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This article is about the phonology of Egyptian Arabic , also known as Cairene Arabic or Masri. It deals with the phonology and phonetics of Egyptian Arabic as well as the phonological development of child native speakers of the dialect. To varying degrees, it affects the pronunciation of Literary Arabic by native Egyptian Arabic speakers, as is the case for speakers of all other varieties of Arabic .

CONTENTS

* 1 Phonemes

* 1.1 Consonants

* 1.1.1 Allophones * 1.1.2 Assimilation

* 1.2 Vowels

* 1.2.1 Emphasis spreading

* 1.2.2 Phonological processes

* 1.2.2.1 Vowel shortening * 1.2.2.2 Vowel lengthening * 1.2.2.3 Vowel deletion (syncope) * 1.2.2.4 Vowel insertion (epenthesis) * 1.2.2.5 Vowel elision and linking * 1.2.2.6 Multiple processes

* 2 Phonotactics

* 2.1 Syllable structure

* 3 Prosody

* 3.1 Stress

* 4 Phonological development

* 4.1 Phonemic developmental stages

* 4.2 Cross-linguistic comparison and phonological processes

* 4.2.1 Phonological processes

* 4.3 Acquisition of syllable structure

* 5 Notes * 6 References

PHONEMES

CONSONANTS

Egyptian Arabic consonant phonemes

LABIAL ALVEOLAR PALATAL VELAR UVULAR PHARYNGEAL GLOTTAL

PLAIN EMPHATIC PLAIN EMPHATIC

NASAL m (mˤ )3 n

STOP VOICELESS (p )1

t tˤ

k (q )4

ʔ

VOICED b (bˤ )3 d (dˤ )4

ɡ

FRICATIVE VOICELESS f

s sˤ ʃ x

ħ h

VOICED (v )1

z zˤ (ʒ )1 2 ɣ

ʕ

TAP /TRILL

ɾ ~r (ɾˤ ~rˤ )3

APPROXIMANT

l (lˤ )3 j w

* ^1 Not all Egyptians can pronounce , which are mostly found in names or loanwords, not from Literary Arabic. (which can come from the deaffrication of /d͡ʒ /) of Egyptianized loanwords tends to merge with ; for example, جراش ('garage') is mostly pronounced even by educated speakers. * ^2 A few rural speakers away from Cairo
Cairo
pronounce instead of , but doing so in Egyptianized words is not considered prestigious . * ^3 Watson (2002) argues that emphatic /ɾˤ, bˤ, mˤ, lˤ/ are additional consonants in Egyptian Arabic with marginal status. * ^4 /dˤ, q/ are pronounced only in Literary Arabic loanwords. Non-Egyptianized loanwords with /q / may be Egyptianized to or if approximated to in a word having an open vowel, the front vowel /æ / is backed to . Literary Arabic words having /dˤ/, are normally substituted with , with the front vowel /æ / in these words being backed to . Non-Egyptianized loanwords having interdental consonants (/θ /, /ð /) are always approximated to sibilants (, ).

Traditionally, the interdental consonants /θ ð ðˤ/ correspond to the Egyptian Arabic alveolar consonants /t d dˤ/. This is a feature common to some North African Arabic varieties and is attested in pre-modern words:

* /θ/ > /t/: /taʕlab/ ('fox') from */θaʕlab/ ثعلب (and never /saʕlab/). Likewise: /talɡ/ ('ice') from */θalɟ/ ثلج, /taman/ ('price') from */θaman/ ثمن, /talaːta/ ('three') from */θalaːθa/ ثلاثة, /miħraːt/ ('plough') from */miħraːθ/ محراث, and /ʕatar/ ('tripped') from /*ʕaθar/ عثر. * /ð/ > /d/: /deːl/ ('tail') from */ðajl/ ذيل and never /zajl/. Likewise /dakar/ ('male') from */ðakar/ ذكر, /kidib/ ('lied') from */kaðib/ كذب, and /diːb/ ('wolf') from */ðiʔb/ ذئب. * /ðˤ/ > /d(ˤ)/: /d(ˤ)ufr/ ('nail') from */ðˤufr/ ظفر and never /zˤufr/. Likewise /ðˤ/ > /dˤ/: /dˤalma/ ('darkness'), from */ðˤulma/ ظلمة.

However, unlike other North African varieties, in Egyptian Arabic, the Literary Arabic interdental consonants /θ ð ðˤ/ may correspond to sibilant consonants /s z zˤ/.

* /θ/ > /s/: /sawra/ ('revolution') as opposed to /θawra/ ثورة * /ð/ > /z/: /ʔizaːʕa/ ('broadcasting') as opposed to /ʔiðaːʕa/ إذاعة * /ðˤ/ > /zˤ/: /bazˤr/ ('clitoris') as opposed to /baðˤr/ بظر

Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
reflex ǧīm ج */ɟ/ is realized as velar in Cairene Egypt in the same way as it is in some southern Arabic dialects in Yemen. Thus, ǧabal جبل, ('mountain'), is pronounced, even in Literary Arabic as rather than /d͡ʒabal/.

Other consonants are more marginal. In addition to appearing in native words, /r/ also appears in loanwords from European languages, such as ('parachute'), and native words with guttural vowels, such as ('my cows') vs ('cowlike'). Labial emphatics /bˤ/ and /mˤ/ also come from loanwords; minimal pairs include /bˤaːbˤa/ ('patriarch') vs /baːba/ (' Paopi '). Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
*/q / became in Cairo
Cairo
(a feature shared with Lebanese and other forms of Levantine Arabic
Levantine Arabic
), but /q / is retained natively in some dialects to the west of the Nile Delta, outside of Alexandria
Alexandria
, and has been reintroduced as a marginal phoneme from Standard Arabic, particularly relating to certain religious words and those deriving from the root Ṯ -Q -F , relating to culture .. In mildly careful speech, /q/ is used to distinguish between words that would otherwise be identical. For example, قانون may be either ('law') or ('kanun '); قوى may be either ('strong') or ('very'), although could be used for both meanings). /v /, /p /, and /ʒ / also appear in loanwords, such as ('jacket').

Allophones

* Pharyngeal consonants :

* The sequence /ħH/ is more commonly pronounced , especially outside of careful speech. For example, 'opened it'(feminine)' /fæˈtæħHæ/ → . * The sequence /ʕh/ is more commonly pronounced (or sometimes ), especially outside of careful speech. For example, /bitaʕha/ ('hers') → or . * The sequence /ʒʃ/ is more commonly pronounced . For example, /mamantiʒʃ/ ('didn't montage') → .

Assimilation

* /n / before /b /:

* Often, the sequence of /nb/ assimilates to . Examples: /zanb/ ('guilt') → ; /ʔanˈbuːba/ ('tube') ; /ilˈlinbi/ ('Allenby ') → .

* Sibilant consonants before /ʃ /:

* The sequences /sʃ/ and /sˤʃ/ are more commonly pronounced , especially outside of careful speech. For example, /mabasʃ/ ('didn't kiss') → * The sequences /zʃ/ and /zˤʃ/ are more commonly pronounced . For example, /mabazˤʃ/ ('wasn't corrupt') → .

Voicing and devoicing

For some speakers, there is a voicing and devoicing assimilation for the following consonants:

* Voiced: /t / → ; /s / → ; /sˤ / → ; /k / → ; /x / → ; /ʃ / → ; /f / → ; /tˤ / → . * Devoiced: /d / → ; /z / → ; /zˤ / → ; /ɡ / → ; /ɣ / → ; /ʒ / → ; /v / → .

When the input consonants differ only in voicing, the resultant assimilation will be complete.

*

* Examples on voicing assimilation: /laXbatˤ/ → ; /jiSbaʔ/ ('outrun') → ; /maʃˈbuːh/ ('suspected') → ; /laFzˤ/ ('utter') → ; /miTˈdaːjiʔ/ ('annoyed') → , a complete assimilation. * Examples of devoicing assimilation: /moɡˈtamaʕ/ ('society') → ; /jistaɣfaɾ/ ('ask forgiveness ') → ; /xaDt/ ('took') → , a complete assimilation.

VOWELS

The Egyptian Arabic vocalic system has changed from the Classical system. The system of vowels is as follows:

Native vowels

FRONT BACK

LONG SHORT final unstressed LONG SHORT final unstressed

CLOSE iː

i uː

o ~ʊ ~u

NEAR-CLOSE

e ~ɪ

o ~ʊ

CLOSE-MID eː oː

NEAR-OPEN æː æ

OPEN

ɑː ɑ

SHORT VOWELS

/A/: ,

/I/: ~; at the end of a word

/U/: ~; ~~ at the end of a word

LONG VOWELS (always stressed)

/Aː/: ,

/Iː/:

/Uː/:

/Eː/:

/Oː/:

Like Maghrebi Arabic dialects, the higher vowels tend to be more centralized in emphatic environment:

~ → ~

~ → ~

~~ → ~~

The Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
phonemes /a/ and /aː/ are in the process of splitting into two phonemes each, resulting in the four Egyptian Arabic phonemes /æ æː ɑ ɑː/. The front and back variants alternate in verbal and nominal paradigms in ways that are largely predictable, but the back variants /ɑ ɑː/ occur unpredictably in some lexical stems, especially those of European-language origin. This is discussed more below.

and are derived from the Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/, respectively, when occurring in closed syllables (i.e. not followed by a vowel). Note that the diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/ also occur in the same environment, due to later deletion of unstressed vowels and resulting contraction, e.g. /mudawla/ ('consultation') from Classical */mudaːwala/. Minimal pairs such as /ʃajla/ ('carrying fem. sg.' and /ʃeːla/ ('burden') also occur. Both of these words are derived from */ʃaːjila/; /ʃeːla/ is the phonologically regular outcome, while /ʃajla/ is an analogical reformation based on the corresponding participial form /CaCCa/ of other verbs of the same class.

Egyptian Arabic maintains in all positions the early post-Classical distinctions between short /i/ and /u/. Contrast, for example, Levantine Arabic
Levantine Arabic
dialects, which merge /i/ and /u/ into in most positions, and Moroccan Arabic
Moroccan Arabic
, which merges /i/ and /a/ into in all positions. In particular, note the different shapes and vowel distinctions between ('book') and ('beautiful' pl.) vs. ('camels') and ('he chose'); in most Levantine dialects, all the short vowels in these words are elided , leading to the identical shapes /ktaːb/, /ʒmaːl/, /xtaːr/.

An epenthetic vowel is automatically inserted after the second of three or more consonants in a cluster to break up such clusters. The epenthetic vowel is , the same as /i/, but it remains even when /i/ surfaces as , leading to minimal pairs:

* /bintɡamiːla/ ('a beautiful girl') * /binti ɡamiːla/ ('my girl is beautiful')

Emphasis Spreading

Many spoken Arabic varieties have developed two allophones of the Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
vowels /a/ and /aː/, with fronted allophones occurring in most circumstances, but backed allophones occurring in the vicinity of emphatic consonants . This process is known as EMPHASIS SPREADING. The exact criteria of both "vicinity" and "emphatic consonant" varies depending on the individual speech variety. In Egyptian Arabic, the occurrence of is no longer completely predictable, suggesting that these sounds have become phonemicized ; but see below for more discussion.

In Egyptian Arabic, the consonants that trigger emphasis spreading include the pharyngealized consonants /tˤ dˤ sˤ zˤ/, the uvular stop /q/, and some instances of /r/ (see below). On the other hand, the pharyngeal consonants /ħ ʕ/ do not trigger emphasis spreading; in the standard Cairene dialect, the velar fricatives /x ɣ/ also do not, although this is different in many Saidi dialects in which they are uvular .

In general, when emphasis spreading is triggered, the back variants spread both forward and backward throughout the phonological word, including any morphological prefixes, suffixes and clitics . Note that this is different from many other Arabic varieties. For example, in Moroccan Arabic
Moroccan Arabic
, emphasis spreading usually travels no farther than the first full vowel on either side of the triggering consonant, and in many varieties of Levantine Arabic
Levantine Arabic
, emphasis spreading is of indefinite extent but is blocked by the phonemes /j ʃ/. Nevertheless, emphasis spreading is not completely reliable, and there is some free variation, especially in the pronunciation of prefixes and suffixes at some distance from the triggering consonant.

Some instances of /r/ trigger emphasis spreading, while others do not. Originally, an /r/ adjacent to /i/ was considered non-emphatic, while others were emphatic and triggered emphasis spreading. Currently, however, this is no more than a rough guideline, as many exceptions have since developed. This situation has led many linguists to postulate the existence of two phonemes /r rˤ/, which both surface as but where only /rˤ/ triggers emphasis spreading. This analysis is not completely ideal in that these two resulting "phonemes" /r rˤ/ alternate to a large extent (often unpredictably) in related forms derived from the same root.

Currently, to the extent that the emphatic or non-emphatic variant of /r/ can be predicted, it works as follows: If /r/ is adjacent to a vowel /i(ː)/, emphasis-spreading is inhibited; otherwise, it occurs. The /r/ is able to "see across" derivational but not inflectional morphemes. As an example, ('commerce') and ('you grow' masc.) both have emphasis spreading, since /r/ occurs adjacent to low /a(ː)/ but not adjacent to any non-low front vowel. On the other hand, of the derived forms ('commercial') and ('you grow' fem.), only the latter has emphasis spreading. In this case, the derivational suffix /-i/ ('related to') creates a new lexical item in the language's vocabulary, and hence the stem is reevaluated for emphasis, with the non-low front vowel /i/ triggering non-emphatic /r/; but the inflectional suffix /-i/ marking feminine singular does not create a new lexical item, and as a result the emphasis in the stem remains. (For these purposes, past and non-past forms of a verb are considered separate stems; hence alternations can occur like /istamarˤrˤ/ 'he continued' vs. /jistamirr/ 'he continues'.)

An emphasis-spreading /r/ is usually adjacent to a low vowel /a(ː)/ (which in turn is backed to /ɑ(ː)/), but that is not necessary, and /u(ː)/ also triggers emphasis-spreading: Examples /maʃhuːrˤ/ ('famous') → , /maʃrˤuːʕ/ ('project') → , /rˤufajjaʕ/ ('thin') → .

The alternation between and is almost completely predictable in verbal and nominal paradigms, as well as in the large majority of words derived from Classical Arabic. It is also irrelevant for the operation of the numerous phonological adjustment rules (e.g. vowel lengthening, shortening and elision) in Egyptian Arabic. As a result, linguistic descriptions tend to subsume both under an archiphoneme /a(ː)/. On the other hand, there are a number of lexical items in which "autonomous" tend to occur irrespective of the presence of emphatic consonants. A few are in Arabic-derived words, e.g. ('water'), but the majority are in words of foreign origin — especially those derived from European languages — where echo the vowel quality of /a/ in those languages.

Different authors have proposed differing phonemic analyses of this situation:

* Some go ahead and treat all occurrences of as separate phonemes, despite the additional complexity of the resulting morphological descriptions; * Some treat only "autonomous" occurrences of as phonemes /ɑ(ː)/, with all the rest subsumed under /a(ː)/; * Some have created new emphatic consonants (e.g. analyzing as /mˤajja/, where underlying /mˤ/ surfaces as but triggers the back allophone ); * Some have ignored the distinction entirely.

The approach followed here is to ignore the distinction in phonemic descriptions, subsuming as allophones of /a(ː)/, but where necessary to also include a phonetic explication (i.e. detailed pronunciation) that indicates the exact quality of all vowels. Generally, these phonetic explications are given for the examples in the section on phonology , and elsewhere whenever autonomous occurs.

Phonological Processes

EXAMPLES OF OPERATIONS ON VOWELS OPERATION ORIGINAL AFTER OPERATION (PHONEMIC) PRONUNCIATION (PHONETIC)

Vowel shortening /ʔaːl li/ 'he.said – to.me' /ʔal-li/ 'he said to me'

Vowel lengthening /katabu/ 'they wrote' + /-ha/ 'it (fem.)' /kataˈbuː-ha/ 'they wrote it'

Vowel deletion (syncope ) /fi/ 'in' + /kitaːb/ 'a book' /fi-ktaːb/ 'in a book'

Vowel insertion (epenthesis ) /il/ 'the' + /bint/ 'girl' + /di/ 'this' /il bint-di/ 'this girl'

Vowel Shortening

All long vowels are shortened when followed by two consonants (including geminated consonants), and also in unstressed syllables, though they are but sometimes kept long in careful speech pronunciations of loanwords, as in /qaːˈhira/ ('Cairo') and a few other borrowings from Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
with similar shapes, such as /zˤaːˈhira/ ('phenomenon'). Long vowel , when shortened collapse with which are, as well, the shortened form of ; as a result, The following three words are only distinguished contextually:

* /ɡibna/ ('cheese') * /ɡiːb/+/na/ → /ɡibna/ ('we brought') * /ɡeːb/+/na/ → /ɡebna/ ('our pocket')

Vowel Lengthening

Final short vowels are lengthened when the stress is brought forward onto them as a result of the addition of a suffix.

Vowel Deletion (syncope )

Unstressed /i/ and /u/ are deleted (i.e. syncope ) when occurring in the context /VCVCV/, i.e. in an internal syllable with a single consonant on both sides. This also applies across word boundaries in cases of close syntactic connection.

Vowel Insertion (epenthesis )

Three or more consonants are never allowed to appear together, including across a word boundary. When such a situation would occur, an epenthetic is inserted between the second and third consonants.

Vowel Elision And Linking

Unlike in most Arabic dialects, Egyptian Arabic has many words that logically begin with a vowel (e.g. /ana/ 'I'), in addition to words that logically begin with a glottal stop (e.g. /ʔawi/ 'very', from Classical /qawij(j)/ 'strong'). When pronounced in isolation, both types of words will be sounded with an initial glottal stop. However, when following another word, words beginning with a vowel will often follow smoothly after the previous word, while words beginning with a glottal stop will always have the glottal stop sounded, e.g.:

* /il walad (ʔ)aħmar/ → or ('the boy is red) * /inta kibiːr ʔawi/ → /inta-kbiːr ʔawi/ ('you are very big')

The phonetic pronunciations indicated above also demonstrate the phenomenon of linking, a normal process in Egyptian Arabic where syllable boundaries are adjusted across word boundaries to ensure that every syllable begins with exactly one consonant.

Elision of vowels often occurs across word boundaries when a word ending with a vowel is followed by a word beginning with a vowel, especially when the two vowels are the same, or when one is /i/. More specifically, elision occurs in the following circumstances:

* When both vowels are the same, one will be elided. * When final /i/ is followed by initial /a/, /i/ is elided. * When any vowel is followed by initial /i/, /i/ is elided.

Examples of elision CONDITION FOR ELISION ORIGINAL AFTER ELISION (PHONEMIC) PRONUNCIATION (PHONETIC)

Both vowels same /inta aħmar/ /int-aħmar/ 'you (masc. sg.) are red'

Final /i/ followed by initial /a/ /naːwi aruːħ/ /naːw-aruːħ/ 'I intend to go'

/xalli-ni arawwaħ/ /xalliː-n-arawwaħ/ 'let me go home'

Vowel followed by initial /i/ /da illi ana ʕaːwiz+u/ /da-ll-ana ʕawz-u/ 'that's what I want'

/huwwa inta kibiːr/ /huwwa-nta-kbiːr/ 'are you grown-up?'

Multiple Processes

Multiple processes often apply simultaneously. An example of both insertion and deletion working together comes from the phrase /il bint kibiːra/ ('the girl is grown up'): Example of insertion and deletion together:

* Underlying representation: /il bint kibiːra/ * Epenthesis in CCC sequence: */il bintekibiːra/ * Deletion of /i/ VCVCV: * Surface realization:

Compare /il walad kibiːr/ ('the boy is grown up'), where neither process applies.

Similarly, an example of both deletion and long-vowel shortening appears in the phrase /sˤaːħiba/ ('friend' fem.):

* Underlying representation: /sˤaːħiba/ * Deletion of /i/ in VCVCV: */sˤaːħba/ * Vowel shortening in VCC: * Surface realization:

Compare with Classical Arabic
Classical Arabic
/sˤaːħiba/.

The operation of the various processes can often produce ambiguity:

* /ana ʕaːwiz aːkul/ → /ana ʕawz-aːkul/ ('I want to eat') * /ana ʕaːwiza aːkul/ → /ana ʕawza aːkul/ → /ana ʕawz-aːkul/ ('I want to eat')

Hence, is ambiguous in regards to grammatical gender.

PHONOTACTICS

SYLLABLE STRUCTURE

Egyptian Arabic has the following five syllable types: CV, CVː, CVC, CVːC, and CVCC.

CVː, CVːC, and CVCC are long, or heavy , syllables. Long syllables bear primary stress , and there is only one stressed syllable per word. Egyptian Arabic has a strong preference for heavy syllables, and various phonetic adjustments conspire to modify the surface pronunciation of connected speech towards the ideal of consisting entirely of heavy syllables. Examples can be seen below:

* Shortening of long vowels to avoid superheavy syllables (CVːC.CV → CVC.CV) * Lengthening of short vowels to avoid light stressed syllables (ˈCV.CV → ˈCVː.CV) or the increasingly rarer cases (ˈCV.CVC → ˈCVː.CVC) or avoiding heavy syllables and converting them into superheavy sullables (CVC → CVːC) * Elision of short vowels to avoid sequences of light syllables (CV.CV.CV → CVC.CV) * Insertion of short vowels to avoid three-consonant sequences, which would result in a superheavy syllable (CVCC.CV or CVC.CCV → CVC.CV.CV) * Movement of syllable boundaries across word boundaries to avoid vowel-initial syllables (CVC VC VC → CV.C-V.C-VC) * Insertion of a glottal stop when necessary to avoid vowel-initial syllables

An example of these various processes together:

/da illi ana ʕaːwiz-u/ → /da-ll-ana ʕawz-u/ ('that's what I want') OPERATION RESULT

Original /da illi ana ʕaːwiz-u/

Elision of /i/ next to a vowel /da-ll-ana ʕaːwiz-u/

Deletion of short high vowel in VCVCV /da-ll-ana ʕaːwz-u/

Shortening before two consonants /da-ll-ana ʕawz-u/

Continuous, resyllabified pronunciation (phonetic)

Normal-form pronunciation

In the following and similar analyses, the normal-form pronunciation is given as the phonetic equivalent of the given phonemic form, although the intermediate steps may be given if necessary for clarity.

Other examples include /ana ʕaːwiz aːkul/ ('I want to eat') → , /ana ʕaːwiz aːkul-u/ ('I want to eat it') → , and /humma ʕaːwiz+iːn jaːkul+u-ː/ ('They want to eat it') → .

PROSODY

STRESS

The position of stress is essentially automatic. The basic rule is that, preceding from right to left in a word (from the end to the beginning of the word), the stress goes on the first encountered syllable of any of these types:

1. A heavy syllable : that is, a syllable ending in either a long vowel (CVː) or one or two consonants (CVC, CVCC)

2. A non-final light syllable that directly follows a heavy syllable

3. A non-final light syllable that directly follows two light syllables (i.e. ...CVCVˈCVCV...)

4. The first syllable of the word

Examples of rules of stress placement RULE PHONEMIC FORM (NO STRESS) PHONETIC FORM (STRESSED) MEANING

1a. Syllable closed with a long vowel /kaː.tib/

'writing' or 'writer'

/ki.taːb/

'book'

/tik.ti.biː/

'you (fem.) write it'

1b. Syllable closed with two consonants /ka.tabt/

'I wrote'

/kat.ba/

'female writer'

/mak.tab/

'desk'

/tik.tib/

'you (masc.) write'

2. Nonfinal light syllable following heavy syllable /mak.ta.ba/

'library'

/tik.ti.bi/

'you (fem.) write'

3. Nonfinal light syllable following two lights /ka.ta.bi.tu/ or 'she wrote it'

4. First syllable /ka.tab/

'he wrote'

/ka.ta.bit/

'she wrote'

Because the stress is almost completely predictable, it is not indicated in phonemic transcriptions (but is given in the corresponding phonetic explication).

PHONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT

PHONEMIC DEVELOPMENTAL STAGES

Omar (1973) identifies three stages in the phonological acquisition of Egyptian Arabic, ending with completion of the consonant inventory (with the possible exception of /q /) at approximately age five.

* BABBLING STAGE: (~6–10 MONTHS)

The sound inventory found in the babbling stage does not technically consist of phonemes, but rather vowel- and consonant-like sounds. Therefore, they are not true speech sounds. Like children acquiring other world languages, Egyptian Arabic infants produce consonant-like sounds approximating /b /, /p /, /ʔ /, /h /, /ɣ /, /v /, /z /, /m /, /w /, /j /.

* STAGE I (~1–2 YEARS)

At this stage children have acquired the basic /i/, /a/, /u/ vowel triangle, and the consonants /b /, /m /, /w /, /j /, and /h /. At this stage /ʔ / is only produced word-initially (possibly due to speakers’ tendency to insert a glottal stop on words which begin with a vowel). There is typically no voiced-voiceless contrast and no single-double consonant contrast.

* STAGE II (~2–3 YEARS)

Newly acquired phonemes are: /t /, /d /, /k /, /ɡ /, /n /, /f /, /s /, /z /, /l /, /x /, /ɣ /, /æ /, /e /, /o /. A voiced-voiceless contrast is now apparent in stops and fricatives. Consonant clusters appear but are unstable, often being omitted or simplified (consonant cluster reduction ). The newly acquired lateral /l / is frequently used in place of the tap /trill ~ (lateralization ). Example: /madɾasa/ ('school') →

* INTERMEDIATE STAGE II-III (~3–5 YEARS)

Vowel length distinction, the emphatics /sˤ /, /zˤ /, /tˤ /, /dˤ /; /ʕ / (sometimes realized as /ʔ /) and /ʃ / (often realized as ) are acquired. A geminated consonant distinction is developing, although children have difficulty with /xx/ and its voiced pair /ɣɣ/.

* PHONEMIC STAGE III (ADULT MASTERY ~5 YEARS)

The tap/trill /ɾ /~/r / and all diphthongs and clusters are acquired, and geminate consonant distinction is stable. The phoneme /q / is rare in Egyptian Arabic and is typically only mastered with formal schooling at around age seven or eight, and is realized acceptably in the dialect as .

CROSS-LINGUISTIC COMPARISON AND PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES

Egyptian Arabic phoneme acquisition has been chiefly compared to that of English. The order of phoneme acquisition is similar for both languages: Exceptions are /s /, /z /, and /h /, which appear earlier in Arabic-speaking children's inventory than in English, perhaps due to the frequency of their occurrence in the children's input. Egyptian Arabic differs most from English in terms of age of phoneme acquisition: Vowel distinctions appear at an earlier age in Egyptian Arabic than in English, which could reflect both the smaller inventory and the higher functional value of Arabic vowels: The consonantal system, on the other hand, is completed almost a year later than that of English. However, the lateral /l / is acquired by most Arabic-speaking children by age two, a year earlier than English-speaking children. The most difficult phonemes for young Arabic children are emphatic stops, fricatives, and the tap /trill /ɾ /~/r /. /x / and /ɣ /, which are relatively rare sounds in other languages, are the most difficult geminate consonants to acquire.

Phonological Processes

For children under two, syllable reduction and final consonant deletion are the most common phonological processes. De-emphasis, involving the loss of the secondary articulation for emphatic consonants (e.g., realizing emphatic /sˤ / as ), may reflect the motoric difficulty of emphatic consonants, which are rare in world languages, as well as their relatively low frequency and functional load in Arabic.

The back fricatives /ħ / and /x / are unusually accurate at an early age and less prone to fronting than in other languages.

ACQUISITION OF SYLLABLE STRUCTURE

Most children have mastered all syllable types between the ages of two and three. A preference for three-syllable words is evident (CVːC syllables being the most frequently produced) and production rarely exceeds four syllables. Simplification processes like those detailed above may occur to reduce CVCC syllables to CVːC or CVC syllables; however, when children change the syllable structure, they preserve the prosodic weight of the altered syllable in order to maintain stress relations.

NOTES

* ^ Egyptian Arabic at Ethnologue * ^ Watson (2002) , p. 21. * ^ A B C D Watson (2002) , p. 22. * ^ Watson (2002) , p. 16. * ^ A B Watson (2002) , p. 17. * ^ Behnstedt (1985) , p. ?. * ^ Watson (2002) , p. 23. * ^ Mitchell (1956) , p. 112. * ^ Ammar (2002) , p. 154. * ^ A B Omar (1973) , p. 52. * ^ Omar (1973) , p. 35. * ^ Omar (1973) , p. 38. * ^ Omar (1973) , p. 45. * ^ Omar (1973) , pp. 48–49. * ^ A B Saleh (2007) , pp. 234–240. * ^ Amayreh (1998) . * ^ Omar (1973) , p. 60. * ^ Saleh (2007) , pp. 154–160. * ^ Amayreh (2000) , p. 84. * ^ Abou-Elsaad (2009) , pp. 275–282. * ^ Amayreh (2000) , p. 94. * ^ Amayreh (2000) , p. 100. * ^ Amayreh (2000) , p. 87. * ^ Ammar (2002) , pp. 154–158.

* ^ An Egyptian popular film called, el-Lembi (اللمبى), named after Allenby , but has no relation to him.

REFERENCES

* Abou-Elsaad, T.; Baz, H.; El-Banna, M (2009). "Developing an articulation test for Arabic-speaking school-age children". Folia Phoniatrica et Logopaedica. 61 (5): 275–282. doi :10.1159/000235650 . PMID 19696489 . * Amayreh, Mousa M.; Dyson, Alice T. (1998). "The acquisition of Arabic consonants". Journal of Speech, Language & Hearing Research. 41 (3): 642–653. doi :10.1044/jslhr.4103.642 . * Amayreh, Mousa M.; Dyson, Alice T. (2000). "Phonological errors and sound changes in Arabic-speaking children". Clinical Linguistics and Phonetics . 14 (2): 79–109. doi :10.1080/026992000298850 . * Windsor, Fay; Kelly, M. Louise; Hewlett, Nigel (2012). "Acquisition of syllable structure in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic". Investigations in Clinical Phonetics and Linguistics. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-1-135-64205-1 . * Behnstedt, Peter; Woidich, Manfred (1985). Die ägyptisch-arabischen Dialekte, vols. I, II. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert. * Omar, Margaret K.; Nydell, Margaret Kleffner (1973). The Acquisition of Egyptian Arabic as a Native Language. Georgetown University Press. ISBN 1-58901-168-6 . * Saleh, M.; Shoeib, R.; Hegazi, M.; Ali, P. (2007). "Early phonological development in Arabic Egyptian children: 12–30 months". Folia Phoniatrica et Logopaedica. 59 (5): 234–240. doi :10.1159/000104461 . PMID 17726326 . * Watson, Janet C. E. (2002). The Phonology
Phonology
and Morphology of Arabic. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-925759-1 .

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