Ernest Bevin (9 March 1881 – 14 April 1951) was a British statesman,
trade union leader, and Labour politician. He co-founded and served as
general secretary of the powerful Transport and General Workers' Union
in the years 1922–40, and as Minister of Labour in the war-time
coalition government. He succeeded in maximizing the British labour
supply, for both the armed services and domestic industrial
production, with a minimum of strikes and disruption. His most
important role came as Foreign Secretary in the post-war Labour
government, 1945–51. He gained American financial support, strongly
opposed Communism, and aided in the creation of NATO. Bevin's tenure
also saw the end of the Mandate of Palestine and the creation of the
State of Israel. His biographer, Alan Bullock, said that Bevin "stands
as the last of the line of foreign secretaries in the tradition
created by Castlereagh, Canning and Palmerston in the first half of
the 19th century," and that due to the reduction in British power he
has no successors.
1 Early life
2 Transport and General Workers Union
3 Foreign policy interests
4 Wartime Minister of Labour
5 Foreign Secretary
5.1 United States
5.5 Cold War
5.6 Atomic bomb
5.7 Palestine and Israel
6 Later life
7 See also
9 Further reading
10 External links
Bevin in 1920
Bevin was born in the village of Winsford in Somerset, England, to
Diana Bevin who, since 1877, had described herself as a widow. His
father is unknown. After his mother's death in 1889, the young Bevin
lived with his half-sister's family, moving to
Copplestone in Devon.
He had little formal education, having briefly attended two village
schools and then Hayward's School, Crediton, starting in 1890 and
leaving in 1892.
He later recalled being asked as a child to read the newspaper aloud
for the benefit of adults in his family who were illiterate. At the
age of eleven, he went to work as a labourer, then as a lorry driver
in Bristol, where he joined the
Bristol Socialist Society. In 1910 he
became secretary of the
Bristol branch of the Dock, Wharf, Riverside
and General Labourers' Union, and in 1914 he became a national
organiser for the union.
Bevin was a physically large man, strong and by the time of his
political prominence very heavy. He spoke with a strong West Country
accent, so much so that on one occasion listeners at Cabinet had
difficulty in deciding whether he was talking about "Hugh and Nye
(Gaitskell and Bevan)" or "you and I". He had developed his oratorical
skills from his time as a
Baptist lay preacher, which he had given up
as a profession to become a full-time labour activist.
Bevin married Florence Townley, daughter of a wine taster at a Bristol
wine merchants. They had one child, a daughter, Queenie (1914-2000).
Florence Bevin would be appointed Dame Commander of the Order of the
British Empire (DBE) in 1952.
Transport and General Workers Union
In 1922 Bevin was one of the founding leaders of the Transport and
General Workers Union (TGWU), which soon became Britain's largest
trade union. Upon his election as the union's general secretary, he
became one of country's leading labour leaders, and their strongest
advocate within the Labour Party. Politically, he was on the
right-wing of the Labour Party, strongly opposed to communism and
direct action—allegedly partly due to anti-Semitic paranoia and
seeing communism as a "Jewish plot" against Britain. He took part
in the British General Strike in 1926, but without enthusiasm.
Bevin had no great faith in parliamentary politics, but had
nevertheless been a member of the Labour Party from the time of its
formation, and unsuccessfully fought
Bristol Central at the 1918
General Election, being defeated by the Coalition Conservative Thomas
Inskip. He had poor relations with the first Labour Prime Minister,
Ramsay MacDonald, and was not surprised when MacDonald formed a
National Government with the Conservatives during the economic crisis
of 1931, for which MacDonald was expelled from the Labour Party. At
the 1931 general election, Bevin was persuaded by the remaining
leaders of the Labour Party to contest Gateshead, on the understanding
that if successful he would remain as general secretary of the TGWU.
The National Government landslide resulted in Gateshead being lost by
a large margin to the Liberal National Thomas Magnay.
Bevin was a trade unionist who believed in getting material benefits
for his members through direct negotiations, with strike action to be
used as a last resort. During the late Thirties, for instance, Bevin
helped to instigate a successful campaign by the TUC to extend paid
holidays to a wider proportion of the workforce. This culminated in
the Holidays with Pay Act of 1938, which extended entitlement to paid
holidays to about 11 million workers by June 1939.
Foreign policy interests
During the 1930s, with the Labour Party split and weakened, Bevin
co-operated with the Conservative-dominated government on practical
issues. But during this period he became increasingly involved in
foreign policy. He was a firm opponent of fascism and of British
appeasement of the fascist powers. In 1935, arguing that Italy
should be punished by sanctions for her recent invasion of Abyssinia,
he made a blistering attack on the pacifists in the Labour Party,
accusing the Labour leader
George Lansbury at the Party Conference of
"hawking his conscience around" asking to be told what to do with
Lansbury resigned and was replaced as leader by his deputy Clement
Attlee, who along with Lansbury and
Stafford Cripps had been one of
only three former Labour Ministers to be re-elected under that party
label at the General Election in 1931. After the November 1935
General Election Herbert Morrison, newly returned to Parliament,
challenged Attlee for the leadership but was defeated. In later years
Bevin gave Attlee (whom he privately referred to as "little Clem")
staunch support, especially in 1947 when Morrison and Cripps led
further intrigue against Attlee.
Wartime Minister of Labour
Sketch of Bevin commissioned by the Ministry of Information in the
World War II
World War II period
Winston Churchill formed an all-party coalition government to
run the country during the crisis of World War II. Churchill was
impressed by Bevin's opposition to trade-union pacifism and his
appetite for work (according to Churchill, Bevin was by 'far the most
distinguished man that the Labour Party have thrown up in my time'),
and appointed Bevin to the position of Minister for Labour and
National Service. As Bevin was not actually an MP at the time, to
remove the resulting constitutional anomaly, a parliamentary position
was hurriedly found for him and Bevin was elected unopposed to the
House of Commons as
Member of Parliament (MP) for the London
constituency of Wandsworth Central.
The Emergency Powers (Defence) Act gave Bevin complete control over
the labour force and the allocation of manpower, and he was determined
to use this unprecedented authority not just to help win the war but
also to strengthen the bargaining position of trade unions in the
postwar future. Bevin once quipped: "They say Gladstone was at the
Treasury from 1860 until 1930. I'm going to be at the Ministry of
Labour from 1940 until 1990." The industrial settlement he introduced
remained largely unaltered by successive postwar administrations until
the reforms of Margaret Thatcher's government in the early 1980s.
During the war Bevin was responsible for diverting nearly 48,000
military conscripts to work in the coal industry (these workers became
known as the Bevin Boys) while using his position to secure
significant improvements in wages and working conditions for
working-class people. He also drew up the demobilisation scheme
that ultimately returned millions of military personnel and civilian
war workers into the peacetime economy. Bevin remained Minister of
Labour until 1945 when Labour left the Coalition government. On VE Day
he stood next to Churchill looking down on the crowd on Whitehall.
Ernest Bevin (left) with
Clement Attlee in 1945
Potsdam Conference: Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, Vyacheslav Molotov,
Joseph Stalin, William Daniel Leahy,
James F. Byrnes
James F. Byrnes and Harry S.
After the 1945 general election, Attlee had it in mind to appoint
Bevin as Chancellor and
Hugh Dalton as Foreign Secretary, but
ultimately changed his mind and swapped them round. One of the reasons
may well have been the poor relations which existed between Bevin and
Herbert Morrison, who was scheduled to play a leading role in Labour
At that time diplomats were recruited from public schools, and it was
said of Bevin that it was hard to imagine him filling any other job in
the Foreign Office except perhaps that of an old and truculent lift
attendant. In praise of Bevin, his Permanent Secretary at the Foreign
Office (Alexander Cadogan) wrote, "He knows a great deal, is prepared
to read any amount, seems to take in what he does read, and is capable
of making up his own mind and sticking up for his (and our) point of
view against anyone." An alternative view is offered by Charmley,
who writes that Bevin read and wrote with some difficulty, and that
examination of Foreign Office documents shows little sign of the
frequent annotations made by Anthony Eden, suggesting that Bevin
preferred to reach most of his decisions after oral discussion with
However, Charmley dismisses the concerns of contemporaries such as
Charles Webster and Lord Cecil of Chelwood that Bevin, a man of very
strong personality, was “in the hands of his officials”. Charmley
argues that much of Bevin's success came because he shared the views
of those officials: his earlier career had left him with an intense
dislike of communists, whom he regarded as workshy intellectuals whose
attempts to infiltrate trade unions were to be resisted. His former
Private Secretary Oliver Harvey thought Bevin’s staunchly
anti-Soviet policy was what Eden’s would have been had he not been
hamstrung, as at Potsdam, by Churchill’s occasional susceptibility
to Stalin’s flattery, whilst Cadogan thought Bevin “pretty sound
on the whole”.
Historian Martin H. Folly argues that Bevin was not automatically
pro-American. Instead he pushed his embassy in Washington to project a
view of Britain that neutralized American criticisms. He felt
Britain's problems were in part caused by American irresponsibility.
He was frustrated with American attitudes. His strategy was to bring
Washington around to support Britain's policies, arguing Britain had
earned American support and ought to compensate it for its sacrifices
against the Nazis. Bevin was not coldly pragmatic, says Folly, nor was
he uncritically pro-American; nor was he a puppet manipulated by the
British Foreign Office.
In 1945 Britain was virtually bankrupt as a result of the war and yet
was still maintaining a huge air force and conscript army, in an
attempt to remain a global power. He played a key role securing a
low-interest $3.75 billion loan from the U.S. in December 1945 as the
only real alternative to national bankruptcy; he had asked originally
for $5 billion.
The cost of rebuilding necessitated austerity at home in order to
maximise export earnings, while Britain's colonies and other client
states were required to keep their reserves in pounds as "sterling
balances". Additional funds—that did not have to be repaid—came
Marshall Plan in 1948-50, which also required Britain to
modernize its business practices and remove trade barriers.
Bevin looked for ways to bring western Europe together in a military
alliance. One early attempt was the
Dunkirk Treaty with France in
1947. His commitment to the West European security system, made
him eager to sign the Brussels Pact in 1948. It drew Britain, France,
Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg into an arrangement for
collective security, opening the way for the formation of
NATO was primarily aimed as a defensive measure against Soviet
expansion, but it also helped bring its members closer together and
enabled them to modernize their forces along parallel lines, and
encourage arms purchases from Britain.
Britain was still closely allied to France and both countries
continued to be treated as major partners at international summits
alongside the USA and USSR until 1960. Broadly speaking, all this
remained Britain's foreign policy until the late 1950s, when the
humiliation of the 1956
Suez Crisis and the economic revival of
continental Europe, now united as the "Common Market", caused a
Bevin was unsentimental about the
British Empire in places where the
growth of nationalism had made direct rule no longer practicable, and
was part of the Cabinet which approved a speedy British withdrawal
from India in 1947, and from neighbouring colonies. Yet at this stage
Britain still maintained a network of client states in the Middle East
(Egypt until 1952, Iraq and Jordan until 1959), major bases in such
places as Cyprus and Suez (until 1956) and expected to remain in
control of parts of Africa for many more years, Bevin approving the
construction of a huge new base in East Africa. Bevin wrote “we have
the material resources in the Colonial Empire, if we develop them …
which will show clearly that we are not subservient to the United
States … or to the Soviet Union”. In this era colonial exports
earned $150m a year, mostly Malaysian rubber, West African cocoa, and
sugar and sisal from the West Indies. By the end of 1948 colonial
exports were 50% higher than before the war, whilst in the first half
of 1948 colonial exports accounted for 10.4% of Britain’s imports.
After the war Britain helped France and the Netherlands recover their
Far Eastern empires, hopeful that this could lead towards the
formation of a third superpower bloc. Bevin agreed with Duff Cooper
(British Ambassador in Paris) that the
Dunkirk Treaty would be a step
in this direction and thought that Eden's objection – in 1944 when
Cooper first proposed it – that such moves might alienate the
Soviets no longer applied.
In December 1947 Bevin hoped (in vain) that the USA would support
Britain’s “strategic, political and economic position in the
Middle East”. In May 1950 Bevin told the
London meeting of foreign
ministers that “the
United States authorities had recently seemed
disposed to press us to adopt a greater measure of economic
integration with Europe than we thought wise” (he was referring to
Schuman Plan to set up the European Coal and Steel Community). In
May 1950 he said that because of links with USA and the Commonwealth
Britain was “different in character from other European nations and
fundamentally incapable of wholehearted integration with them”.
Bevin remained a determined anti-Communist, and critic of the Soviet
Union. In 1946 during a conference, the Soviet foreign minister
Molotov repeatedly attacked British proposals whilst defending Soviet
policies, and in total frustration Bevin stood and lurched towards the
minister whilst shouting "I've had enough of this I 'ave!' before
being restrained by security.
He strongly encouraged the
United States to take a vigorously
anti-Communist foreign policy in the early years of the Cold War. He
was a leading advocate for British combat operations in the Korean
War. Two of the key institutions of the post-war world, the North
Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the
Marshall Plan for aid to
post-war Europe, were in considerable part the result of Bevin's
efforts during these years. This policy, little different from that of
the Conservatives ("Hasn't
Anthony Eden grown fat?" as wags had it),
was a source of frustration to some backbench Labour MPs, who early in
the 1945 Parliament formed a "Keep Left" group to push for a more
Left-Wing foreign policy.
In 1945, Bevin advocated the creation of a United Nations
Parliamentary Assembly, saying in the House of Commons that "There
should be a study of a house directly elected by the people of the
world to whom the nations are accountable."
Attlee and Bevin worked together on the decision to produce a British
atomic bomb, despite intense opposition from pro-Soviet elements of
the Labour Party, a group Bevin detested. The decision was taken in
secret by a small Cabinet committee. Bevin told the committee in
October 1946, that 'We've got to have this thing over here whatever it
costs … We've got to have the bloody Union Jack flying on top of
it.' It was a matter of both prestige and national security. Those
ministers who would have opposed the bomb on grounds of cost, Hugh
Dalton and Sir Stafford Cripps, were excluded from the meeting in
January 1947 at which the final decision was taken.
Palestine and Israel
The security zone in
Jerusalem was dubbed "Bevingrad" during Bevin's
term in the Foreign Office
Bevin was Foreign Secretary during the period when the Mandate of
Palestine ended and the State of
Israel was created. Bevin failed to
secure the stated British objectives in this area of foreign policy,
which included a peaceful settlement of the situation and the
avoidance of involuntary population transfers. Regarding Bevin's
handling of the Middle East situation, at least one commentator, David
Leitch, has suggested that Bevin lacked diplomatic finesse.
Leitch argued that Bevin tended to make a bad situation worse by
making ill-chosen abrasive remarks. Bevin was undeniably a
plain-spoken man, some of whose remarks struck many as insensitive.
Critics have accused him of being anti-Semitic. One remark which
caused particular anger was made when President Truman was pressing
Britain to immediately admit 100,000 Jewish refugees, survivors of the
Holocaust who wanted to immigrate to Palestine. Bevin told a Labour
Party meeting that American pressure to admit Jews was being applied
because "There has been agitation in the United States, and
particularly in New York, for 100,000 Jews to be put in Palestine. I
hope I will not be misunderstood in America if I say that this was
proposed by the purest of motives. They did not want too many Jews in
He was merely restating what he said he had been told by James F.
United States Secretary of State. For refusing to
remove limits on Jewish immigration to Palestine in the aftermath of
the war, Bevin earned the hatred of Zionists. According to historian
Howard Sachar, his political foe, Richard Crossman, a fellow Labour
Party member of parliament and a pro-Zionist member of the post-war
Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry
Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry into the Problems of European
Jewry and Palestine, characterised his outlook during the dying days
of the Mandate as "corresponding roughly with The Protocols of the
Elders of Zion", a Tsarist fabrication written to inflame anti-Semitic
prejudice. In Sachar's account, Crossman intimated that "the main
points of Bevin's discourse were ... that the Jews had successfully
organised a conspiracy against Britain and against him
personally." Bevin's biographer
Alan Bullock rejected
suggestions that Bevin was motivated by personal anti-Semitism.
Count Folke Bernadotte's funeral September 1948: From left: Sir
Alexander Cadogan, Ernest Bevin, George Marshall, William Lyon
Britain's economic weakness and its dependence on the financial
support of the
United States (Britain had received a large American
loan in 1946 and the
Marshall Plan began in mid-1947), left him little
alternative but to yield to American pressure over Palestine policy.
At the reconvened
London Conference in January 1947, the Jewish
negotiators were only prepared to accept partition and the Arab
negotiators only a unitary state (which would automatically have had
an Arab majority). Neither would accept limited autonomy under British
rule. When no agreement could be reached, Bevin threatened to hand the
problem over to the United Nations. The threat failed to move either
side, the Jewish representatives because they believed that Bevin was
bluffing and the Arabs because they believed that their cause would
prevail before the General Assembly. Bevin accordingly announced that
he would "ask the UN to take the Palestine question into
consideration." A week later, the strategic logic of Britain
retaining a presence in Palestine was removed when the intention to
withdraw from India in August of that year was announced. The
decision to allow the
United Nations to dictate the future of
Palestine was formalised by the Attlee government's public declaration
in February 1947 that Britain's Mandate in Palestine had become
"unworkable." Of the UN partition plan which resulted, Bevin
commented: "The majority proposal is so manifestly unjust to the Arabs
that it is difficult to see how we could reconcile it with our
conscience." During the remainder of the Mandate, fighting between
the Jewish and Arab communities intensified. The end of the Mandate
and Britain's final withdrawal from Palestine was marked by the
Israeli Declaration of Independence
Israeli Declaration of Independence and the start of the 1948
Arab-Israeli War, when five Arab states intervened in the
inter-communal fighting. The Arab armies were led by Jordan, the most
effective state, whose military forces were trained and led by British
officers. The war ended with Israel, in addition to the territory
assigned by the UN for the creation of a Jewish state, also in control
of much of the Mandate territory which had been assigned by the UN for
the creation of an Arab state. The remainder was divided between
Jordan and Egypt. Hundreds of thousands of, overwhelmingly Arab,
civilians had become displaced.
Bevin was infuriated by attacks on British troops carried out by the
more extreme of the Jewish militant groups, the
Irgun and Lehi,
commonly known as the Stern Gang. The
Haganah carried out less direct
attacks, until the King David Hotel bombing, after which it restricted
itself to illegal immigration activities. According to
declassified British intelligence files, the
Irgun and Lehi plotted to
assassinate Bevin himself in 1946.
Bevin negotiated the Portsmouth Treaty with Iraq (signed on 15 January
1948), which, according to the Iraqi foreign minister Muhammad Fadhel
al-Jamali, was accompanied by a British undertaking to withdraw from
Palestine in such a fashion as to provide for swift Arab occupation of
all its territory.
Ernest Bevin in Southwark, South London
His health failing, Bevin reluctantly allowed himself to be moved to
Lord Privy Seal
Lord Privy Seal in March 1951. "I am neither a Lord, nor a
Privy, nor a Seal", he is said to have commented. He died the
following month, still holding the key to his red box. His ashes are
buried in Westminster Abbey.
When, on Stafford Cripps's death in 1952, Attlee (by this time Leader
of the Opposition) was invited to broadcast a tribute by the BBC, he
was looked after by announcer Frank Phillips. After the broadcast,
Phillips took Attlee to the hospitality room for a drink and in order
to make conversation said:
"I suppose you will miss Sir Stafford, sir."
Attlee fixed him with his eye: "Did you know Ernie Bevin?"
"I have met him, sir," Phillips replied.
"There's the man I miss."
A bust of Bevin has been placed opposite
Devon Mansions and the former
St Olave's Grammar School
St Olave's Grammar School in Tooley Street, South London.
British politics portal
Organised labour portal
Aneurin Bevan, a rival minister in the same Labour government; he was
to the left of Bevin
Ernest Bevin College
History of trade unions in the United Kingdom
^ Bullock, Alan (1983). Ernest Bevin: Foreign Secretary 1945-1951.
William Heinemann. p. 75. ISBN 978-0434094523.
^ Roger Steer, "From the hedgerows of
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Ernest Bevin - Unskilled Labourer and World
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^ Peter Weiler,
Ernest Bevin (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
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Ernest Bevin by Peter Weiler
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^ a b c Barr, James (2011). A Line in the Sand: Britain, France and
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^ A History of Work in Britain, 1880-1950 by Arthur McIvor
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^ Martin H. Folly, "‘The impression is growing...that the United
States is hard when dealing with us’:
Ernest Bevin and
Anglo-American relations at the dawn of the cold war", Journal of
Transatlantic Studies 10#2 (2012): 150-66.
^ Grant Jr, Philip A. (1995). "President
Harry S. Truman
Harry S. Truman and the
British Loan Act of 1946". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 25 (3):
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Ernest Bevin and the
Cold War 1945-1950".
The Socialist Register: 68–100.
^ Baylis, John (1982). "Britain and the Dunkirk Treaty: The Origins of
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^ Baylis, John (1984). "Britain, the Brussels Pact and the continental
commitment". International Affairs. 60 (4): 615–29.
^ Smith, Simon C. (2016). Reassessing Suez 1956: New Perspectives on
the Crisis and Its Aftermath. Routledge. pp. 25–26.
^ Charmley 1995 pp. 237-38
^ Charmley 1995 pp. 246-48
^ Walter LaFeber, The American Age:
United States Foreign Policy at
Home and Abroad, New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1994.
^ Shorten, Andrew (2015). Contemporary Political Theory. Palgrave
Macmillan. p. 105. ISBN 9781137299161.
^ Graham Goodlad, "Attlee, Bevin and Britain's Cold War," History
Review (2011) Issue 69, pp 1-6 for quote.
^ Kenneth O. Morgan, Labour in Power 1945-1951 (1985) pp 280-4
^ Peter Hennessy, Cabinets and the Bomb (Oxford University Press,
2007), p. 48.
^ Leitch, David (1963). "Explosion at the King David Hotel". In
Sissons, Michael; French, Philip. Age of Austerity 1945-51.
Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin. p. 81.
^ Text of speech by
Ernest Bevin at the Labour Party Conference,
Bournemouth, 12 June 1946, General Public Statements, FO 371,
^ Sachar, Howard (1996). A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism
to Our Time (2 ed.). Knopf. p. 296.
^ Crossman, Richard. A Nation Reborn. London: Hamish Hamilton.
p. 69. he [Bevin] became convinced that the Jews were organising
a world conspiracy against poor old Britain and, in particular,
against poor old Ernie
^ Hitchens, Christopher (22 April 1984). "Ernest Bevin: A Class Act".
Washington Post. Retrieved 17 March 2017.
^ a b c Cesarani, David (2010). Major Farran's Hat: Murder, Scandal
And Britain's War Against Jewish Terrorism 1945-1948. London: Vintage
^ British Cabinet Minutes CP47/259 18 September 47, p. 4
^ "THE ARAB LEGION » 17 Jun 1948 » The Spectator Archive".
Archive.spectator.co.uk. 17 June 1948. Retrieved 17 January
^ Asser, Martin. "Obstacles to Arab-Israeli peace: Palestinian
refugees". BBC. Retrieved 17 March 2017.
^ "Jewish plot to kill Bevin in London".
Informationclearinghouse.info. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
^ Jamie Wilson. "Terrorists plotted death of Bevin UK news". The
Guardian. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
^ Tweedie, Neil; Day, Peter (22 May 2003). "Jewish groups plotted to
kill Bevin". The Telegraph. London, UK. Retrieved 30 September
^ Jamali, Mohammed Fadhel. "Arab Struggle; Experiences of Mohammed
Fadhel Jamali". Widener Library, Harvard University. Retrieved 2 May
^ Francis Beckett, Clem Attlee (London: Richard Cohen Books, 1997), p.
Bullock, Alan. The Life & Times of Ernest Bevin: Volume One: Trade
Union Leader 1881 - 1940 (1960); The life and times of Ernest Bevin:
volume two Minister of Labour 1940-1945 (1967); The life and times of
Ernest Bevin: Foreign Secretary, 1945-1951 (1983)
Alan Bullock's magisterial three-volume biography was re-published in
a single-volume abridged version by
Politicos Publishing in 2002.
Charmley, John (1996). Churchill's Grand Alliance: The Anglo-American
Special Relationship 1940–57. London: Hodder & Stoughton.
ISBN 978-0-340-59760-6. OCLC 247165348. [Discusses
Bevin's policies apropos of Anglo-American relations of the era]
Deighton, Anne. "Entente Neo-Coloniale?:
Ernest Bevin and the
Proposals for an Anglo–French Third World Power, 1945–1949,"
Diplomacy & Statecraft (2006) 17#4 pp 835–852. Bevin in 1945-49
advocated cooperation with France as the base of a "Third World
Power," which would be a third strategic center of power in addition
United States and the Soviet Union.
Folly, Martin H. "‘The impression is growing...that the United
States is hard when dealing with us’:
Ernest Bevin and
Anglo-American relations at the dawn of the cold war." Journal of
Transatlantic Studies 10#2 (2012): 150-166.
Goodlad, Graham. "Attlee, Bevin and Britain's Cold War," History
Review (2011), Issue 69, pp 1–6
Greenwood, Sean. "Bevin, the Ruhr and the Division of Germany: August
1945-December 1946," Historical Journal (1986) 29#1 pp 203–212.
Argues that Bevin saw the Ruhr as the centerpiece of his strategy for
the industrial revitalization of Europe. He insisted on keeping the
Soviets out, and this position made him one of the principal
architects of a divided Germany. in JSTOR
Inman, P.F. Labour in the munitions industries (1957), official WW2
Jones, J. Graham (2001). "
Ernest Bevin and the General Strike".
Llafur. 8 (2): 97–103.
Denis MacShane contributed an essay on Bevin to the Dictionary of
Labour Biography, Greg Rosen (ed), Politicos Publishing, 2001.
Ovendale, R. ed. The foreign policy of the British labour governments,
1945–51 (1984) ·
Parker, H. M. D. Manpower: a study of war-time policy and
administration (1957), official WW2 history.
Pearce, Robert. "Ernest Bevin: Robert Pearce Examines the Career of
the Man Who Was Successively Trade Union Leader, Minister of Labour
and Foreign Secretary" History Review (Dec 2002) online
Pearce, Robert. "Ernest Bevin" in Kevin Jefferys, ed., Labour Forces:
From Ernie Bevin to Gordon Brown (2002) pp 7–24
Saville, J. The politics of continuity: British foreign policy and the
Labour government, 1945–46 (1993)·
Ernest Bevin - Unskilled Labourer and World Statesman
Weiler, Peter. "Britain and the First Cold War: Revisionist
Beginnings," Twentieth Century British History (1998) 9#1 pp 127–138
reviews arguments of revisionist historians who downplay Bevin's
personal importance in starting the
Cold War and instead emphasize
British efforts to use the
Cold War to perpetuate imperial regional
interests, through containment of radical national movements, and to
oppose American aggrandizement.
Williams, Francis. Ernest Bevin: Portrait of a Great Englishman
(Hutchinson, 1952) online
Wrigley, Chris. "Bevin, Ernest (1881–1951)", Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004); online edn,
January 2008 accessed 2 June 2013 doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/31872; brief
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ernest Bevin.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Ernest Bevin
Chanter, Alan; Peter Chen (2007). "WW2DB: Ernest Bevin". Retrieved 4
Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by Ernest-Bevin
Peter Day. Jewish terrorists plotted to assassinate
Ernest Bevin in
1946, The Sunday Times, 5 March 2006.
From the hedgerows of
Devon to the Foreign Office - Roger Steer.
Annotated bibliography for
Ernest Bevin from the Alsos Digital Library
for Nuclear Issues
Catalogue of Bevin's trade union papers, held at the Modern Records
Centre, University of Warwick
"Archival material relating to Ernest Bevin". UK National
Ernest Bevin at the National Portrait Gallery,
Newspaper clippings about
Ernest Bevin in the 20th Century Press
Archives of the
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German National Library of Economics (ZBW).
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