable to neoliberal economics and strongly
critical of the cocaleros, they considered armed insurrection to
Bolivia should MAS take power.
In March 2005, Mesa resigned, citing the pressure of Morales and the
cocalero road blocks and riots. Amid fears of civil war, Eduardo
Rodríguez became President of a transitional government , preparing
Bolivia for a general election in December 2005 . Hiring the Peruvian
Walter Chávez as its campaign manager, the MAS electoral campaign was
Salvador Allende 's successful campaign in the Chilean
presidential election, 1970 . Measures were implemented to
institutionalize the party structure, giving it greater independence
from the social movement; this was done to allow Morales and other MAS
leaders to respond quickly to new developments without the lengthy
process of consulting the bases, and to present a more moderate image
away from the bases' radicalism. Although he had initially hoped for
a female running mate, Morales eventually chose Marxist intellectual
Álvaro García Linera
Álvaro García Linera as his Vice Presidential candidate, with some
Bolivian press speculating as to a romantic relationship between the
two. MAS' primary opponent was
Jorge Quiroga and his center-right
Social and Democratic Power , whose campaign was centered in Santa
Cruz and which advocated continued neo-liberal reform; Quiroga accused
Morales of promoting the legalization of cocaine and being a puppet
With a turnout of 84.5%, the election saw Morales gain 53.7% of the
vote, while Quiroga came second with 28.6%; Morales' was the first
victory with an absolute majority in
Bolivia for 40 years. Given that
he was the sixth self-described leftist president to be elected in
Latin America since 1998, his victory was identified as part of the
broader regional pink tide . Becoming president elect , Morales was
widely described as Bolivia's first indigenous leader, at a time when
around 62% of the population identified as indigenous; political
analysts therefore drew comparisons with the election of Nelson
Mandela to the South African Presidency in 1994 . This resulted in
widespread excitement among the approximately 40 million indigenous
people in the Americas, particularly those of Bolivia. However, his
election caused concern among the country's wealthy and landowning
classes, who feared state expropriation and nationalisation of their
property, as well as far-right groups, who claimed it would spark a
race war . He traveled to
Cuba to spend time with Castro, before
going to Venezuela, and then on tour to Europe, China, and South
Africa; significantly, he avoided the U.S. In January 2006, Morales
attended an indigenous spiritual ceremony at
Tiwanaku where he was
Apu Mallku (Supreme Leader) of the Aymara, receiving gifts
from indigenous peoples across Latin America. He thanked the goddess
Pachamama for his victory and proclaimed that "With the unity of the
people, we're going to end the colonial state and the neo-liberal
Presidency of Evo Morales
FIRST PRESIDENTIAL TERM: 2006–09
In the world there are large and small countries, rich countries
and poor countries, but we are equal in one thing, which is our right
to dignity and sovereignty. — Evo Morales, Inaugural Speech, 22
Morales' inauguration took place on January 22 in La Paz. It was
attended by various heads of state, including Kirchner, Chávez,
Lula da Silva , and Chile's
Ricardo Lagos . Morales wore an
Andeanized suit designed by fashion designer
Beatriz Canedo Patiño ,
and gave a speech that included a minute silence in memory of
cocaleros and indigenous activists killed in the struggle. He
condemned Bolivia's former "colonial" regimes, likening them to South
Africa under apartheid and stating that the MAS' election would lead
to a "refoundation" of the country, a term that the MAS consistently
used over "revolution". Morales repeated these views in his
convocation of the Constituent Assembly.
In taking office, Morales emphasized nationalism, anti-imperialism,
and anti-neoliberalism, although did not initially refer to his
administration as socialist. In what was widely termed a populist
act, he immediately reduced both his own presidential wage and that of
his ministers by 57% to $1,875 a month, also urging members of
Congress to do the same. Morales gathered together a largely
inexperienced cabinet made up of indigenous activists and leftist
intellectuals, although over the first three years of government
there was a rapid turnover in the cabinet as Morales replaced many of
the indigenous members with trained middle-class leftist politicians.
By 2012 only 3 of the 20 cabinet members identified as indigenous.
Upon his election to the presidency,
Bolivia was South America's
poorest nation. Morales' government did not initiate any fundamental
change in Bolivia's economic structure, and in their National
Development Plan (PDN) for 2006–10, they adhered largely to the
country's previous liberal economic model. Bolivia's economy was
based largely on the extraction of natural resources , with the nation
having South America's second largest reserves of natural gas. As per
his election pledge, Morales took increasing state control of this
hydrocarbon industry with Supreme Decree 2870 ; previously,
corporations paid 18% of their profits to the state, but Morales
symbolically reversed this, so that 82% of profits went to the state
and 18% to the companies. The oil companies threatened to take the
case to the international courts or cease operating in Bolivia, but
ultimately relented. Thus, where
Bolivia had received $173 million
from hydrocarbon extraction in 2002, by 2006 they received $1.3
billion. Although not technically a form of nationalization, Morales
and his government referred to it as such, resulting in criticism from
sectors of the Bolivian left. In June 2006, Morales announced his
desire to nationalize mining, electricity, telephones, and railroads,
and in February 2007 nationalized the
Vinto metallurgy plant, refusing
Glencore , which the government asserted had obtained
the contract illegally. Although the FSTMB miners' federation called
for the government to nationalise the mines, the government did not do
so, instead stating that any transnational corporations operating in
Bolivia legally would not be expropriated. Morales in 2007
Bolivia experienced unprecedented economic strength,
resulting in the increase in value of its currency, the boliviano .
His first year in office ended with no fiscal deficit ; the first time
this had happened in
Bolivia for 30 years, while during the global
financial crisis of 2007–08 it maintained some of the world's
highest levels of economic growth. Such economic strength led to a
nationwide boom in construction, and allowed the state to build up
strong financial reserves. Although the levels of social spending
were increased, they remained relatively conservative, with a major
priority being placed on constructing paved roads, as well as
community spaces such as soccer fields and union buildings. In
particular, the government focused on rural infrastructure
improvement, to bring roads, running water, and electricity to areas
that lacked them.
The government's stated intention was to reduce Bolivia's most acute
poverty levels from 35% to 27% of the population, and moderate poverty
levels from 58.9% to 49% over five years. Welfare was expanded, as
characterized by the introduction of non-contributory old-age pensions
and payments to mothers provided their babies are taken for health
checks and that their children attend school. Hundreds of free
tractors were also handed out. The prices of gas and many foodstuffs
were controlled, and local food producers were made to sell in the
local market rather than export. A new state-owned body was also set
up to distribute food at subsidized prices. All these measures helped
to curb inflation, while the economy grew (partly because of rising
public spending), accompanied by stronger public finances which
brought economic stability.
During Morales' first term,
Bolivia broke free of the domination of
World Bank and
International Monetary Fund
International Monetary Fund (IMF) which had
characterised previous regimes by refusing their financial aid and
connected regulations. In May 2007, it became the world's first
country to withdraw from the International Center for the Settlement
of Investment Disputes , with Morales asserting that the institution
had consistently favored multinational corporations in its judgments;
Bolivia's lead was followed by other Latin American nations. Despite
being encouraged to do so by the U.S.,
Bolivia refused to join the
Free Trade Area of the Americas
Free Trade Area of the Americas , deeming it a form of U.S.
imperialism. In December 2015 a new Bolivian partnership with the
World Bank, with which establishes medium term objectives to eradicate
extreme poverty and translate growth into well-being.
A major dilemma faced by Morales' administration was between the
desire to expand extractive industries in order to fund social
programs and provide employment, and to protect the country's
environment from the pollution caused by those industries. Although
his government professed an environmentalist ethos, expanding
environmental monitoring and becoming a leader in the voluntary Forest
Stewardship Council ,
Bolivia continued to witness rapid deforestation
for agriculture and illegal logging. Economists on both the left and
right expressed concern over the government's lack of economic
diversification. Many Bolivians opined that Morales' government had
failed to bring about sufficient job creation.
ALBA And International Appearances
Morales with regional allies, at the Fórum Social Mundial for
Morales' administration sought to build strong links with the hard
left governments of
Cuba and Venezuela. In April 2005 Morales
Havana for knee surgery, there meeting with the two
nations' presidents, Castro and Chávez. In April 2006, Bolivia
agreed to join
Venezuela in founding the Bolivarian
Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), with Morales attending ALBA's
conference in May, at which they initiated with a Peoples' Trade
Agreement (PTA). Meanwhile, his administration became "the least
US-friendly government in Bolivian history". In September Morales
visited the U.S. for the first time to attend the UN General Assembly
, where he gave a speech condemning U.S. President
George W. Bush
George W. Bush as a
terrorist for launching the War in Afghanistan and
Iraq War , and
called for the UN Headquarters to be moved out of the country. In the
U.S., he met with former presidents
Bill Clinton and
Jimmy Carter and
with Native American groups . Relations were further strained between
the two nations when in December Morales issued a Supreme Decree
requiring all U.S. citizens visiting
Bolivia to have a visa. His
government also refused to grant legal immunity to U.S. soldiers in
Bolivia; hence the U.S. cut back their military support to the country
In December 2006, he attended the first South-South conference in
Abuja , Nigeria, there meeting Libyan leader
Muammar Gaddafi , whose
government had recently awarded Morales the Al-Gaddafi International
Prize for Human Rights . Morales proceeded straight to
Havana for a
conference celebrating Castro's life, where he gave a speech arguing
for stronger links between Latin America and the Middle East to combat
U.S. imperialism. Under his administration, diplomatic relations were
established with Iran, with Morales praising Iranian President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad as a revolutionary comrade. In April 2007 he attended the
South American Energy Summit in Venezuela, arguing with many
allies over the issue of biofuel , which he opposed. He had a
particularly fierce argument with Brazilian President Lula over
Morales' desire to bring Bolivia's refineries – which were largely
owned by Brazil's
Petrobrás – under state control. In May, Bolivia
purchased the refineries and transferred them to the Bolivian State
Petroleum Company (YPFB).
Morales with Brazilian President Lula
Morales' government sought to encourage a model of development based
upon the premise of vivir bien, or "living well". This entailed
seeking social harmony, consensus, the elimination of discrimination,
and wealth redistribution; in doing so, it was rooted in communal
rather than individual values and owed more to indigenous Andean forms
of social organization than Western ones.
Upon Morales' election, Bolivia's illiteracy rate was at 16%, the
highest in South America. Attempting to rectify this with the aid of
far left allies,
Bolivia launched a literacy campaign with Cuban
Venezuela invited 5000 Bolivian high school
graduates to study in
Venezuela for free. By 2009,
Bolivia free from illiteracy, although the
World Bank claimed that it
had only declined by 5%.
Cuba also aided
Bolivia in the development
of its medical care, opening ophthalmological centres in the country
to treat 100,000 Bolivians for free per year, and offering 5000 free
scholarships for Bolivian students to study medicine in Cuba. The
government sought to expand state medical facilities, opening twenty
hospitals by 2014, and increasing basic medical coverage up to the age
of 25. Their approach sought to utilise and harmonise both mainstream
Western medicine and Bolivia's traditional medicine .
The 2006 Bono Juancito Pinto program provided US$29 per month to poor
families for every young child that they had, while 2008's Renta
Dignidad initiative provided around $344 per month to low-income
citizens over 60. 2009's Bono Juana Azurduy program offered cash
transfers to uninsured mothers to improve their likelihood of seeking
medical care. Conservative critics of Morales' regime claimed that
these measures were simply designed to buy off the poor and ensure
continued support for the government.
Morales announced that one of the top priorities of his government
was to eliminate racism against the country's indigenous population.
To do this, he announced that all civil servants were required to
learn one of Bolivia's three indigenous languages, Quechua, Aymara, or
Guaraní, within two years. His government encouraged the development
of indigenous cultural projects, and sought to encourage more
indigenous people to attend university; by 2008, it was estimated that
half of the students enrolled in Bolivia's 11 public universities were
indigenous, while three indigenous-specific universities had been
established, offering subsidized education. In 2009, a Vice Ministry
for Decolonization was established, which proceeded to pass the 2010
Law against Racism and Discrimination banning the espousal of racist
views in private or public institutions. Various commentators noted
that there was a renewed sense of pride among the country's indigenous
population following Morales' election. Conversely, the opposition
accused Morales' administration of aggravating racial tensions between
indigenous, white, and mestizo populations, with some non-indigenous
Bolivians feeling that they were now experiencing racism.
On International Workers\' Day 2006, Morales issued a presidential
decree undoing aspects of the informalization of labor which had been
implemented by previous neoliberal governments; this was seen as a
highly symbolic act for labor rights in Bolivia. In 2009 his
government put forward suggested reforms to the 1939 labor laws,
although lengthy discussions with trade unions hampered the reforms'
progress. Morales' government increased the legal minimum wage by
50%, and reduced the pension age from 65 to 60, and then in 2010
reduced it again to 58.
While policies were brought in to improve the living conditions of
the working classes, conversely many middle-class Bolivians felt that
they had seen their social standing decline, with Morales personally
mistrusting the middle-classes, deeming them fickle. A 2006 law
reallocated state-owned lands, with this agrarian reform entailing
distributing land to traditional communities rather than individuals.
In 2010, a law was introduced permitting the formation of recognised
indigenous territories, although the implementation of this was
hampered by bureaucracy and contesting claims over ownership.
Morales' regime also sought to improve women's rights in Bolivia. In
2010, it founded a Unit of Depatriarchalization to oversee this
process. Further seeking to provide legal recognition and support to
LGBT rights , it declared June 28 to be Sexual Minority Rights Day in
the country, and encouraged the establishment of a gay-themed
television show on the state channel.
Evo Morales in 2006
Adopting a policy known as "
Cocaine No", Morales'
administration ensured the legality of coca growing, but also
introduced measures to regulate the production and trade of the crop.
In 2007, they announced that they would permit the growing of 50,000
acres of coca in the country, primarily for the purposes of domestic
consumption, with each family being restricted to the growing of one
cato (1600 metres squared) of coca.
A social control program was implemented whereby local unions took on
responsibility for ensuring that this quota was not exceeded; in doing
so, they hoped to remove the need for military and police
intervention, and thus stem the violence of previous decades.
Measures were implemented to ensure the industrialization of coca
production, with Morales inaugurating the first coca industrialization
Chulumani , which produced and packaged coca and trimate tea;
the project was primarily funded through a $125,000 donation from
Venezuela under the PTA scheme.
These industrialization measures proved largely unsuccessful given
that coca remained illegal in most nations outside Bolivia, thus
depriving the growers of an international market. Campaigning against
this, in 2012
Bolivia withdrew from the UN 1961 Convention which had
called for global criminalisation of coca, and in 2013 successfully
UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs to declassify
coca as a narcotic. The U.S. State Department criticised Bolivia,
asserting that it was regressing in its counter-narcotics efforts, and
dramatically reduced aid to
Bolivia to $34 million to fight the
narcotics trade in 2007. Nevertheless, the number of cocaine seizures
Bolivia increased under Morales' government, as they sought to
encourage coca growers to report and oppose cocaine producers and
traffickers. However, high levels of police corruption surrounding
the illicit trade in cocaine remained a continuing problem for
Morales' government also introduced measures to tackle Bolivia's
endemic corruption; in 2007, he used a presidential decree to create
the Ministry of Institutional Transparency and Fight Against
Corruption. However, critics highlighted that MAS members were rarely
prosecuted for the crime, the main exception being
YPFB head Santos
Ramírez , who was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment for
corruption in 2008. Conversely, a 2009 law that permitted the
retroactive prosecution for corruption led to legal cases being
brought against a number of opposition politicians for alleged
corruption in the pre-Morales period; many fled abroad to avoid
Domestic Unrest And The New Constitution
During his presidential campaign, Morales had supported calls for
regional autonomy for Bolivia's departments. As president, he changed
his position, viewing the calls for autonomy – which came from
Bolivia\'s four eastern departments of Santa Cruz, Beni , Pando , and
Tarija – as an attempt by the wealthy bourgeoisie living in these
regions to preserve their economic position. He nevertheless agreed
to a referendum on regional autonomy , held in July 2006; the four
eastern departments voted in favor of autonomy, but
Bolivia as a whole
voted against it by 57.6%. In September, autonomy activists launched
strikes and blockades across eastern Bolivia, resulting in violent
clashes with MAS activists. In January 2007, clashes in Cochabamba
between activist groups led to fatalities, with Morales' government
sending in troops to maintain the peace. The left-indigenous activists
formed a Revolutionary Departmental Government, but Morales denounced
it as illegal and continued to recognise the legitimacy of right-wing
Manfred Reyes Villa .
In July 2006, an election to form a Constitutional Assembly was held,
which saw the highest ever electoral turnout in the nation's history.
MAS won 137 of its 255 seats, after which the Assembly was inaugurated
in August. In November, the Assembly approved a new constitution ,
which converted the Republic of
Bolivia into the Plurinational State
of Bolivia, describing it as a "plurinational communal and social
unified state". The constitution emphasized Bolivian sovereignty of
natural resources, separated church and state, forbade foreign
military bases in the country, implemented a two-term limit for the
presidency, and permitted limited regional autonomy. It also enshrined
every Bolivians' right to water, food, free health care, education,
and housing. In enshrining the concept of plurinationalism, one
commentator noted that it suggested "a profound reconfiguration of the
state itself" by recognising the rights to self-determination of
various nations within a single state. Morales in 2008
In May 2008, the eastern departments pushed for greater autonomy, but
Morales' government rejected the legitimacy of their position. They
called for a referendum on recalling Morales , which saw an 83%
turnout and in which Morales was ratified with 67.4% of the vote.
Unified as the National Council for Democracy (CONALDE), these groups
– financed by the wealthy agro-industrialist, petroleum, and
financial elite – embarked on a series of destabilisation campaigns
to unseat Morales' government. Unrest then broke out across eastern
Bolivia , as radicalized autonomist activists established blockades,
occupied airports, clashing with pro-government demonstrations,
police, and armed forces. Some formed paramilitaries, bombing state
companies, indigenous NGOs, and human rights organisations, also
launching armed racist attacks on indigenous communities, culminating
in the Pando Massacre of MAS activists. The autonomists gained
support from some high-ranking politicians; Santa Cruz Governor Rubén
Costas lambasted Morales and his supporters with racist epithets,
accusing the president of being an Aymara fundamentalist and a
totalitarian dictator responsible for state terrorism . Amid the
unrest, foreign commentators began speculating on the possibility of
After it was revealed that
USAID 's Office of Transition Initiatives
had supplied $4.5 million to the pro-autonomist departmental
governments of the eastern provinces, in September 2008 Morales
accused the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia,
Philip Goldberg , of
"conspiring against democracy" and encouraging the civil unrest,
ordering him to leave the country. The U.S. government responded by
expelling Bolivian ambassador to the U.S.,
Gustavo Guzman . Bolivia
subsequently expelled the U.S.
Drug Enforcement Administration
Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)
from the country, while the U.S. responded by withdrawing their Peace
Corps . Chávez stood in solidarity with
Bolivia by ordering the U.S.
Patrick Duddy out of his country and withdrawing the
Venezuelan ambassador to the U.S. The Union of South American Nations
(UNASUR) convened a special meeting to discuss the Bolivian situation,
expressing full support for Morales' government. Morales meeting
with Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev in 2009
Although unable to quell the autonomist violence, Morales' government
refused to declare a state of emergency , believing that the
autonomists were attempting to provoke them into doing so. Instead,
they decided to compromise, entering into talks with the parliamentary
opposition. As a result, 100 of the 411 elements of the Constitution
were changed, with both sides compromising on certain issues.
Nevertheless, the governors of the eastern provinces rejected the
changes, believing it gave them insufficient autonomy, while various
Indianist and leftist members of MAS felt that the amendments conceded
too much to the political right. The constitution was put to a
referendum in January 2009 , in which it was approved by 61.4% of
Following the approval of the new Constitution, the 2009 general
election was called. The opposition sought to delay the election by
demanding a new biometric registry system, hoping that it would give
them time to form a united front against MAS. Many MAS activists
reacted violently against the demands, and attempting to prevent this.
Morales went on a five-day hunger strike in April 2009 to push the
opposition to rescind their demands. He also agreed to allow for the
introduction of a new voter registry, but insisted that it was rushed
through so as not to delay the election. Morales and the MAS won with
a landslide majority, polling 64.2%, while voter participation had
reached an all-time high of 90%. His primary opponent, Reyes Villa,
gained 27% of the vote. The MAS won a two-thirds majority in both the
Chamber of Deputies and the Senate . Morales notably increased his
support in the east of the country, with MAS gaining a majority in
Tarija. In response to his victory, Morales proclaimed that he was
"obligated to accelerate the pace of change and deepen socialism" in
Bolivia, seeing his re-election as a mandate to further his reforms.
SECOND PRESIDENTIAL TERM: 2009–14
Morales at an international conference in 2012
During his second term, Morales began to speak openly of
"communitarian socialism" as the ideology that he desired for
Bolivia's future. He assembled a new cabinet which was 50% female, a
first for Bolivia, although by 2012, that had dropped to a third. In
April 2010, the departmental elections saw further gains for MAS. In
2013, the government passed a law to combat domestic violence against
In December 2009, Morales attended the 2009 United Nations Climate
Change Conference in Copenhagen, Denmark, where he blamed climate
change on capitalism and called for a financial transactions tax to
fund climate change mitigation. Ultimately deeming the conference to
have been a failure, he oversaw the World's People Conference on
Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth outside of
Following the victories of
Barack Obama and the Democratic Party in
the 2008 U.S. presidential election , relations between
the U.S. improved slightly, and in November 2009 the countries entered
negotiations to restore diplomatic relations. After the U.S. backed
2011 military intervention in Libya
2011 military intervention in Libya by
NATO forces, Morales
condemned Obama, calling for his
Nobel Peace Prize
Nobel Peace Prize to be revoked. The
two nations restored diplomatic relations in November 2011, although
Morales refused to allow the DEA back into the country.
In October 2012, the government passed a Law of Mother Earth that
banned genetically modified organisms (GMOs) being grown in Bolivia;
although praised by environmentalists, it was criticised by the
nation's soya growers, who claimed that it would make them less
competitive on the global market.
On 2 July 2013, Bolivia's foreign minister said that the diversion of
Morales\'s presidential plane (FAB-001, a
Dassault Falcon 900 EX),
when Portuguese, French, Spanish and Italian authorities denied access
to their airspace due to suspicions that
Edward Snowden was on board
the aircraft, had put the president's life at risk. Latin American
leaders describe the incident as a "stunning violation of national
sovereignty and disrespect for the region". Morales himself described
the incident as a "hostage" situation. France apologized for the
incident the next day. The presidents of Argentina, Ecuador,
Uruguay and Venezuela, Morales's political allies in the
region, gathered to demand an explanation of the incident.
In 2014, Morales became the oldest active professional soccer player
in the world after signing a contract for 200 dollars a month with
Sport Boys Warnes .
On 31 July 2014, Morales condemned the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict
and declared Israel a "terrorist state".
Morales addressing Bolivia's Parliament
Morales' second term was heavily affected by infighting and dissent
from within his own support base, as indigenous and leftist activists
came to oppose a number of the governments' reforms. In May 2010,
Morales' government announced a 5% rise in the minimum wage. The
Bolivian Workers' Central (COB) felt this insufficient given the rise
in the cost of living, and called a general strike . Protesters
clashed with police, although the government refused to increase the
rise, accusing protesters of being pawns of the right. In August
2010, violent protests then broke out in southern
widespread unemployment and a lack of investment in infrastructure.
In December 2010, the government decreed it would cut government
subsidies for gasoline and diesel fuels, which had proved to be a
major area of social spending; this resulted in higher fuel prices and
transport costs. Protests broke out across the country, and Morales
soon agreed to nullify the decree, stating that he "ruled by obeying".
The following year, the government announced plans to construct a
highway connecting Beni to Cochabamba, in order to better integrate
the isolated departments of Beni and Pando with the rest of the
country and to facilitate hydrocarbons exploration. The highway
however would go straight through the Isiboro Sécure National Park
and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS), and thus came under staunch
criticism from environmentalists and members of the indigenous
communities living in the park, who believed that it would encourage
illegal settlement and deforestation and that it further violated both
the constitution and United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples .
In August 2011, 800 protesters embarked on a protest march from
Trinidad to La Paz, on the way facing violent conflict from police and
those who supported the road, with many being injured. The controversy
caused two government officials and various other high-ranking
officials to resign in protest, while Morales begged forgiveness but
blamed the U.S. and Bolivia's right-wing for stirring up the unrest.
In October 2011, he passed Law 180, prohibiting further road
construction, although the government proceeded with a consultation,
eventually gaining the consent of 55 of the 65 communities in TIPNIS
to allow the highway to be built, albeit with a variety of
concessions; construction was scheduled to take place after the 2014
general election. In May 2013, the government then announced that
it would permit hydrocarbon exploration in the nation's 22 national
parks, to widespread condemnation from environmentalists.
Further protests broke out in June 2012, this time from the Bolivian
police , who objected to government reforms designed to combat
widespread corruption in the force. Police broke into their own
offices to burn all disciplinary case records, and demanded salary
increases. Morales' government relented, cancelling many of the
proposed reforms and agreeing to the salary increase.
THIRD PRESIDENTIAL TERM: 2014–PRESENT
Morales with Iranian President
Hassan Rouhani during the Third
GECF summit .
In 2008, Morales had vowed that he would not stand for re-election in
the 2014 general election. However, he successfully did so and after
proclaiming victory in the election, Morales declared it "a triumph of
the anti-colonialists and anti-imperialists" and dedicated his win to
both Castro and Chávez.
On the basis of this victory, the
Financial Times remarked that
Morales represented "one of the world's most popular leaders". On 17
October 2015, Morales surpassed
Andrés de Santa Cruz
Andrés de Santa Cruz 's nine years,
eight months, and twenty-four days in office and became Bolivia's
longest serving president. Writing in The Guardian, Ellie Mae
O'Hagan attributes his enduring popularity not to anti-imperialist
rhetoric but his "extraordinary socio-economic reforms," which
resulted in poverty and extreme poverty declining by 25% and 43%
In early February 2016 there were rumors that Morales had had a child
by a young woman, Gabriela Zapata Montaño, and had granted favors to
the Chinese company for which she worked. Morales admitted that they
had had a son (who had died in infancy), but denied vehemently any
granting of favors and said he had not been in contact with Zapata
Montaño since 2007.
On 21 February 2016, a referendum was held on the question of whether
Morales should be allowed to run for a fourth term when his third term
would expire in 2020 which he narrowly lost. His approval rating had
been damaged by the allegations concerning his relationship with
Gabriela Zapata Montaño. In December 2016 the MAS nominated Morales
as their candidate for the 2019 presidential election regardless,
stating that they would seek various avenues to ensure that this would
The worst enemy of humanity is capitalism. That is what provokes
uprisings like our own, a rebellion against a system, against a
neo-liberal model, which is the representation of a savage capitalism.
If the entire world doesn't acknowledge this reality, that the
national states are not providing even minimally for health, education
and nourishment, then each day the most fundamental human rights are
being violated. –
Figures in the Morales government have described the President's
approach to politics as "Evoism" (Spanish : Evismo). From 2009,
Morales has advocated "communitarian socialism", while political
scientist Sven Harten characterized Morales's ideology as "eclectic",
drawing ideas from "various ideological currents". Harten noted that
whilst Morales uses fierce anti-imperialist and leftist rhetoric, he
is neither "a hardcore anti-globalist nor a Marxist ," not having
argued for the violent and absolute overthrow of capitalism or U.S.
involvement in Latin America.
Economically, Morales' policies have sometimes been termed
"Evonomics" and have focused on creating a mixed economy . Morales'
presidential discourse has revolved around distinguishing between "the
people", of whom he sees himself as a representative, and the
oppressive socio-economic elite and the old political class, whom he
believes have mistreated "the people" for centuries. Morales sought
to make Bolivia's representative democracy more direct and
communitarian , through the introduction of referendums and a
citizen-led legislative initiative. George Philip and Francisco
Panizza claimed that like his allies Correa and Chávez, Morales
should be categorized as a populist, because he appealed "directly to
the people against their countries' political and economic order,
divided the social field into antagonistic camps and promised
redistribution and recognition in a newly founded political order."
Various far left commentators have argued against categorizing the
Morales administration as socialist. Bolivia's Marxist Vice President
Álvaro García Linera
Álvaro García Linera asserts that
Bolivia lacks the sufficiently
large industrialized working class, or proletariat , to enable it to
convert into a socialist society in the Marxist understanding of the
word. Instead, he terms the government's approach "Andean and
Amazonian capitalism". Marxist American sociologist
James Petras has
argued that Morales' government is neither socialist nor
anti-imperialist, instead describing Morales as a "radical
conservative " for utilizing socialist rhetoric while continuing to
support foreign investment and the economic status of Bolivia's
capitalist class, while British Trotskyite academic Jeffery R. Webber
asserted that Morales was no socialist but that his regime was
"reconstituting neoliberalism", thereby rejecting "neoliberal
orthdoxy" but retaining a "core faith in the capitalist market as the
principal engine of growth and industrialization." Similarly, Aymara
Felipe Quispe characterised Morales' government as
"neoliberalism with an Indian face".
Evo Morales and Bolivian vice-president Álvaro García Linera
Morales identifies as ethnically Aymara , and has been widely
described as Bolivia's first democratically-elected President from the
indigenous majority. Although Morales has sometimes been described as
the first indigenous president to be democratically elected in Latin
America, this description in fact goes to
Benito Juárez , a Mexican
of the Zapotec ethnic group, who was elected President of Mexico in
Martín Sivak described Morales as "incorruptible,
charismatic, and combative", also noting that he had a "friendly
style" and could develop a good rapport with journalists and
photographers, in part because he could "articulate his opinions with
simplicity". He places a great emphasis on trust, and relies on his
intuition, sometimes acting on what he considers omens in his dreams.
Harten noted that Morales "can be a forceful leader, one who instills
great respect and, sometimes, a reluctance in others to contradict
him, but he has also learnt to listen and learn from other people."
Farthing and Kohl characterised Morales as a "charismatic populist" of
a kind common in Latin American history, who prioritized "a direct
relationship" between the population and the leader.
Morales is not married and upon becoming president selected his older
sister, Esther Morales Ayma, to adopt the role of
First Lady . He has
three children from different mothers. They are Eva Liz Morales
Alvarado (born 1994), Álvaro Morales Paredes (born 1995), and Ernesto
Fidel Morales Zapata (born 2007 and allegedly died in infancy).
Juan del Granado is Eva Liz's godfather. Morales' romantic
relationship with Ernesto's mother Gabriela Zapata Montaño, from 2005
to 2007, remained unknown publicly until 2016.
Morales has commented that he is only a Roman Catholic in order "to
go to weddings", and when asked if he believed in God, responded that
"I believe in the land. In my father and my mother. And in
Morales is also an association football enthusiast and plays the game
frequently, often with local teams.
Morales's unorthodox behavior contrasts with the usual manners of
dignitaries and other political leaders in Latin America. During
speeches he made use of personal stories and anecdotes, and used coca
as "a potent political symbol", wearing a coca leaf garland around his
neck and a hat with coca leaves in it when speaking to crowds of
supporters. Following his election, he wore striped jumpers rather
than the suits typically worn by politicians. It became a symbol of
Morales, with copies of it selling widely in Bolivia.
INFLUENCE AND LEGACY
Morales has been described as "the most famous Bolivian ever", whose
personality has become "fixed in the global imagination". Morales'
government has been seen as part of the pink tide of left-leaning
Latin American governments, becoming particularly associated with the
hard left current of
Venezuela and Cuba. It has been widely praised
for its pro-socialist stance among the international left, who have
taken an interest in
Bolivia under his leadership as a "political
laboratory" or "a living workshop" for the development of an
alternative to capitalism. Domestically, Morales' support base has
been among Bolivia's poor and indigenous communities. For these
communities, who have widely felt marginalized in Bolivian politics
for decades, Morales "invokes a sense of dignity and destiny" in a way
that no other contemporary politician has done. He has received the
support of many democratic socialists and social democrats , as well
as sectors of Bolivia's liberal movement, who have been critical of
Morales but favoured him over the right-wing opposition.
Opposition to Morales' governance has centered in the wealthy eastern
lowland province of Santa Cruz. His policies often antagonized
middle-class Bolivians, who deemed them too radical and argued that
they threatened private property. Morales' discourse of "the people"
against the socio-economic elites has brought a spotlight on the deep
social polarization in Bolivia. His most vociferous critics have been
from Bolivia's conservative movement, although he has also received
criticism from the country's far left, who believe his reformist
policies have been insufficiently radical or socialist.
Critics, particularly in the U.S. government, have varyingly termed
him "a left-wing radical, a partner of narco-traffickers and a
terrorist". His regime has also faced many of the same complaints
directed at previous Bolivian administrations, revolving around such
issues as "concentration of power, corruption, incompetent
bureaucracies, and disrespect for civil liberties".
Domestic policy of Evo Morales
Foreign policy of Evo Morales
Evo Morales and the Roman Catholic Church
* ^ Morales is described as the first indigenous president of
Bolivia in academic studies of his presidency, such as those of
Muñoz-Pogossian, Webber, Philip and Panizza, and Farthing and
Kohl, as well as in press reports, such as those of
BBC News .
However, there have been challenges to this claim by critics who have
asserted that Morales probably has some European ancestry, and thus on
genetic grounds is technically mestizo rather than solely indigenous.
Harten asserted that this argument was "misguided wrong above all
irrelevant" because regardless of his genetic makeup, the majority of
Bolivians perceive Morales as being the first indigenous president.
In Bolivian society, indigeneity is a fluid concept rooted in cultural
identity; for instance, many indigenous individuals that have settled
in urban areas and abandoned their traditional rural customs have come
to identify as mestizo.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 180.
* ^ Webber 2011 , p. 1.
* ^ Philip & Panizza 2011 , p. 57.
* ^ A B Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 1.
* ^ A B C D E F "Profile: Bolivia\'s President Evo Morales". BBC
News. 13 October 2014.
* ^ A B C D Harten 2011 , p. 7.
* ^ Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 62.
* ^ Gutsch 2006 ; Sivak 2010 , p. 32; Harten 2011 , p. 35.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 33.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 33; Harten 2011 , p. 7; Webber 2011 , p. 63.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 32; Harten 2011 , p. 35.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 33–34; Harten 2011 , p. 36.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 34; Harten 2011 , p. 36; Webber 2011 , pp.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 33; Harten 2011 , pp. 36–37.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 34; Harten 2011 , p. 40.
* ^ A B Harten 2011 , p. 37.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 34–35; Harten 2011 , p. 37; Webber 2011 , p.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 35; Harten 2011 , p. 37.
* ^ Blackwell 2002 ; Sivak 2010 , p. 35; Harten 2011 , p. 37.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 37–38.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 35.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 36; Harten 2011 , p. 39.
* ^ Webber 2011 , p. 63.
* ^ A B C Sivak 2010 , p. 39.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 39.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 40–41.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 40–41; Philip Harten 2011 , p. 109.
* ^ A B Sivak 2010 , p. 43.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 43, 65.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 43–44, 49.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 52.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 58.
* ^ A B C Harten 2011 , pp. 74–77.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 44.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 97–99.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 44–45.
* ^ A B Sivak 2010 , p. 45.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 45–47.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 47.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 47–49.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 83.
* ^ A B C D Harten 2011 , p. 84.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 84; Webber 2011 , p. 60.
* ^ A B Sivak 2010 , p. 79.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 24; Sivak 2010 , p. 79; Harten 2011
, p. 84; Webber 2011 , p. 60.
* ^ A B Harten 2011 , p. 85.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 79–80.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 85; Webber 2011 , p. 60.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 86.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 81.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 81–82.
* ^ A B Harten 2011 , p. 86; Webber 2011 , p. 60.
* ^ America Vera-Zavala (December 18, 2005). "
Evo Morales Has Plans
for Bolivia". In These Times. Archived from the original on March 3,
2015. Retrieved February 7, 2007.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 89–90; Harten 2011 , p. 87.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 89–90.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 82–83; Harten 2011 , pp. 112–118; Farthing
Sivak 2010 , p. 90; Harten 2011 , p. 87; Webber 2011 , p. 63; Farthing
Sivak 2011 , p. 158; Harten 2011 , p. 87.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 95, 98; Sivak 2011 , p. 159.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , pp. 164–167; Sivak 2010 , pp.
99–103; Harten 2011 , pp. 118–124.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 100.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 122–123.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 167; Sivak 2010 , pp. 101–103;
Harten 2011 , pp. 122–124.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 167; Sivak 2010 , pp. 137–139;
Webber 2011 , p. 80.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 103–104.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 138.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 142; Harten 2011 , p. 88.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 141–142.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 175; Sivak 2010 , pp. 142–145;
Farthing Sivak 2010 , p. 147.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 148–149.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 140, 151; Webber 2011 , p. 68.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , pp. 179–180; Sivak 2010 , pp.
150–151; Harten 2011 , p. 88; Webber 2011 , p. 64.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 139.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 177; Sivak 2010 , p. 152.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 178; Sivak 2010 , pp. 155–158;
Harten 2011 , p. 88; Webber 2011 , p. 50.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 1; Farthing Pearce 2011 , p. xv.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 88–89; Webber 2011 , p. 1, 70.
* ^ A B Farthing Farthing Sivak 2010 , p. 159; Farthing Sivak 2011
, p. 161.
* ^ A B Sivak 2010 , p. 160.
* ^ Gutsch 2006 ; Sivak 2010 , p. 158.
* ^ Dunkerley 2007 , p. 146.
* ^ Dunkerley 2007 , pp. 146–147.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , pp. 214–215.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 195; Harten 2011 , p. 179; Farthing & Kohl 2014
, pp. 35–36.
* ^ Gutsch 2006 .
* ^ "Bolivian president slashes salary for public schools". USA
Today. January 28, 2006. Archived from the original on December 28,
2013. Retrieved January 5, 2016.
* ^ Dunkerley 2007 , p. 134; Sivak 2010 , p. 195; Harten 2011 , pp.
* ^ A B Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 58.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 65.
* ^ A B C Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 99.
* ^ A B Farthing Farthing Harten 2011 , pp. 180–181; Webber 2011
, pp. 80–81.
* ^ Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 74–75.
* ^ Webber 2011 , p. 107.
* ^ A B C Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 85.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 107.
* ^ A B Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 85, 87.
* ^ Farthing Sivak 2010 , pp. 205–206.
* ^ "The explosive apex of Evo\'s power". The Economist. December
10, 2009. Archived from the original on April 6, 2015. Retrieved
January 5, 2016.
* ^ Sivak 2011 , p. 145; Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 73.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 73.
* ^ A B Sivak 2011 , p. 162.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 91.
* ^ Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 40; Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 41;
Farthing Philip Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 104–05.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 227.
* ^ Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 110.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 109–110.
* ^ Farthing Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 101–102.
* ^ Webber 2011 , p. 200.
* ^ Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 103.
* ^ Kozloff 2008 , pp. 123–124.
* ^ Kozloff 2008 , p. 124.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 107–108.
* ^ Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 92.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 68.
* ^ Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 69.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 102.
* ^ Kozloff 2008 , p. 121.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 217.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 121.
* ^ Kozloff 2008 , p. 165.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 124–25.
* ^ A B Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 66.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 71.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 155.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 128.
* ^ A B Kozloff 2008 , pp. 119–200.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 133.
* ^ Sivak 2011 , p. 164.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 135–136.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 137.
* ^ Farthing Sivak 2010 , pp. 181–82.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 141.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 140.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 142.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 43.
* ^ Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 87; Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 96.
* ^ Webber 2011 , pp. 111–124.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , pp. 182–183; Sivak 2010 , pp. 210,
212; Harten 2011 , p. 181; Farthing Harten 2011 , pp. 182, 218–219;
Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 125; Farthing Harten 2011 , pp. 182–183;
Webber 2011 , pp. 133–140; Farthing Webber 2011 , pp. 127–128.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 222; Sivak 2011 , p. 169; Webber 2011 , p. 96.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 222; Webber 2011 , p. 132; Farthing & Kohl 2014
, p. 49.
BBC News 2008a .
BBC News 2008b .
* ^ Farthing Sivak 2011 , p. 169; Webber 2011 , p. 139; Farthing
Sivak 2011 , p. 169; Webber 2011 , p. 141.
* ^ Webber 2011 , pp. 134, 139.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 223; Harten 2011 , p. 183; Farthing Harten 2011
, p. 183; Assies 2011 , p. 112; Webber 2011 , p. 153; Farthing Harten
2011 , p. 185; Webber 2011 , p. 153; Farthing Webber 2011 , p. 153;
Farthing Harten 2011 , p. 185; Webber 2011 , p. 153.
* ^ Friedman-Rudovsky 2009 ; Webber 2011 , p. 155.
* ^ A B Webber 2011 , p. 155.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 228.
* ^ A B Webber 2011 , p. 154.
* ^ A B Farthing Farthing Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 73.
* ^ Lovell 2011 .
BBC News 2011a .
BBC News 2011b .
* ^ A B Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 93.
* ^ Catherine E. Shoichet (3 July 2013). "Bolivia: Presidential
plane forced to land after false rumors of Snowden onboard". CNN.
Archived from the original on 24 March 2015. Retrieved 5 January 2016.
* ^ Michael Weissenstein; Angels Charlton (3 July 2013). "Evo
Bolivia President, Leaves Europe After Flight Delayed Over
Snowden Suspicions". Huffington Post.
* ^ "Bolivia\'s Morales says plane held \'hostage\' because of
Snowden rumors". United Press International. 3 July 2013.
* ^ "France apologises to
Bolivia over jet row". Al Jazeera. 4 July
* ^ Nathan Gill (5 July 2013). "
Bolivia Threatens U.S. Embassy
Closing After Snowden Search". Bloomberg Business.
* ^ "Bolivian President
Evo Morales signed by football club". BBC
News. Retrieved 24 May 2014.
* ^ "
Bolivia declares Israel a \'terrorist state\'".
USA Today . 1
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 55.
* ^ Webber 2011 , pp. 216–25.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 51–52.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 52–54.
* ^ "Indigenous Bolivians march against Amazon road". BBC News. 15
* ^ "Bolivia\'s Long March Against Evo Morales: An Indigenous
Protest". Time. 17 October 2011.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , pp. 54–55.
* ^ Philip & Panizza 2011 , p. 119.
* ^ "
Evo Morales as president for third term". The
Guardian. 13 October 2014.
* ^ "
Evo Morales Dedicates Electoral Victory to
Fidel Castro and
Hugo Chavez". CubaNews. 13 October 2014.
* ^ "Morales wins third term in Bolivian presidential election".
Deutsche Welle. 13 October 2014.
* ^ Andres Schipani (13 October 2014). "Bolivia\'s Evo Morales
secures redistributionist mandate". Financial Times.
* ^ Quiroga T., José Antonio (11 October 2015). "Andrés de Santa
Cruz y Evo Morales". Página Siete. Retrieved 23 June 2016.
* ^ "
Evo Morales as president for third term". The
Guardian. 13 October 2014.
* ^ Ellie Mae O'Hagan (14 October 2014).
Evo Morales has proved
that socialism doesn\'t damage economies.
The Guardian ; retrieved 18
* ^ "Gabriela Zapata Montaño, la exnovia que puso en aprietos al
Bolivia Evo Morales". BBC. 6 February 2016.
* ^ http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-35628093
* ^ "Bolivian President
Evo Morales \'loses\' fourth term bid".
BBC. 22 February 2016.
* ^ "Bolivia\'s President
Evo Morales to Run Again Despite
Referendum Ruling it Out". The Guardian. 18 December 2016.
* ^ Kozloff 2008 , p. 12.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 210; Webber 2011 , p. 65.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 40.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 5.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 222, 232.
* ^ Harten 2011 , pp. 154–165.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 217.
* ^ Philip & Panizza 2011 , p. 68.
* ^ Philip Webber 2011 , p. 64; Farthing Petras 2013 .
* ^ Webber 2011 , p. 232.
* ^ Farthing Harten 2011 , p. 167.
* ^ A B Harten 2011 , p. 147.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 16.
* ^ "
Bolivia president wants to see child long thought dead after
secret romance". The Guardian. London, UK. 2016-02-29. Retrieved
* ^ A B "Hermana de
Evo Morales sera primera dama". Es Más (in
Spanish). February 5, 2007.
* ^ "Oposición pide investigar denuncia de periodista Valverde".
Los Tiempos. Cochabamba. 2016-02-04. Retrieved 2016-02-06.
* ^ Layme, Beatriz (2016-02-06). "Evo afirma que tuvo un hijo con
Zapata y que murió en 2007". La Razón. La Paz, Bolivia. Retrieved
* ^ Layme, Beatriz (2016-02-06). "Evo afirma que tuvo un hijo con
Zapata y que murió en 2007". La Razón. La Paz, Bolivia. Retrieved
* ^ https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/cuchi_cuchi
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 66.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 218; Harten 2011 , p. 179.
* ^ "Footballing president breaks nose".
BBC News . July 31, 2006.
* ^ "La fiesta de gala de los 15 años de Eva Liz Morales". El Día
(in Spanish). 2009-11-27. Retrieved 2010-09-25.
* ^ Sivak 2010 , p. 111.
* ^ Kozloff 2008 , p. 119.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 169.
* ^ "\'Evo Fashion\' arrives in Bolivia". BBC News. 20 January
2006. Archived from the original on March 15, 2008. Retrieved on
February 1, 2007.
* ^ Pearce 2011 , p. xv.
* ^ Pearce 2011 , p. xv; Webber 2011 , p. 1.
* ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 , p. 1.
* ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 , p. 5.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 227.
* ^ A B Webber 2011 , pp. 157–58.
* ^ Harten 2011 , p. 229.
* ^ Sivak 2011 , p. 173.
* ^ Farthing -webkit-column-width: 30em; column-width: 30em;">
Assies, William (2011). "Bolivia's New Constitution and its
Evo Morales and the Movimiento Al Socialismo in
Bolivia: The First Term in Context, 2005–2009. Adrian J. Pearce
(ed.). London, UK: Institute for the Study of the Americas. pp.
93–116. ISBN 978-1-900039-99-4 . Blackwell, Benjamin (11 November
Coca To Congress". The Ecologist. Archived from the
original on 5 January 2016. Retrieved 5 January 2016. Carroll, Rory
(7 December 2009). "
Evo Morales wins landslide victory in Bolivian
The Guardian . London, UK. Dunkerley,
James (2007). "Evo Morales, the 'Two Bolivias' and the Third Bolivian
Journal of Latin American Studies . Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press. 39: 133–66. doi
:10.1017/s0022216x06002069 . Farthing, Linda C.; Kohl, Benjamin H.
(2014). Evo's Bolivia: Continuity and Change. Austin: University of
Texas Press. ISBN 978-0292758681 . Friedman-Rudovsky, Jean (7
December 2009). "Morales\' Big Win: Voters Ratify His Remaking of
Bolivia". Time . New York City. Gutsch, Jochen-Martin (5 February
Coca Farmer, Bolivian President".
Der Spiegel .
Germany: SPIEGEL-Verlag. Harten, Sven (2011). The Rise of Evo
Morales and the MAS. London and New York: Zed Books. ISBN
978-1-84813-523-9 . Kozloff, Nicholas (2008). Revolution!: South
America and the Rise of the New Left. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
ISBN 978-0-230-61754-4 . Lerager, James (2006). "Report on
Latin American Perspectives . Thousand Oaks,
California: SAGE Publications. 33 (2): 141–44. Lovell, Joseph E.
(21 March 2011). "Nobel Committee asked to strip Obama of Peace
Digital Journal . Digital Journal, Inc. Muñoz-Pogossian,
Betilde (2008). Electoral Rules and the Transformation of Bolivian
Politics: The Rise of Evo Morales. N