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Diocletian
Diocletian
(/ˌdaɪ.əˈkliːʃən/; Latin: Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus Augustus), born Diocles (244–312),[3][5] was a Roman emperor from 284 to 305. Born to a family of low status in Dalmatia, Diocletian
Diocletian
rose through the ranks of the military to become Roman cavalry commander to the Emperor Carus. After the deaths of Carus
Carus
and his son Numerian
Numerian
on campaign in Persia, Diocletian
Diocletian
was proclaimed emperor. The title was also claimed by Carus' other surviving son, Carinus, but Diocletian
Diocletian
defeated him in the Battle of the Margus. Diocletian's reign stabilized the empire and marks the end of the Crisis of the Third Century. He appointed fellow officer Maximian
Maximian
as Augustus, co-emperor, in 286. Diocletian
Diocletian
reigned in the Eastern Empire, and Maximian
Maximian
reigned in the Western Empire. Diocletian
Diocletian
delegated further on 1 March 293, appointing Galerius
Galerius
and Constantius as Caesars, junior co-emperors, under himself and Maximian respectively. Under this 'tetrarchy', or "rule of four", each emperor would rule over a quarter-division of the empire. Diocletian
Diocletian
secured the empire's borders and purged it of all threats to his power. He defeated the Sarmatians
Sarmatians
and Carpi during several campaigns between 285 and 299, the Alamanni
Alamanni
in 288, and usurpers in Egypt between 297 and 298. Galerius, aided by Diocletian, campaigned successfully against Sassanid
Sassanid
Persia, the empire's traditional enemy. In 299 he sacked their capital, Ctesiphon. Diocletian
Diocletian
led the subsequent negotiations and achieved a lasting and favourable peace. Diocletian
Diocletian
separated and enlarged the empire's civil and military services and reorganized the empire's provincial divisions, establishing the largest and most bureaucratic government in the history of the empire. He established new administrative centres in Nicomedia, Mediolanum, Sirmium, and Trier, closer to the empire's frontiers than the traditional capital at Rome. Building on third-century trends towards absolutism, he styled himself an autocrat, elevating himself above the empire's masses with imposing forms of court ceremonies and architecture. Bureaucratic and military growth, constant campaigning, and construction projects increased the state's expenditures and necessitated a comprehensive tax reform. From at least 297 on, imperial taxation was standardized, made more equitable, and levied at generally higher rates. Not all of Diocletian's plans were successful: the Edict on Maximum Prices (301), his attempt to curb inflation via price controls, was counterproductive and quickly ignored. Although effective while he ruled, Diocletian's tetrarchic system collapsed after his abdication under the competing dynastic claims of Maxentius
Maxentius
and Constantine, sons of Maximian
Maximian
and Constantius respectively. The Diocletianic Persecution (303–11), the empire's last, largest, and bloodiest official persecution of Christianity, failed to eliminate Christianity in the empire; indeed, after 324, Christianity became the empire's preferred religion under its first Christian emperor, Constantine. In spite of these failures and challenges, Diocletian's reforms fundamentally changed the structure of Roman imperial government and helped stabilize the empire economically and militarily, enabling the empire to remain essentially intact for another 150 years despite being near the brink of collapse in Diocletian's youth. Weakened by illness, Diocletian
Diocletian
left the imperial office on 1 May 305, and became the first Roman emperor
Roman emperor
to abdicate the position voluntarily. He lived out his retirement in his palace on the Dalmatian coast, tending to his vegetable gardens. His palace eventually became the core of the modern-day city of Split in Croatia.

Contents

1 Early life

1.1 Death of Numerian 1.2 Conflict with Carinus

2 Early rule

2.1 Maximian
Maximian
made co-emperor 2.2 Conflict with Sarmatia
Sarmatia
and Persia 2.3 Maximian
Maximian
made Augustus

3 Tetrarchy

3.1 Foundation of the Tetrarchy 3.2 Demise of Carausius' breakaway Roman Empire 3.3 Conflict in the Balkans
Balkans
and Egypt 3.4 War with Persia

3.4.1 Invasion, counterinvasion 3.4.2 Peace negotiations

4 Religious persecutions

4.1 Early persecutions 4.2 Great Persecution

5 Later life

5.1 Illness and abdication 5.2 Retirement and death

6 Reforms

6.1 Tetrarchic and ideological 6.2 Administrative 6.3 Legal 6.4 Military 6.5 Economic

6.5.1 Taxation 6.5.2 Currency and inflation 6.5.3 Social and professional mobility

7 Legacy 8 See also 9 Notes 10 Citations 11 References 12 Further reading 13 External links

Early life[edit]

Panorama of amphitheatre in Salona

Diocletian
Diocletian
was born near Salona
Salona
in Dalmatia (Solin in modern Croatia), some time around 244.[2] His parents gave him the Greek name Diocles, or possibly Diocles Valerius.[6] The modern historian Timothy Barnes takes his official birthday, 22 December, as his actual birthdate. Other historians are not so certain.[7] Diocles' parents were of low status, and writers critical of him claimed that his father was a scribe or a freedman of the senator Anullinus, or even that Diocles was a freedman himself. The first forty years of his life are mostly obscure.[8] The Byzantine chronicler Joannes Zonaras states that he was Dux
Dux
Moesiae,[9] a commander of forces on the lower Danube.[10] The often-unreliable Historia Augusta states that he served in Gaul, but this account is not corroborated by other sources and is ignored by modern historians of the period.[11] The first time Diocletian's whereabouts are accurately established, in 282, he was made by the newly Emperor Carus
Carus
commander of the Protectores domestici, the élite cavalry force directly attached to the Imperial household – a post that earned him the honour of a consulship in 283.[12] As such, he took part in Carus' subsequent Persian campaign. Death of Numerian[edit] Carus's death, amid a successful war with Persia and in mysterious circumstances[13] – he was believed (perhaps as a result of later Diocletianic propaganda) to have been struck by lightning[14] – left his sons Numerian
Numerian
and Carinus
Carinus
as the new Augusti. Carinus
Carinus
quickly made his way to Rome from his post in Gaul as imperial commissioner and arrived there by January 284, becoming legitimate Emperor in the West. Numerian
Numerian
lingered in the East.[15] The Roman withdrawal from Persia was orderly and unopposed.[16] The Sassanid
Sassanid
king Bahram II
Bahram II
could not field an army against them as he was still struggling to establish his authority. By March 284, Numerian
Numerian
had only reached Emesa (Homs) in Syria; by November, only Asia Minor.[17] In Emesa he was apparently still alive and in good health: he issued the only extant rescript in his name there,[18][notes 1] but after he left the city, his staff, including the prefect (Numerian's father-in-law, and as such the dominant influence in the Emperor's entourage)[20] Aper, reported that he suffered from an inflammation of the eyes. He travelled in a closed coach from then on.[21] When the army reached Bithynia,[15] some of the soldiers smelled an odor emanating from the coach.[16] They opened its curtains and inside they found Numerian
Numerian
dead.[22] Both Eutropius and Aurelius Victor describe Numerian's death as an assassination.[23] Aper officially broke the news in Nicomedia
Nicomedia
(İzmit) in November.[24] Numerianus' generals and tribunes called a council for the succession, and chose Diocles as Emperor,[25] in spite of Aper's attempts to garner support.[24] On 20 November 284, the army of the east gathered on a hill 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) outside Nicomedia. The army unanimously saluted Diocles as their new augustus, and he accepted the purple imperial vestments. He raised his sword to the light of the sun and swore an oath disclaiming responsibility for Numerian's death. He asserted that Aper had killed Numerian
Numerian
and concealed it.[26] In full view of the army, Diocles drew his sword and killed Aper.[27] According to the Historia Augusta, he quoted from Virgil
Virgil
while doing so.[28] Soon after Aper's death, Diocles changed his name to the more Latinate "Diocletianus",[29] in full Gaius Aurelius Valerius Diocletianus.[30] Conflict with Carinus[edit]

Head of Carinus
Carinus
at the Centrale Montemartini

After his accession, Diocletian
Diocletian
and Lucius Caesonius Bassus[31] were named as consuls and assumed the fasces in place of Carinus
Carinus
and Numerianus.[32] Bassus was a member of a senatorial family from Campania, a former consul and proconsul of Africa, chosen by Probus for signal distinction.[33] He was skilled in areas of government where Diocletian
Diocletian
presumably had no experience.[24] Diocletian's elevation of Bassus as consul symbolized his rejection of Carinus' government in Rome, his refusal to accept second-tier status to any other emperor,[33] and his willingness to continue the long-standing collaboration between the empire's senatorial and military aristocracies.[24] It also tied his success to that of the Senate, whose support he would need in his advance on Rome.[33] Diocletian
Diocletian
was not the only challenger to Carinus' rule: the usurper M. Aurelius Julianus, Carinus' corrector Venetiae, took control of northern Italy
Italy
and Pannonia
Pannonia
after Diocletian's accession.[34] Julianus minted coins from the mint at Siscia (Sisak, Croatia) declaring himself as emperor and promising freedom. It was all good publicity for Diocletian, and it aided in his portrayal of Carinus
Carinus
as a cruel and oppressive tyrant.[35] Julianus' forces were weak, however, and were handily dispersed when Carinus' armies moved from Britain to northern Italy. As leader of the united East, Diocletian
Diocletian
was clearly the greater threat.[36] Over the winter of 284–85, Diocletian advanced west across the Balkans. In the spring, some time before the end of May,[37] his armies met Carinus' across the river Margus (Great Morava) in Moesia. In modern accounts, the site has been located between the Mons Aureus (Seone, west of Smederevo) and Viminacium,[33] near modern Belgrade, Serbia.[38] Despite having the stronger, more powerful army, Carinus
Carinus
held the weaker position. His rule was unpopular, and it was later alleged that he had mistreated the Senate and seduced his officers' wives.[39] It is possible that Flavius Constantius, the governor of Dalmatia and Diocletian's associate in the household guard, had already defected to Diocletian
Diocletian
in the early spring.[40] When the Battle of the Margus began, Carinus' prefect Aristobulus also defected.[24] In the course of the battle, Carinus
Carinus
was killed by his own men. Following Diocletian's victory, both the western and the eastern armies acclaimed him augustus.[41] Diocletian
Diocletian
exacted an oath of allegiance from the defeated army and departed for Italy.[42] Early rule[edit] Diocletian
Diocletian
may have become involved in battles against the Quadi
Quadi
and Marcomanni
Marcomanni
immediately after the Battle of the Margus. He eventually made his way to northern Italy
Italy
and made an imperial government, but it is not known whether he visited the city of Rome at this time.[43] There is a contemporary issue of coins suggestive of an imperial adventus (arrival) for the city,[44] but some modern historians state that Diocletian
Diocletian
avoided the city, and that he did so on principle, as the city and its Senate were no longer politically relevant to the affairs of the empire and needed to be taught as much. Diocletian dated his reign from his elevation by the army, not the date of his ratification by the Senate,[45] following the practice established by Carus, who had declared the Senate's ratification a useless formality.[46] However, Diocletian
Diocletian
was to offer proof of his deference towards the Senate by retaining Aristobulus as ordinary consul and colleague for 285 (one of the few instances during the Late Empire in which an emperor admitted a privatus as his colleague)[47] and by creating senior senators Vettius Aqulinus and Junius Maximus ordinary consuls for the following year – for Maximus, it was his second consulship.[48] Nevertheless, if Diocletian
Diocletian
ever did enter Rome shortly after his accession, he did not stay long;[49] he is attested back in the Balkans
Balkans
by 2 November 285, on campaign against the Sarmatians.[50] Diocletian
Diocletian
replaced the prefect of Rome with his consular colleague Bassus. Most officials who had served under Carinus, however, retained their offices under Diocletian.[51] In an act of clementia denoted by the epitomator Aurelius Victor as unusual,[52] Diocletian
Diocletian
did not kill or depose Carinus' traitorous praetorian prefect and consul Ti. Claudius
Claudius
Aurelius Aristobulus, but confirmed him in both roles.[53] He later gave him the proconsulate of Africa and the post of urban prefect for 295.[54] The other figures who retained their offices might have also betrayed Carinus.[55] Maximian
Maximian
made co-emperor[edit]

Maximian's consistent loyalty to Diocletian
Diocletian
proved an important component of the tetrarchy's early successes.[56]

The assassinations of Aurelian
Aurelian
and Probus demonstrated that sole rulership was dangerous to the stability of the empire.[24] Conflict boiled in every province, from Gaul to Syria, Egypt to the lower Danube. It was too much for one person to control, and Diocletian needed a lieutenant.[57] At some time in 285 at Mediolanum (Milan),[notes 2] Diocletian
Diocletian
raised his fellow-officer Maximian
Maximian
to the office of caesar, making him co-emperor.[60] The concept of dual rulership was nothing new to the Roman Empire. Augustus, the first Emperor, had nominally shared power with his colleagues, and more formal offices of Co-Emperor had existed from Marcus Aurelius
Marcus Aurelius
on.[61] Most recently, Emperor Carus
Carus
and his sons had ruled together, albeit unsuccessfully. Diocletian
Diocletian
was in a less comfortable position than most of his predecessors, as he had a daughter, Valeria, but no sons. His co-ruler had to be from outside his family, raising the question of trust.[62] Some historians state that Diocletian
Diocletian
adopted Maximian
Maximian
as his filius Augusti, his "Augustan son", upon his appointment to the throne, following the precedent of some previous Emperors.[63] This argument has not been universally accepted.[64] The relationship between Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian
Maximian
was quickly couched in religious terms. Around 287 Diocletian
Diocletian
assumed the title Iovius, and Maximian
Maximian
assumed the title Herculius.[65] The titles were probably meant to convey certain characteristics of their associated leaders. Diocletian, in Jovian style, would take on the dominating roles of planning and commanding; Maximian, in Herculian mode, would act as Jupiter's heroic subordinate.[66] For all their religious connotations, the emperors were not "gods" in the tradition of the Imperial cult—although they may have been hailed as such in Imperial panegyrics. Instead, they were seen as the gods' representatives, effecting their will on earth.[67] The shift from military acclamation to divine sanctification took the power to appoint emperors away from the army. Religious legitimization elevated Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian above potential rivals in a way military power and dynastic claims could not.[68] Conflict with Sarmatia
Sarmatia
and Persia[edit] After his acclamation, Maximian
Maximian
was dispatched to fight the rebel Bagaudae, insurgent peasants of Gaul. Diocletian
Diocletian
returned to the East, progressing slowly.[69] By 2 November, he had only reached Civitas Iovia (Botivo, near Ptuj, Slovenia).[70] In the Balkans
Balkans
during the autumn of 285, he encountered a tribe of Sarmatians
Sarmatians
who demanded assistance. The Sarmatians
Sarmatians
requested that Diocletian
Diocletian
either help them recover their lost lands or grant them pasturage rights within the empire. Diocletian
Diocletian
refused and fought a battle with them, but was unable to secure a complete victory. The nomadic pressures of the European Plain
European Plain
remained and could not be solved by a single war; soon the Sarmatians
Sarmatians
would have to be fought again.[71] Diocletian
Diocletian
wintered in Nicomedia.[notes 3] There may have been a revolt in the eastern provinces at this time, as he brought settlers from Asia to populate emptied farmlands in Thrace.[73] He visited Syria
Syria
Palaestina the following spring, [notes 4] His stay in the East saw diplomatic success in the conflict with Persia: in 287, Bahram II granted him precious gifts, declared open friendship with the Empire, and invited Diocletian
Diocletian
to visit him.[76] Roman sources insist that the act was entirely voluntary.[77] Around the same time, perhaps in 287,[78] Persia relinquished claims on Armenia
Armenia
and recognized Roman authority over territory to the west and south of the Tigris. The western portion of Armenia
Armenia
was incorporated into the empire and made a province. Tiridates III, Arsacid claimant to the Armenian throne and Roman client, had been disinherited and forced to take refuge in the empire after the Persian conquest of 252–53. In 287, he returned to lay claim to the eastern half of his ancestral domain and encountered no opposition.[79] Bahram II's gifts were widely recognized as symbolic of a victory in the ongoing conflict with Persia, and Diocletian
Diocletian
was hailed as the "founder of eternal peace". The events might have represented a formal end to Carus' eastern campaign, which probably ended without an acknowledged peace.[80] At the conclusion of discussions with the Persians, Diocletian
Diocletian
re-organized the Mesopotamian frontier and fortified the city of Circesium
Circesium
(Buseire, Syria) on the Euphrates.[81] Maximian
Maximian
made Augustus[edit] Maximian's campaigns were not proceeding as smoothly. The Bagaudae had been easily suppressed, but Carausius, the man he had put in charge of operations against Saxon and Frankish pirates on the Saxon Shore, had, according to literary sources, begun keeping the goods seized from the pirates for himself. Maximian
Maximian
issued a death-warrant for his larcenous subordinate. Carausius
Carausius
fled the Continent, proclaimed himself Augustus, and agitated Britain and northwestern Gaul into open revolt against Maximian
Maximian
and Diocletian.[82] Far more probable, according to the archaeological evidence available, is that Carausius
Carausius
probably had held some important military post in Britain[83] and had already a firm basis of power on both Britain and Northern Gaul (a coin hoard found in Rouen
Rouen
proves that he was in control of that mainland area at the beginning of his rebellion) and that he profited from the lack of legitimacy of the central government.[84] Carausius
Carausius
strove at having his legitimacy as a junior emperor acknowledged by Diocletian: in his coinage (of far better quality than the official one, especially his silver pieces) he extolled the "concord" between him and the central power (PAX AVGGG, "the Peace of the three Augusti", read one 290 bronze piece, displaying, on the other side, Carausius
Carausius
together with Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian, with the caption CARAVSIVS ET FRATRES SVI, " Carausius
Carausius
& his brothers" [1] ).[85] However, Diocletian
Diocletian
could not allow elbow room to a breakaway regional usurper following on Postumus's footprints to enter, solely on his own accord, the imperial college.[86] So Carausius
Carausius
had to go. Spurred by the crisis, on 1 April 286,[87][notes 5] Maximian
Maximian
took up the title of Augustus.[91] His appointment is unusual in that it was impossible for Diocletian
Diocletian
to have been present to witness the event. It has even been suggested that Maximian
Maximian
usurped the title and was only later recognized by Diocletian
Diocletian
in hopes of avoiding civil war.[92] This suggestion is unpopular, as it is clear that Diocletian meant for Maximian
Maximian
to act with a certain amount of independence.[93] It may be posited, however, that Diocletian
Diocletian
felt the need to bind Maximian
Maximian
closer to him, by making him his empowered associate, in order to avoid the possibility of having him striking some sort of deal with Carausius.[94]

Carausius, rebel emperor of Roman Britain. Most of the evidence for Carausius' reign comes from his coinage, which was of generally fine quality.[95]

Maximian
Maximian
realized that he could not immediately suppress the rogue commander, so in 287 he campaigned solely against tribes beyond the Rhine
Rhine
instead.[96] As Carausius
Carausius
was allied to the Franks, Maximian's campaigns could be seen as an effort to deny the separatist emperor in Britain a basis of support on the mainland.[97] The following spring, as Maximian
Maximian
prepared a fleet for an expedition against Carausius, Diocletian
Diocletian
returned from the East to meet Maximian. The two emperors agreed on a joint campaign against the Alamanni. Diocletian
Diocletian
invaded Germania through Raetia while Maximian
Maximian
progressed from Mainz. Each emperor burned crops and food supplies as he went, destroying the Germans' means of sustenance.[98] The two men added territory to the empire and allowed Maximian
Maximian
to continue preparations against Carausius without further disturbance.[99] On his return to the East, Diocletian managed what was probably another rapid campaign against the resurgent Sarmatians. No details survive, but surviving inscriptions indicate that Diocletian
Diocletian
took the title Sarmaticus Maximus after 289.[100] In the East, Diocletian
Diocletian
engaged in diplomacy with desert tribes in the regions between Rome and Persia. He might have been attempting to persuade them to ally themselves with Rome, thus reviving the old, Rome-friendly, Palmyrene sphere of influence,[101] or simply attempting to reduce the frequency of their incursions.[102] No details survive for these events.[103] Some of the princes of these states were Persian client kings, a disturbing fact in light of increasing tensions with the Sassanids.[104] In the West, Maximian lost the fleet built in 288 and 289, probably in the early spring of 290. The panegyrist who refers to the loss suggests that its cause was a storm,[105] but this might simply have been an attempt to conceal an embarrassing military defeat.[106] Diocletian
Diocletian
broke off his tour of the Eastern provinces soon thereafter. He returned with haste to the West, reaching Emesa by 10 May 290,[107] and Sirmium
Sirmium
on the Danube
Danube
by 1 July 290.[108] Diocletian
Diocletian
met Maximian
Maximian
in Milan
Milan
in the winter of 290–91, either in late December 290 or January 291.[109] The meeting was undertaken with a sense of solemn pageantry. The emperors spent most of their time in public appearances. It has been surmised that the ceremonies were arranged to demonstrate Diocletian's continuing support for his faltering colleague.[101] A deputation from the Roman Senate
Roman Senate
met with the emperors, renewing its infrequent contact with the Imperial office.[110] The choice of Milan
Milan
over Rome further snubbed the capital's pride. But then it was already a long established practice that Rome itself was only a ceremonial capital, as the actual seat of the Imperial administration was determined by the needs of defense. Long before Diocletian, Gallienus
Gallienus
(r. 253–68) had chosen Milan
Milan
as the seat of his headquarters.[111] If the panegyric detailing the ceremony implied that the true center of the empire was not Rome, but where the emperor sat ("...the capital of the empire appeared to be there, where the two emperors met"),[112] it simply echoed what had already been stated by the historian Herodian in the early third century: "Rome is where the emperor is".[111] During the meeting, decisions on matters of politics and war were probably made in secret.[113] The Augusti would not meet again until 303.[101] Tetrarchy[edit] See also: Tetrarchy Foundation of the Tetrarchy[edit]

Map of the Roman Empire
Roman Empire
under the tetrarchy, showing the dioceses and the four tetrarchs' zones of influence post 299 after Diocletian
Diocletian
and Galerius
Galerius
had exchanged their allocated provinces.

Triumphal arch of the tetrarchy, Sbeitla, Tunisia

Some time after his return, and before 293, Diocletian
Diocletian
transferred command of the war against Carausius
Carausius
from Maximian
Maximian
to Flavius Constantius, a former Governor of Dalmatia and a man of military experience stretching back to Aurelian's campaigns against Zenobia (272–73). He was Maximian's praetorian prefect in Gaul, and the husband to Maximian's daughter, Theodora. On 1 March 293 at Milan, Maximian
Maximian
gave Constantius the office of caesar.[114] In the spring of 293, in either Philippopolis (Plovdiv, Bulgaria) or Sirmium, Diocletian
Diocletian
would do the same for Galerius, husband to Diocletian's daughter Valeria, and perhaps Diocletian's Praetorian Prefect.[notes 6] Constantius was assigned Gaul and Britain. Galerius
Galerius
was initially assigned Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and responsibility for the eastern borderlands.[116] This arrangement is called the tetrarchy, from a Greek term meaning "rulership by four".[117] The Tetrarchic Emperors were more or less sovereign in their own lands, and they travelled with their own imperial courts, administrators, secretaries, and armies.[118] They were joined by blood and marriage; Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian
Maximian
now styled themselves as brothers. The senior Co-Emperors formally adopted Galerius
Galerius
and Constantius as sons in 293. These relationships implied a line of succession. Galerius
Galerius
and Constantius would become Augusti after the departure of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian. Maximian's son Maxentius
Maxentius
and Constantius' son Constantine
Constantine
would then become Caesars. In preparation for their future roles, Constantine
Constantine
and Maxentius
Maxentius
were taken to Diocletian's court in Nicomedia.[119] Demise of Carausius' breakaway Roman Empire[edit] Just before his creation as Caesar, Constantius proceeded to cut Carausius
Carausius
from his base of support in Gaul, recovering Boulogne after a hotly fought siege, a success that would result in Carausius
Carausius
being murdered and replaced by his aide Allectus, who would hold out in his Britain stronghold for a further three years[120] until a two-pronged naval invasion resulted in Allectus' defeat and death at the hands of Constantius' pretorian prefect Julius Asclepiodotus, during a land battle somewhere near Farnham. Constantius himself, after disembarking in the south east, delivered London from a looting party of Frankish deserters in Allectus' pay, something that allowed him to assume the role of liberator of Britain. A famous commemorative medallion depicts a personification of London supplying the victorious Constantius on horseback in which he describes himself as redditor lucis aeternae, 'restorer of the eternal light (viz. of Rome).'[121] The suppression of this threat to the Tetrarchs' legitimacy allowed both Constantius and Maximian
Maximian
to concentrate on outside threats: by 297 Constantius was back on the Rhine
Rhine
and Maximian
Maximian
engaged in a full-scale African campaign against Frankish pirates and nomads, eventually making a triumphal entry into Carthage
Carthage
on 10 March 298.[122] However, Maximian's failure to deal with Carausius
Carausius
and Allectus
Allectus
on his own had jeopardized the position of Maxentius
Maxentius
as putative heir to his father's post as Augustus
Augustus
of the West, with Constantius' son Constantine appearing as a rival claimant.[123] Conflict in the Balkans
Balkans
and Egypt[edit]

A Trajanic temple on the island of Philae, the newly established border between the Nobatae
Nobatae
and Blemmyes
Blemmyes
and Roman Egypt[124]

Diocletian
Diocletian
spent the spring of 293 travelling with Galerius
Galerius
from Sirmium
Sirmium
(Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia) to Byzantium
Byzantium
(Istanbul, Turkey). Diocletian
Diocletian
then returned to Sirmium, where he would remain for the following winter and spring. He campaigned against the Sarmatians again in 294, probably in the autumn,[125] and won a victory against them. The Sarmatians' defeat kept them from the Danube
Danube
provinces for a long time. Meanwhile, Diocletian
Diocletian
built forts north of the Danube,[126] at Aquincum
Aquincum
(Budapest, Hungary), Bononia (Vidin, Bulgaria), Ulcisia Vetera, Castra Florentium, Intercisa (Dunaújváros, Hungary), and Onagrinum (Begeč, Serbia). The new forts became part of a new defensive line called the Ripa Sarmatica.[127] In 295 and 296 Diocletian
Diocletian
campaigned in the region again, and won a victory over the Carpi in the summer of 296.[128] Later during both 299 and 302, as Diocletian
Diocletian
was then residing in the East, it was Galerius' turn to campaign victoriously on the Danube.[129] By the end of his reign, Diocletian
Diocletian
had secured the entire length of the Danube, provided it with forts, bridgeheads, highways, and walled towns, and sent fifteen or more legions to patrol the region; an inscription at Sexaginta Prista on the Lower Danube
Danube
extolled restored tranquilitas to the region.[130] The defense came at a heavy cost, but was a significant achievement in an area difficult to defend.[131] Galerius, meanwhile, was engaged during 291–293 in disputes in Upper Egypt, where he suppressed a regional uprising.[132] He would return to Syria
Syria
in 295 to fight the revanchist Persian empire.[133] Diocletian's attempts to bring the Egyptian tax system in line with Imperial standards stirred discontent, and a revolt swept the region after Galerius' departure.[134] The usurper L. Domitius Domitianus declared himself Augustus
Augustus
in July or August 297. Much of Egypt, including Alexandria, recognized his rule.[133] Diocletian
Diocletian
moved into Egypt to suppress him, first putting down rebels in the Thebaid
Thebaid
in the autumn of 297,[125] then moving on to besiege Alexandria. Domitianus died in December 297,[135] by which time Diocletian
Diocletian
had secured control of the Egyptian countryside. Alexandria, however, whose defense was organized under Domitianus' former corrector Aurelius Achilleus, was to hold out until a later date, probably March 298.[136] Bureaucratic affairs were completed during Diocletian's stay:[137] a census took place, and Alexandria, in punishment for its rebellion, lost the ability to mint independently.[138] Diocletian's reforms in the region, combined with those of Septimius Severus, brought Egyptian administrative practices much closer to Roman standards.[139] Diocletian
Diocletian
travelled south along the Nile the following summer, where he visited Oxyrhynchus
Oxyrhynchus
and Elephantine.[138] In Nubia, he made peace with the Nobatae
Nobatae
and Blemmyes
Blemmyes
tribes. Under the terms of the peace treaty Rome's borders moved north to Philae
Philae
and the two tribes received an annual gold stipend. Diocletian
Diocletian
left Africa quickly after the treaty, moving from Upper Egypt
Upper Egypt
in September 298 to Syria
Syria
in February 299. He met with Galerius
Galerius
in Mesopotamia.[124] War with Persia[edit] See also: Roman relations with the Parthians and Sassanids
Roman relations with the Parthians and Sassanids
and Roman–Persian Wars Invasion, counterinvasion[edit]

Military issue coin of Diocletian

In 294, Narseh, a son of Shapur who had been passed over for the Sassanid
Sassanid
succession, came to power in Persia. Narseh
Narseh
eliminated Bahram III, a young man installed in the wake of Bahram II's death in 293.[140] In early 294, Narseh
Narseh
sent Diocletian
Diocletian
the customary package of gifts between the empires, and Diocletian
Diocletian
responded with an exchange of ambassadors. Within Persia, however, Narseh
Narseh
was destroying every trace of his immediate predecessors from public monuments. He sought to identify himself with the warlike kings Ardashir (r. 226–41) and Shapur I
Shapur I
(r. 241–72), who had defeated and imprisoned Emperor Valerian (r. 253–260) following his failed invasion of the Sasanian Empire.[141] Narseh
Narseh
declared war on Rome in 295 or 296. He appears to have first invaded western Armenia, where he seized the lands delivered to Tiridates in the peace of 287.[142] Narseh
Narseh
moved south into Roman Mesopotamia in 297, where he inflicted a severe defeat on Galerius
Galerius
in the region between Carrhae (Harran, Turkey) and Callinicum (Raqqa, Syria)[143] (and thus, the historian Fergus Millar notes, probably somewhere on the Balikh River).[144] Diocletian
Diocletian
may or may not have been present at the battle,[145] but he quickly divested himself of all responsibility. In a public ceremony at Antioch, the official version of events was clear: Galerius
Galerius
was responsible for the defeat; Diocletian
Diocletian
was not. Diocletian
Diocletian
publicly humiliated Galerius, forcing him to walk for a mile at the head of the Imperial caravan, still clad in the purple robes of the Emperor.[146][notes 7]

Detail of Galerius
Galerius
attacking Narseh
Narseh
on the Arch of Galerius
Galerius
at Thessaloniki, Greece, the city where Galerius
Galerius
carried out most of his administrative actions[148]

Galerius
Galerius
was reinforced, probably in the spring of 298, by a new contingent collected from the empire's Danubian holdings.[149] Narseh did not advance from Armenia
Armenia
and Mesopotamia, leaving Galerius
Galerius
to lead the offensive in 298 with an attack on northern Mesopotamia via Armenia.[150][notes 8] It is unclear if Diocletian
Diocletian
was present to assist the campaign; he might have returned to Egypt or Syria.[notes 9] Narseh
Narseh
retreated to Armenia
Armenia
to fight Galerius' force, to Narseh's disadvantage; the rugged Armenian terrain was favorable to Roman infantry, but not to Sassanid
Sassanid
cavalry. In two battles, Galerius
Galerius
won major victories over Narseh. During the second encounter, Roman forces seized Narseh's camp, his treasury, his harem, and his wife.[154] Galerius
Galerius
continued moving down the Tigris, and took the Persian capital Ctesiphon
Ctesiphon
before returning to Roman territory along the Euphrates.[155] Peace negotiations[edit] Narseh
Narseh
sent an ambassador to Galerius
Galerius
to plead for the return of his wives and children in the course of the war, but Galerius
Galerius
dismissed him.[156] Serious peace negotiations began in the spring of 299. The magister memoriae (secretary) of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Galerius, Sicorius Probus, was sent to Narseh
Narseh
to present terms.[156] The conditions of the resulting Peace of Nisibis were heavy:[157] Armenia
Armenia
returned to Roman domination, with the fort of Ziatha as its border; Caucasian Iberia would pay allegiance to Rome under a Roman appointee; Nisibis, now under Roman rule, would become the sole conduit for trade between Persia and Rome; and Rome would exercise control over the five satrapies between the Tigris and Armenia: Ingilene, Sophanene (Sophene), Arzanene (Aghdznik), Corduene
Corduene
(Carduene), and Zabdicene (near modern Hakkâri, Turkey). These regions included the passage of the Tigris through the Anti-Taurus range; the Bitlis
Bitlis
pass, the quickest southerly route into Persian Armenia; and access to the Tur Abdin plateau.[158] A stretch of land containing the later strategic strongholds of Amida (Diyarbakır, Turkey) and Bezabde came under firm Roman military occupation.[159] With these territories, Rome would have an advance station north of Ctesiphon, and would be able to slow any future advance of Persian forces through the region.[157] Many cities east of the Tigris came under Roman control, including Tigranokert, Saird, Martyropolis, Balalesa, Moxos, Daudia, and Arzan – though under what status is unclear.[159] At the conclusion of the peace, Tiridates regained both his throne and the entirety of his ancestral claim.[156] Rome secured a wide zone of cultural influence, which led to a wide diffusion of Syriac Christianity
Syriac Christianity
from a center at Nisibis in later decades, and the eventual Christianization of Armenia.[157] Religious persecutions[edit] Further information: Diocletianic Persecution Early persecutions[edit] At the conclusion of the Peace of Nisibis, Diocletian
Diocletian
and Galerius returned to Syrian Antioch.[160] At some time in 299, the emperors took part in a ceremony of sacrifice and divination in an attempt to predict the future. The haruspices were unable to read the entrails of the sacrificed animals and blamed Christians in the Imperial household. The emperors ordered all members of the court to perform a sacrifice to purify the palace. The emperors sent letters to the military command, demanding the entire army perform the required sacrifices or face discharge.[161] Diocletian
Diocletian
was conservative in matters of religion, a man faithful to the traditional Roman pantheon and understanding of demands for religious purification,[162] but Eusebius, Lactantius
Lactantius
and Constantine
Constantine
state that it was Galerius, not Diocletian, who was the prime supporter of the purge, and its greatest beneficiary.[163] Galerius, even more devoted and passionate than Diocletian, saw political advantage in the politics of persecution. He was willing to break with a government policy of inaction on the issue.[164] Antioch
Antioch
was Diocletian's primary residence from 299 to 302, while Galerius
Galerius
swapped places with his Augustus
Augustus
on the Middle and Lower Danube.[165] Diocletian
Diocletian
visited Egypt once, over the winter of 301–2, and issued a grain dole in Alexandria.[164] Following some public disputes with Manicheans, Diocletian
Diocletian
ordered that the leading followers of Mani be burnt alive along with their scriptures. In a 31 March 302 rescript from Alexandria, he declared that low-status Manicheans must be executed by the blade, and high-status Manicheans must be sent to work in the quarries of Proconnesus (Marmara Island, Turkey) or the mines of Phaeno in southern Palestine. All Manichean property was to be seized and deposited in the imperial treasury.[166] Diocletian
Diocletian
found much to be offended by in Manichean religion: its novelty, its alien origins, the way it corrupted the morals of the Roman race, and its inherent opposition to long-standing religious traditions.[167] Manichaeanism was also supported by Persia at the time, compounding religious dissent with international politics.[168] Excepting Persian support, the reasons he disliked Manichaenism were equally applicable, if not more so, to Christianity, his next target.[169]

Catacomb of Saints Marcellinus and Peter on the Via Labicana. Christ between Peter and Paul. To the sides are the martyrs Gorgonius, Peter, Marcellinus, Tiburtius

Great Persecution[edit] Diocletian
Diocletian
returned to Antioch
Antioch
in the autumn of 302. He ordered that the deacon Romanus of Caesarea
Romanus of Caesarea
have his tongue removed for defying the order of the courts and interrupting official sacrifices. Romanus was then sent to prison, where he was executed on 17 November 303. Diocletian
Diocletian
believed that Romanus of Caesarea
Romanus of Caesarea
was arrogant, and he left the city for Nicomedia
Nicomedia
in the winter, accompanied by Galerius.[170] According to Lactantius, Diocletian
Diocletian
and Galerius
Galerius
entered into an argument over imperial policy towards Christians while wintering at Nicomedia
Nicomedia
in 302. Diocletian
Diocletian
argued that forbidding Christians from the bureaucracy and military would be sufficient to appease the gods, but Galerius
Galerius
pushed for extermination. The two men sought the advice of the oracle of Apollo
Apollo
at Didyma.[171] The oracle responded that the impious on Earth hindered Apollo's ability to provide advice. Rhetorically Eusebius records the Oracle
Oracle
as saying "The just on Earth..."[172] These impious, Diocletian
Diocletian
was informed by members of the court, could only refer to the Christians of the empire. At the behest of his court, Diocletian
Diocletian
acceded to demands for universal persecution.[173] On 23 February 303, Diocletian
Diocletian
ordered that the newly built church at Nicomedia
Nicomedia
be razed. He demanded that its scriptures be burned, and seized its precious stores for the treasury.[174] The next day, Diocletian's first "Edict against the Christians" was published.[175] The edict ordered the destruction of Christian scriptures and places of worship across the empire, and prohibited Christians from assembling for worship.[176] Before the end of February, a fire destroyed part of the Imperial palace.[177] Galerius
Galerius
convinced Diocletian
Diocletian
that the culprits were Christians, conspirators who had plotted with the eunuchs of the palace. An investigation was commissioned, but no responsible party was found. Executions followed anyway, and the palace eunuchs Dorotheus and Gorgonius
Gorgonius
were executed. One individual, Peter Cubicularius, was stripped, raised high, and scourged. Salt and vinegar were poured in his wounds, and he was slowly boiled over an open flame. The executions continued until at least 24 April 303, when six individuals, including the bishop Anthimus, were decapitated.[178] A second fire occurred sixteen days after the first. Galerius
Galerius
left the city for Rome, declaring Nicomedia unsafe.[177] Diocletian
Diocletian
would soon follow.[178] Although further persecutionary edicts followed, compelling the arrest of the Christian clergy and universal acts of sacrifice,[179] the persecutionary edicts were ultimately unsuccessful; most Christians escaped punishment, and pagans too were generally unsympathetic to the persecution. The martyrs' sufferings strengthened the resolve of their fellow Christians.[180] Constantius and Maximian
Maximian
did not apply the later persecutionary edicts, and left the Christians of the West unharmed.[181] Galerius
Galerius
rescinded the edict in 311, announcing that the persecution had failed to bring Christians back to traditional religion.[182] The temporary apostasy of some Christians, and the surrendering of scriptures, during the persecution played a major role in the subsequent Donatist
Donatist
controversy.[183] Within twenty-five years of the persecution's inauguration, the Christian Emperor Constantine would rule the empire alone. He would reverse the consequences of the edicts, and return all confiscated property to Christians.[184] Under Constantine's rule, Christianity would become the empire's preferred religion.[185] Diocletian
Diocletian
was demonized by his Christian successors: Lactantius
Lactantius
intimated that Diocletian's ascendancy heralded the apocalypse,[186] and in Serbian mythology, Diocletian
Diocletian
is remembered as Dukljan, the adversary of God.[187] Later life[edit] Illness and abdication[edit]

Reconstruction of the Palace of the Roman Emperor
Roman Emperor
Diocletian
Diocletian
in its original appearance upon completion in 305, by Ernest Hébrard

Modern-day Diocletian's Palace
Diocletian's Palace
(2012), as the core of the city of Split.

Diocletian
Diocletian
entered the city of Rome in the early winter of 303. On 20 November, he celebrated, with Maximian, the twentieth anniversary of his reign (vicennalia), the tenth anniversary of the tetrarchy (decennalia), and a triumph for the war with Persia. Diocletian
Diocletian
soon grew impatient with the city, as the Romans acted towards him with what Edward Gibbon, following Lactantius, calls "licentious familiarity".[188] The Roman people did not give enough deference to his supreme authority; it expected him to act the part of an aristocratic ruler, not a monarchic one. On 20 December 303,[189] Diocletian
Diocletian
cut short his stay in Rome and left for the north. He did not even perform the ceremonies investing him with his ninth consulate; he did them in Ravenna
Ravenna
on 1 January 304 instead.[190] There are suggestions in the Panegyrici Latini and Lactantius' account that Diocletian
Diocletian
arranged plans for his and Maximian's future retirement of power in Rome. Maximian, according to these accounts, swore to uphold Diocletian's plan in a ceremony in the Temple of Jupiter.[191] From Ravenna, Diocletian
Diocletian
left for the Danube. There, possibly in Galerius' company, he took part in a campaign against the Carpi.[189] He contracted a minor illness while on campaign, but his condition quickly worsened and he chose to travel in a litter. In the late summer he left for Nicomedia. On 20 November 304, he appeared in public to dedicate the opening of the circus beside his palace. He collapsed soon after the ceremonies. Over the winter of 304–5 he kept within his palace at all times. Rumours alleging that Diocletian's death was merely being kept secret until Galerius
Galerius
could come to assume power spread through the city. On 13 December, it appeared that he had finally died. The city was sent into a mourning from which it recovered after public declarations that Diocletian
Diocletian
was still alive. When Diocletian
Diocletian
reappeared in public on 1 March 305, he was emaciated and barely recognizable.[192] Galerius
Galerius
arrived in the city later in March. According to Lactantius, he came armed with plans to reconstitute the tetrarchy, force Diocletian
Diocletian
to step down, and fill the Imperial office with men compliant to his will. Through coercion and threats, he eventually convinced Diocletian
Diocletian
to comply with his plan. Lactantius
Lactantius
also claims that he had done the same to Maximian
Maximian
at Sirmium.[193] On 1 May 305, Diocletian
Diocletian
called an assembly of his generals, traditional companion troops, and representatives from distant legions. They met at the same hill, 5 kilometres (3.1 mi) out of Nicomedia, where Diocletian had been proclaimed emperor. In front of a statue of Jupiter, his patron deity, Diocletian
Diocletian
addressed the crowd. With tears in his eyes, he told them of his weakness, his need for rest, and his will to resign. He declared that he needed to pass the duty of empire on to someone stronger. He thus became the first Roman emperor
Roman emperor
to voluntarily abdicate his title.[194] Most in the crowd believed they knew what would follow; Constantine and Maxentius, the only adult sons of a reigning emperor, men who had long been preparing to succeed their fathers, would be granted the title of caesar. Constantine
Constantine
had travelled through Palestine at the right hand of Diocletian, and was present at the palace in Nicomedia in 303 and 305. It is likely that Maxentius
Maxentius
received the same treatment.[195] In Lactantius' account, when Diocletian
Diocletian
announced that he was to resign, the entire crowd turned to face Constantine.[196] It was not to be: Severus and Maximin were declared caesars. Maximin appeared and took Diocletian's robes. On the same day, Severus received his robes from Maximian
Maximian
in Milan. Constantius succeeded Maximian
Maximian
as augustus of the West, but Constantine
Constantine
and Maxentius
Maxentius
were entirely ignored in the transition of power. This did not bode well for the future security of the tetrarchic system.[197] Retirement and death[edit]

Diocletian
Diocletian
in Retirement.

Diocletian
Diocletian
retired to his homeland, Dalmatia. He moved into the expansive Diocletian's Palace, a heavily fortified compound located by the small town of Spalatum on the shores of the Adriatic Sea, and near the large provincial administrative center of Salona. The palace is preserved in great part to this day and forms the historic core of Split, the second-largest city of modern Croatia. Maximian
Maximian
retired to villas in Campania
Campania
or Lucania.[198] Their homes were distant from political life, but Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian
Maximian
were close enough to remain in regular contact with each other.[199] Galerius
Galerius
assumed the consular fasces in 308 with Diocletian
Diocletian
as his colleague. In the autumn of 308, Galerius
Galerius
again conferred with Diocletian
Diocletian
at Carnuntum
Carnuntum
(Petronell-Carnuntum, Austria). Diocletian
Diocletian
and Maximian
Maximian
were both present on 11 November 308, to see Galerius
Galerius
appoint Licinius
Licinius
to be augustus in place of Severus, who had died at the hands of Maxentius. He ordered Maximian, who had attempted to return to power after his retirement, to step down permanently. At Carnuntum people begged Diocletian
Diocletian
to return to the throne, to resolve the conflicts that had arisen through Constantine's rise to power and Maxentius' usurpation.[200] Diocletian's reply: "If you could show the cabbage that I planted with my own hands to your emperor, he definitely wouldn't dare suggest that I replace the peace and happiness of this place with the storms of a never-satisfied greed."[201] He lived on for four more years, spending his days in his palace gardens. He saw his tetrarchic system fail, torn by the selfish ambitions of his successors. He heard of Maximian's third claim to the throne, his forced suicide, and his damnatio memoriae. In his own palace, statues and portraits of his former companion emperor were torn down and destroyed. Deep in despair and illness, Diocletian
Diocletian
may have committed suicide. He died on 3 December 312.[3][202][notes 10] Reforms[edit] Tetrarchic and ideological[edit]

Modern view of the Peristyle
Peristyle
in Diocletian's Palace
Diocletian's Palace
(Split, Croatia)

Diocletian
Diocletian
saw his work as that of a restorer, a figure of authority whose duty it was to return the empire to peace, to recreate stability and justice where barbarian hordes had destroyed it.[203] He arrogated, regimented and centralized political authority on a massive scale. In his policies, he enforced an Imperial system of values on diverse and often unreceptive provincial audiences.[204] In the Imperial propaganda from the period, recent history was perverted and minimized in the service of the theme of the tetrarchs as "restorers". Aurelian's achievements were ignored, the revolt of Carausius
Carausius
was backdated to the reign of Gallienus, and it was implied that the tetrarchs engineered Aurelian's defeat of the Palmyrenes; the period between Gallienus
Gallienus
and Diocletian
Diocletian
was effectively erased. The history of the empire before the tetrarchy was portrayed as a time of civil war, savage despotism, and imperial collapse.[205] In those inscriptions that bear their names, Diocletian
Diocletian
and his companions are referred to as "restorers of the whole world",[206] men who succeeded in "defeating the nations of the barbarians, and confirming the tranquility of their world".[207] Diocletian
Diocletian
was written up as the "founder of eternal peace".[208] The theme of restoration was conjoined to an emphasis on the uniqueness and accomplishments of the tetrarchs themselves.[205] The cities where emperors lived frequently in this period—Milan, Trier, Arles, Sirmium, Serdica, Thessaloniki, Nicomedia
Nicomedia
and Antioch—were treated as alternate imperial seats, to the exclusion of Rome and its senatorial elite.[209] A new style of ceremony was developed, emphasizing the distinction of the emperor from all other persons. The quasi-republican ideals of Augustus' primus inter pares were abandoned for all but the tetrarchs themselves. Diocletian
Diocletian
took to wearing a gold crown and jewels, and forbade the use of purple cloth to all but the emperors.[210] His subjects were required to prostrate themselves in his presence (adoratio); the most fortunate were allowed the privilege of kissing the hem of his robe (proskynesis, προσκύνησις).[211] Circuses and basilicas were designed to keep the face of the emperor perpetually in view, and always in a seat of authority. The emperor became a figure of transcendent authority, a man beyond the grip of the masses.[212] His every appearance was stage-managed.[213] This style of presentation was not new—many of its elements were first seen in the reigns of Aurelian
Aurelian
and Severus—but it was only under the tetrarchs that it was refined into an explicit system.[214] Administrative[edit] In keeping with his move from an ideology of republicanism to one of autocracy, Diocletian's council of advisers, his consilium, differed from those of earlier emperors. He destroyed the Augustan illusion of imperial government as a cooperative affair between emperor, army, and senate.[215] In its place he established an effectively autocratic structure, a shift later epitomized in the institution's name: it would be called a consistorium, not a council.[216][notes 11] Diocletian
Diocletian
regulated his court by distinguishing separate departments (scrinia) for different tasks.[218] From this structure came the offices of different magistri, like the magister officiorum ("Master of Offices"), and associated secretariats. These were men suited to dealing with petitions, requests, correspondence, legal affairs, and foreign embassies. Within his court Diocletian
Diocletian
maintained a permanent body of legal advisers, men with significant influence on his re-ordering of juridical affairs. There were also two finance ministers, dealing with the separate bodies of the public treasury and the private domains of the emperor, and the praetorian prefect, the most significant person of the whole. Diocletian's reduction of the Praetorian Guards to the level of a simple city garrison for Rome lessened the military powers of the prefect – although a prefect like Asclepiodotus was still a trained general[219] – but the office retained much civil authority. The prefect kept a staff of hundreds and managed affairs in all segments of government: in taxation, administration, jurisprudence, and minor military commands, the praetorian prefect was often second only to the emperor himself.[220] Altogether, Diocletian
Diocletian
effected a large increase in the number of bureaucrats at the government's command; Lactantius
Lactantius
was to claim that there were now more men using tax money than there were paying it.[221] The historian Warren Treadgold estimates that under Diocletian
Diocletian
the number of men in the civil service doubled from 15,000 to 30,000.[222] The classicist Roger S. Bagnall estimated that there was one bureaucrat for every 5–10,000 people in Egypt based on 400 or 800 bureaucrats for 4 million inhabitants (no one knows the population of the province in 300 AD; Strabo 300 years earlier put it at 7.5 million, excluding Alexandria). (By comparison, the ratio in 12th-century Song dynasty
Song dynasty
China was one bureaucrat for every 15,000 people.) Jones estimated 30,000 bureaucrats for an empire of 50–65 million inhabitants, which works out to approximately 1,667 or 2,167 inhabitants per imperial official as averages empire-wide. The actual numbers of officials and ratios per inhabitant varied, of course, per diocese depending on the number of provinces and population within a diocese. Provincial and diocesan paid officials (there were unpaid supernumeraries) numbered about 13–15,000 based on their staff establishments as set by law. The other 50% were with the emperor(s) in his or their comitatus, with the praetorian prefects, with the grain supply officials in the capital (later, the capitals, Rome and Constantinople), Alexandria, and Carthage
Carthage
and officials from the central offices located in the provinces.[223] To avoid the possibility of local usurpations,[224] to facilitate a more efficient collection of taxes and supplies, and to ease the enforcement of the law, Diocletian
Diocletian
doubled the number of provinces from fifty to almost one hundred.[225] The provinces were grouped into twelve dioceses, each governed by an appointed official called a vicarius, or "deputy of the praetorian prefects".[226] Some of the provincial divisions required revision, and were modified either soon after 293 or early in the fourth century.[227] Rome herself (including her environs, as defined by a 100 miles (160 km)-radius perimeter around the city itself) was not under the authority of the praetorian prefect, as she was to be administered by a city prefect of senatorial rank – the sole prestigious post with actual power reserved exclusively for senators, except for some governors in Italy
Italy
with the titles of corrector and the proconsuls of Asia and Africa.[228] The dissemination of imperial law to the provinces was facilitated under Diocletian's reign, because Diocletian's reform of the Empire's provincial structure meant that there were now a greater number of governors (praesides) ruling over smaller regions and smaller populations.[229] Diocletian's reforms shifted the governors' main function to that of the presiding official in the lower courts:[230] whereas in the early Empire military and judicial functions were the function of governor, and procurators had supervised taxation; under the new system vicarii and governors were responsible for justice and taxation, and a new class of duces ("dukes"), acting independently of the civil service, had military command.[231] These dukes sometimes administered two or three of the new provinces created by Diocletian, and had forces ranging from two thousand to more than twenty thousand men.[232] In addition to their roles as judges and tax collectors, governors were expected to maintain the postal service (cursus publicus) and ensure that town councils fulfilled their duties.[233] This curtailment of governors' powers as the Emperors' representatives may have lessened the political dangers of an all-too-powerful class of Imperial delegates, but it also severely limited governors' ability to oppose local landed elites, specially those of senatorial status, which, although with reduced opportunities for office holding, retained wealth, social prestige, and personal connections.[234] – specially in relatively peaceful regions without a great military presence.[235] On one occasion, Diocletian
Diocletian
had to exhort a proconsul of Africa not to fear the consequences of treading on the toes of the local magnates of senatorial rank.[236] If a governor of senatorial rank himself felt these pressures, one can imagine the difficulties faced by a mere praeses.[237] That accounts for the strained relationship between the central power and local elites: sometime during 303, an attempted military sedition in Seleucia Pieria
Seleucia Pieria
and Antioch
Antioch
made Diocletian
Diocletian
to extract a bloody retribution on both cities by putting to death a number of their council members for failing their duties of keeping order in their jurisdiction.[238] Legal[edit]

A 1581 reprint of the Digestorum from Justinian's Corpus Juris Civilis (527–534). The Corpus drew on the codices of Gregorius and Hermogenian, drafted and published under Diocletian's reign.

As with most emperors, much of Diocletian's daily routine rotated around legal affairs—responding to appeals and petitions, and delivering decisions on disputed matters. Rescripts, authoritative interpretations issued by the emperor in response to demands from disputants in both public and private cases, were a common duty of second- and third-century emperors. Diocletian
Diocletian
was awash in paperwork, and was nearly incapable of delegating his duties. It would have been seen as a dereliction of duty to ignore them. In the "nomadic" imperial courts of the later Empire, one can track the progress of the imperial retinue through the locations from whence particular rescripts were issued – the presence of the Emperor was what allowed the system to function.[239] Whenever the imperial court would settle in one of the capitals, there was a glut in petitions, as in late 294 in Nicomedia, where Diocletian
Diocletian
kept winter quarters.[240] Admittedly, Diocletian's praetorian prefects—Afranius Hannibalianus, Julius Asclepiodotus, and Aurelius Hermogenianus—aided in regulating the flow and presentation of such paperwork, but the deep legalism of Roman culture kept the workload heavy.[241] Emperors in the forty years preceding Diocletian's reign had not managed these duties so effectively, and their output in attested rescripts is low. Diocletian, by contrast, was prodigious in his affairs: there are around 1,200 rescripts in his name still surviving, and these probably represent only a small portion of the total issue.[242] The sharp increase in the number of edicts and rescripts produced under Diocletian's rule has been read as evidence of an ongoing effort to realign the whole Empire on terms dictated by the imperial center.[243] Under the governance of the jurists Gregorius, Aurelius Arcadius Charisius, and Hermogenianus, the imperial government began issuing official books of precedent, collecting and listing all the rescripts that had been issued from the reign of Hadrian
Hadrian
(r. 117–38) to the reign of Diocletian.[244] The Codex Gregorianus
Codex Gregorianus
includes rescripts up to 292, which the Codex Hermogenianus
Codex Hermogenianus
updated with a comprehensive collection of rescripts issued by Diocletian
Diocletian
in 293 and 294.[227] Although the very act of codification was a radical innovation, given the precedent-based design of the Roman legal system,[245] the jurists were generally conservative, and constantly looked to past Roman practice and theory for guidance.[246] They were probably given more free rein over their codes than the later compilers of the Codex Theodosianus (438) and Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
(529) would have. Gregorius and Hermogenianus' codices lack the rigid structuring of later codes,[247] and were not published in the name of the emperor, but in the names of their compilers.[248] Their official character, however, was clear in that both collections were subsequently acknowledged by courts as authoritative records of imperial legislation up to the date of their publication and regularly updated.[249] After Diocletian's reform of the provinces, governors were called iudex, or judge. The governor became responsible for his decisions first to his immediate superiors, as well as to the more distant office of the emperor.[250] It was most likely at this time that judicial records became verbatim accounts of what was said in trial, making it easier to determine bias or improper conduct on the part of the governor. With these records and the Empire's universal right of appeal, Imperial authorities probably had a great deal of power to enforce behavior standards for their judges.[251] In spite of Diocletian's attempts at reform, the provincial restructuring was far from clear, especially when citizens appealed the decisions of their governors. Proconsuls, for example, were often both judges of first instance and appeal, and the governors of some provinces took appellant cases from their neighbors. It soon became impossible to avoid taking some cases to the emperor for arbitration and judgment.[252] Diocletian's reign marks the end of the classical period of Roman law. Where Diocletian's system of rescripts shows an adherence to classical tradition, Constantine's law is full of Greek and eastern influences.[253] Military[edit] See also: Late Roman army: Diocletian It is archaeologically difficult to distinguish Diocletian's fortifications from those of his successors and predecessors. The Devil's Dyke, for example, the Danubian earthworks traditionally attributed to Diocletian, cannot even be securely dated to a particular century. The most that can be said about built structures under Diocletian's reign is that he rebuilt and strengthened forts at the Upper Rhine
Rhine
frontier (where he followed the works built under Probus along the Lake Constance- Basel
Basel
and the Rhine–Iller–Danube line),[254] on the Danube- where a new line of forts on the far side of the river, the Ripa Sarmatica, was added to older, rehabilitated fortresses[255] – in Egypt, and on the frontier with Persia. Beyond that, much discussion is speculative, and reliant on the broad generalizations of written sources. Diocletian
Diocletian
and the tetrarchs had no consistent plan for frontier advancement, and records of raids and forts built across the frontier are likely to indicate only temporary claims. The Strata Diocletiana, built after the Persian Wars, which ran from the Euphrates
Euphrates
North of Palmyra
Palmyra
and South towards northeast Arabia in the general vicinity of Bostra, is the classic Diocletianic frontier system, consisting of an outer road followed by tightly spaced forts – defensible hard-points manned by small garrisons – followed by further fortifications in the rear.[256] In an attempt to resolve the difficulty and slowness of transmitting orders to the frontier, the new capitals of the tetrarchic era were all much closer to the empire's frontiers than Rome had been:[257] Trier
Trier
sat on the Moselle, a tributary of the Rhine, Sirmium
Sirmium
and Serdica
Serdica
were close to the Danube, Thessaloniki
Thessaloniki
was on the route leading eastward, and Nicomedia
Nicomedia
and Antioch
Antioch
were important points in dealings with Persia.[258] Lactantius
Lactantius
criticized Diocletian
Diocletian
for an excessive increase in troop sizes, declaring that "each of the four [tetrarchs] strove to have a far larger number of troops than previous emperors had when they were governing the state alone".[259] The fifth-century pagan Zosimus, by contrast, praised Diocletian
Diocletian
for keeping troops on the borders, rather than keeping them in the cities, as Constantine
Constantine
was held to have done.[260] Both these views had some truth to them, despite the biases of their authors: Diocletian
Diocletian
and the tetrarchs did greatly expand the army, and the growth was mostly in frontier regions, where the increased effectives of the new Diocletianic legions seem to have been mostly spread across a network of strongholds.[261] Nevertheless, it is difficult to establish the precise details of these shifts given the weakness of the sources.[262] The army expanded to about 580,000 men from a 285 strength of 390,000, of which 310,000 men were stationed in the East, most of whom manned the Persian frontier. The navy's forces increased from approximately 45,000 men to approximately 65,000 men.[263][notes 12] Diocletian's expansion of the army and civil service meant that the empire's tax burden grew. Since military upkeep took the largest portion of the imperial budget, any reforms here would be especially costly.[266] The proportion of the adult male population, excluding slaves, serving in the army increased from roughly 1 in 25 to 1 in 15, an increase judged excessive by some modern commentators. Official troop allowances were kept to low levels, and the mass of troops often resorted to extortion or the taking of civilian jobs.[267] Arrears became the norm for most troops. Many were even given payment in kind in place of their salaries.[268] Were he unable to pay for his enlarged army, there would likely be civil conflict, potentially open revolt. Diocletian
Diocletian
was led to devise a new system of taxation.[267] Economic[edit] Taxation[edit] In the early empire (30 BC – AD 235) the Roman government paid for what it needed in gold and silver. The coinage was stable. Requisition, forced purchase, was used to supply armies on the march. During the third century crisis (235–285), the government resorted to requisition rather than payment in debased coinage, since it could never be sure of the value of money. Requisition was nothing more or less than seizure. Diocletian
Diocletian
made requisition into tax. He introduced an extensive new tax system based on heads (capita) and land (iugera) – with one iugerum equal to approximately .65 acres – and tied to a new, regular census of the empire's population and wealth. Census officials traveled throughout the empire, assessed the value of labor and land for each landowner, and joined the landowners' totals together to make citywide totals of capita and iuga.[269] The iugum was not a consistent measure of land, but varied according to the type of land and crop, and the amount of labor necessary for sustenance. The caput was not consistent either: women, for instance, were often valued at half a caput, and sometimes at other values.[268] Cities provided animals, money, and manpower in proportion to its capita, and grain in proportion to its iuga.[269][notes 13] Most taxes were due on each year on 1 September, and levied from individual landowners by decuriones (decurions). These decurions, analogous to city councilors, were responsible for paying from their own pocket what they failed to collect.[271] Diocletian's reforms also increased the number of financial officials in the provinces: more rationales and magistri privatae are attested under Diocletian's reign than before. These officials represented the interests of the fisc, which collected taxes in gold, and the Imperial properties.[227] Fluctuations in the value of the currency made collection of taxes in kind the norm, although these could be converted into coin. Rates shifted to take inflation into account.[269] In 296, Diocletian
Diocletian
issued an edict reforming census procedures. This edict introduced a general five-year census for the whole empire, replacing prior censuses that had operated at different speeds throughout the empire. The new censuses would keep up with changes in the values of capita and iuga.[272] Italy, which had long been exempt from taxes, was included in the tax system from 290/291 as a diocesis.[273] The city of Rome itself, however, remained exempt; the "regions" (i.e., provinces) South of Rome (generally called "suburbicarian", as opposed to the Northern, "annonaria" region) seem to have been relatively less taxed, in what probably was a sop offered to the great senatorial families and their landed properties.[274] Diocletian's edicts emphasized the common liability of all taxpayers. Public records of all taxes were made public.[275] The position of decurion, member of the city council, had been an honor sought by wealthy aristocrats and the middle classes who displayed their wealth by paying for city amenities and public works. Decurions were made liable for any shortfall in the amount of tax collected. Many tried to find ways to escape the obligation.[271] Currency and inflation[edit]

A fragment of the Edict on Maximum Prices
Edict on Maximum Prices
(301), on display in Berlin

Part of the prices edict in Greek in its original area built into a medieval church, Geraki, Greece

Aurelian's attempt to reform the currency had failed; the denarius was dead.[276] Diocletian
Diocletian
restored the three-metal coinage and issued better quality pieces.[277] The new system consisted of five coins: the aureus/solidus, a gold coin weighing, like its predecessors, one-sixtieth of a pound; the argenteus, a coin weighing one ninety-sixth of a pound and containing ninety-five percent pure silver; the follis, sometimes referred to as the laureatus A, which is a copper coin with added silver struck at the rate of thirty-two to the pound; the radiatus, a small copper coin struck at the rate of 108 to the pound, with no added silver; and a coin known today as the laureatus B, a smaller copper coin struck at the rate of 192 to the pound.[278][notes 14] Since the nominal values of these new issues were lower than their intrinsic worth as metals, the state was minting these coins at a loss. This practice could be sustained only by requisitioning precious metals from private citizens in exchange for state-minted coin (of a far lower value than the price of the precious metals requisitioned).[279]

Nummus
Nummus
of Diocletian

By 301, however, the system was in trouble, strained by a new bout of inflation. Diocletian
Diocletian
therefore issued his Edict on Coinage, an act re-tariffing all debts so that the nummus, the most common coin in circulation, would be worth half as much.[280] In the edict, preserved in an inscription from the city of Aphrodisias
Aphrodisias
in Caria
Caria
(near Geyre, Turkey), it was declared that all debts contracted before 1 September 301 must be repaid at the old standards, while all debts contracted after that date would be repaid at the new standards.[281] It appears that the edict was made in an attempt to preserve the current price of gold and to keep the Empire's coinage on silver, Rome's traditional metal currency.[282] This edict risked giving further momentum to inflationary trends, as had happened after Aurelian's currency reforms. The government's response was to issue a price freeze.[283] The Edict on Maximum Prices
Edict on Maximum Prices
(Edictum De Pretiis Rerum Venalium) was issued two to three months after the coinage edict,[276] somewhere between 20 November and 10 December 301.[281] The best-preserved Latin inscription surviving from the Greek East,[284] the edict survives in many versions, on materials as varied as wood, papyrus, and stone.[285] In the edict, Diocletian
Diocletian
declared that the current pricing crisis resulted from the unchecked greed of merchants, and had resulted in turmoil for the mass of common citizens. The language of the edict calls on the people's memory of their benevolent leaders, and exhorts them to enforce the provisions of the edict, and thereby restore perfection to the world. The edict goes on to list in detail over one thousand goods and accompanying retail prices not to be exceeded. Penalties are laid out for various pricing transgressions.[286] In the most basic terms, the edict was ignorant of the law of supply and demand: it ignored the fact that prices might vary from region to region according to product availability, and it ignored the impact of transportation costs in the retail price of goods. In the judgment of the historian David Potter, the edict was "an act of economic lunacy".[287] The fact that the edict began with a long rhetorical preamble betrays at the same time a moralizing stance as well as a weak grasp of economics – perhaps simply the wishful thinking that criminalizing a practice was enough to stop it.[288] There is no consensus about how effectively the edict was enforced.[289] Supposedly, inflation, speculation, and monetary instability continued, and a black market arose to trade in goods forced out of official markets.[290] The edict's penalties were applied unevenly across the empire (some scholars believe they were applied only in Diocletian's domains),[291] widely resisted, and eventually dropped, perhaps within a year of the edict's issue.[292] Lactantius
Lactantius
has written of the perverse accompaniments to the edict; of goods withdrawn from the market, of brawls over minute variations in price, of the deaths that came when its provisions were enforced. His account may be true, but it seems to modern historians exaggerated and hyperbolic,[293] and the impact of the law is recorded in no other ancient source.[294] Social and professional mobility[edit] Partly in response to economic pressures and in order to protect the vital functions of the state, Diocletian
Diocletian
restricted social and professional mobility. Peasants became tied to the land in a way that presaged later systems of land tenure and workers such as bakers, armourers, public entertainers and workers in the mint had their occupations made hereditary.[295] Soldiers' children were also forcibly enrolled, something that followed spontaneous tendencies among the rank-and-file, but also expressed increasing difficulties in recruitment.[296] Legacy[edit] The historian A.H.M. Jones
A.H.M. Jones
observed that "It is perhaps Diocletian's greatest achievement that he reigned twenty-one years and then abdicated voluntarily, and spent the remaining years of his life in peaceful retirement."[297] Diocletian
Diocletian
was one of the few emperors of the third and fourth centuries to die naturally, and the first in the history of the empire to retire voluntarily.[298] Once he retired, however, his tetrarchic system collapsed. Without the guiding hand of Diocletian, the empire fell into civil wars. Stability emerged after the defeat of Licinius
Licinius
by Constantine
Constantine
in 324.[299] Under the Christian Constantine, Diocletian
Diocletian
was maligned. Constantine's rule, however, validated Diocletian's achievements and the autocratic principle he represented:[300] the borders remained secure, in spite of Constantine's large expenditure of forces during his civil wars; the bureaucratic transformation of Roman government was completed; and Constantine
Constantine
took Diocletian's court ceremonies and made them even more extravagant.[301] Constantine
Constantine
ignored those parts of Diocletian's rule that did not suit him. Diocletian's policy of preserving a stable silver coinage was abandoned, and the gold solidus became the empire's primary currency instead.[302] Diocletian's persecution of Christians was repudiated and changed to a policy of toleration and then favoritism. Christianity eventually became the official religion in 380. Constantine
Constantine
would claim to have the same close relationship with the Christian God
God
as Diocletian
Diocletian
claimed to have with Jupiter.[303] Most importantly, Diocletian's tax system and administrative reforms lasted, with some modifications, until the advent of the Muslims in the 630s.[304] The combination of state autocracy and state religion was instilled in much of Europe, particularly in the lands which adopted Orthodox Christianity.[305] In addition to his administrative and legal impact on history, the Emperor Diocletian
Diocletian
is considered to be the founder of the city of Split in modern-day Croatia. The city itself grew around the heavily fortified Diocletian's Palace
Diocletian's Palace
the emperor had built in anticipation of his retirement. The Era of Martyrs (Latin: anno martyrum or AM), also known as the Diocletian
Diocletian
era (Latin: anno Diocletiani), is a method of numbering years used by the Church of Alexandria
Alexandria
beginning in the 4th century anno Domini and by the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria
Alexandria
from the 5th century to the present. In this system of counting, the beginning of Diocletian's reign in 284 was used as the epoch, making Diocletian's first year in power into the Year 1 of that calendar. Western Christians were aware of this count but did not use it; Dionysius Exiguus replaced the anno Diocletiani era with his anno Domini era because he did not wish to continue the memory of a tyrant who persecuted Christians.[306] The anno Domini era became dominant in the Latin West but was not used in the Greek East until modern times. See also[edit]

Pompey's Pillar (column) 20,000 Martyrs of Nicomedia Civil Wars of the Tetrarchy
Tetrarchy
(306–324) Dioclesian, Henry Purcell's 1690 tragicomic semi-opera, loosely based on the life of the historical Diocletian Diocletianopolis (other) Diocletian's Palace Camp of Diocletian Diocletian
Diocletian
window Diocletian
Diocletian
Era, used for dating in late antiquity and in the Coptic calendar Dominate Rags to riches

Notes[edit]

^ Coins are issued in his name in Cyzicus
Cyzicus
at some time before the end of 284, but it is impossible to know whether he was still in the public eye by that point.[19] ^ Barnes and Bowman argue for 21 July,[58] Potter for 25 July.[59] ^ He is placed there by a rescript dated 3 March 286.[72] ^ He is attested there in a rescript dated 31 May 287.[74] The Jewish Midrash suggests that Diocletian
Diocletian
resided at Panias (present-day Banias) in the northern Golan Heights.[75] ^ The chronology of Maximian's appointment as augustus is somewhat uncertain.[88] Some suggest that Maximian
Maximian
was appointed augustus from the beginning of his imperial career, without ever holding the office of caesar;[89] others date the assumption of the Augustan title to 1 March 286.[90] 1 April 286 is the most common date used in modern histories of the period.[87] ^ The suggested dates for Galerius' appointment are 1 March and 21 May. There is no consensus on which is correct.[115] ^ It is possible that Galerius' position at the head of the caravan was merely the conventional organization of an imperial progression, designed to show a caesar's deference to his augustus, and not an attempt to humiliate him.[147] ^ Faustus of Byzantium's history refers to a battle that took place after Galerius
Galerius
set up base at Satala
Satala
(Sadak, Turkey) in Armenia
Armenia
Minor, when Narseh
Narseh
advanced from his base at Oskha to attack him.[151] Other histories of the period do not note these events. ^ Lactantius
Lactantius
criticizes Diocletian
Diocletian
for his absence from the front,[152] but Southern, dating Diocletian's African campaigns one year earlier than Barnes, places Diocletian
Diocletian
on Galerius' southern flank.[153] ^ The range of dates proposed for Diocletian's death have stretched from 311 through to 318. Until recently, the date of 3 December 311 has been favoured; however, the absence of Diocletian
Diocletian
on Maxentius' "AETERNA MEMORIA" coins would indicate that he was alive through to Maxentius' defeat in October 312. Given that Diocletian
Diocletian
had died by the time of Maximin Daia's death in July 313, it has been argued that the correct date of death was 3 December 312[3] ^ The term consistorium was already in use for the room where council meetings took place.[217] ^ The Byzantine author John Lydus provides extraordinarily precise troop numbers: 389,704 in the army and 45,562 in the navy.[264] His precision has polarized modern historians. Some believe that Lydus found these figures in official documents, and that they are therefore broadly accurate; others believe that he fabricated them.[265] ^ The army recruitment tax was called the praebitio tironum, and conscripted a part of each landowner's tenant farmers (coloni). When a capitulum extended across many farms, farmers provided the funds to compensate the neighbor who had supplied the recruit. Landowners of senatorial were able to commute the tax with a payment in gold (the aurum tironicum).[270] ^ The denarius was dropped from the Imperial mints,[276] but the values of new coins continued to be measured in reference to it.[277]

Citations[edit] Chapters from The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume XII: The Crisis of Empire are marked with a "(CAH)".

^ Barnes, New Empire, 4. ^ a b Barnes, New Empire, 30, 46; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 68. ^ a b c d Nakamura, Byron J. (July 2003). "When Did Diocletian
Diocletian
Die? New Evidence for an Old Problem". Classical Philology. 98 (3): 283–289. JSTOR 420722. (Registration required (help)).  ^ Barnes, New Empire, 4. For full imperial titulature, see: Barnes, New Empire, 17–29. ^ New Empire, 30, 46; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 68. ^ Aurelius Victor 39.1; Potter, 648. ^ Barnes, New Empire, 30; Williams, 237–38; cf. Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 86: "We do not even know when he was born ..." ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 68; Potter, 280; Williams, 22–23. ^ Zonaras, 12.31; Southern, 331; Williams, 26. ^ Mathisen, "Diocletian"; Williams, 26. ^ SHA, Vita Carini 14–15; Williams, 26. ^ Williams,33 ^ Williams, 36. ^ Theodor Mommsen, A History of Rome Under the Emperors. London: Routledge, 1999, page 348. Mommsen offers a general remark on the political history of the Third Century Rome: "Those accounts we do possess stem from outsiders who in fact know nothing" – 346. A modern historian like Jill Harries, Imperial Rome AD 284 to 363: The New Empire, Edinburgh University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-7486-2052-4, page 27, calls Carus's death account, outrightly, a "story". ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4. ^ a b Southern, 133. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4; Leadbetter, "Numerianus." ^ Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
5.52.2; Leadbetter, "Numerianus"; Potter, 279. ^ Roman Imperial Coinage 5.2 Numerian
Numerian
no. 462; Potter, 279–80. ^ Williams, 34 ^ Leadbetter, "Numerianus." ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4; Leadbetter, "Numerianus"; Odahl, 39; Williams, 35. ^ Eutropius, Breviarium, 9.19; Aurelius Victor, Book of the Caesars, 39.1. ^ a b c d e f Potter, 280. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 68; Williams, 35–36. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4–5; Odahl, 39–40; Williams, 36–37. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 4–5; Leadbetter, "Numerian"; Odahl, 39–40; Williams, 37. ^ SHA, Vita Cari 13, cited in Averil Cameron, The Later Roman Empire (Glasgow: Fontana, 1993), 31. ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 39. ^ Barnes, New Empire, 31; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 68–69; Potter, 280; Southern, 134; Williams, 37. ^ Fully, L. Caesonius Ovinius Manlius Rufinianus Bassus. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Potter, 280; Southern, 134. ^ a b c d Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Leadbetter, "Carinus"; Southern, 134–35; Williams, 38. See also Banchich. ^ Southern, 134–5; Williams, 38. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Leadbetter, "Carinus." ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Potter, 280. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Odahl, 40; Southern, 135. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Williams, 37–38. ^ Potter, 280; Williams, 37. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Odahl, 40; Williams, 38. ^ Southern, 135; Williams, 38. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69. ^ Roman Imperial Coinage 5.2.241 no. 203–04; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5, 287; Barnes, New Empire, 50. ^ Williams, 41. ^ Aurelius Victor, De Cesaribus, 37.5, quoted in Carrié & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 654 ^ Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality. Cornell University Press, 1998, page 46 ^ William Lewis Leadbetter, Galerius
Galerius
and the Will of Diocletian. Abingdon: 2011, n.p.g. (e-book) ^ Southern, 135, 331. ^ Potter, 281. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5–6; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Barnes, New Empire, 113; Williams, 41–42. ^ Aurelius Victor, 39.15, qtd. in Leadbetter, "Carinus." ^ Barnes, "Two Senators," 46; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5–6; Leadbetter, "Carinus"; Southern, 135; Williams, 41 ^ Leadbetter, "Carinus." ^ Barnes, "Two Senators," 46; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 5–6; Leadbetter, "Carinus." ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Southern, 136. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; New Empire, 4; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69. ^ The Roman Empire
Roman Empire
at Bay, 280–81. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Barnes, New Empire, 4; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Bleckmann; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40; Potter, 280–81; Williams, 43–45. ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40. See also: Williams, 48–49. ^ Potter, 280; Southern, 136; Williams, 43. ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Odahl, 42–43; Southern, 136; Williams, 45. ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Southern, 136. ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 70–71; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40; Liebeschuetz, 235–52, 240–43; Odahl, 43–44; Williams, 58–59. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 11–12; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 70–71; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40; Odahl, 43; Southern, 136–37; Williams, 58. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 11; Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 172. ^ Williams, 58–59. See also: Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian and Constantine" (CAH), 171. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Southern, 137. ^ Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
4.48.5; Fragmenta Vaticana 297; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Barnes, New Empire, 50; Potter, 281. ^ Southern, 143; Williams, 52. ^ Fragmenta Vaticana 275; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Potter, 281, 649. ^ Panegyrici Latini 8(5)21.1; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6. ^ Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
4.10.3; 1.51.1; 5.17.3; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Barnes, New Empire, 50–51; Potter, 281, 649. ^ Bereishis Rabbah, Ed. Vilna, Parashas Toledos 63:8. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Millar, 177. ^ Southern, 242. ^ Barnes, New Empire, 51; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 73. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 73; Potter, 292, 651; Southern, 143; Williams, 52. ^ Southern, 242, 360–61. ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 73; Millar, 180–81; Southern, 143; Williams, 52. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6–7; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 70–71; Potter, 283–84; Southern, 137–41; Williams, 45–47. ^ Southern, 138 ^ Potter, 284 ^ Southern, 138 & 140 ^ Williams, 61/62 ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 6–7; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; Potter, 282; Southern, 141–42; Williams, 47–48. ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40; Southern, 142. ^ Potter, 281; Southern, 142; following De Caesaribus 39.17. ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 69; following BGU 4.1090.34. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 7; Bleckmann; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40; Potter, 282; Southern, 141–42; Williams, 48. ^ Potter, 649. ^ Potter, 282; Williams, 49. ^ Southern, 141 ^ Southern, 140. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 7; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 71; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40. ^ Williams, 62 ^ Rees, Layers of Loyalty, 31; Southern, 142–43; Williams, 50. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 7; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 40; Southern, 143. ^ Barnes, New Empire, 255; Southern, 144. ^ a b c Potter, 285. ^ Williams, 63. ^ Southern, 144. ^ Williams, 78. ^ Panegyrici Latini 8(5)12.2; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 7, 288; Potter, 284–85, 650; Southern, 143; Williams, 55. ^ Southern, 143; Williams, 55. ^ Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
9.41.9; Barnes, New Empire, 51; Potter, 285, 650. ^ Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
6.30.6; Barnes, New Empire, 52; Potter, 285, 650. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 8; Barnes, New Empire, 52; Potter, 285. ^ Panegyrici Latini 11(3)2.4, 8.1, 11.3–4, 12.2; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 8, 288; Potter, 285, 650; Williams, 56. ^ a b Elsner, Imperial Rome, 73. ^ Panegyrici Latini 11(3)12, qtd. in Williams, 57. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 8; Potter, 285, 288. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 8–9; Barnes, New Empire, 4, 36–37; Potter, 288; Southern, 146; Williams, 64–65. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 8–9; Barnes, New Empire, 4, 38; Potter, 288; Southern, 146; Williams, 64–65. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 8–9; Williams, 67. ^ Southern, 145. ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 45–46; Williams, 67. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 8–9. ^ Jill Harries, "Imperial Rome" ^ Williams, 74 ^ Williams, 75 ^ Jill Harris, "Imperial Rome" ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17–18. ^ a b Odahl, 59. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17; Williams, 76–77. ^ Williams, 76. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17; Odahl, 59; Southern, 149–50. ^ Carrie & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 163–164 ^ Carrié & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 164 ^ Williams, 77. ^ Carrié & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 163 ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17. See also Southern, 160, 338. ^ DiMaio, "Domitius". ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17; DiMaio, "Domitius". ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17–18; Southern, 150. ^ a b Southern, 150. ^ Harries, 173. ^ Potter, 292; Williams, 69. ^ Williams, 69–70. ^ Ammianus Marcellinus 23.5.11; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 81; " Potter, 292; Southern, 149. ^ Eutropius 9.24–25; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 81; Millar, 177–78. ^ Millar, 177–78. ^ Potter, 652. ^ Eutropius 9.24–25; Theophanes, anno 5793; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 17; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 81; Potter, 292–93. ^ Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 14. ^ Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 14; Southern, 151. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 18; Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 81; Millar, 178. ^ Millar, 178; Potter, Roman Empire
Roman Empire
at Bay, 293. ^ Bowman, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the First Tetrarchy" (CAH), 81. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 9.6. ^ Severus to Constantine, 151, 335–36. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 18; Potter, 293. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 18; Millar, 178. ^ a b c Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 18. ^ a b c Potter, 293. ^ Millar, 178–79; Potter, Roman Empire
Roman Empire
at Bay, 293. ^ a b Millar, 178. ^ Southern, 151. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 10.1–5; Barnes, "Sossianus Hierocles", 245; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 18–19; Burgess, "Date of the Persecution", 157–58; Helgeland, "Christians and the Roman Army", 159; Liebeschuetz, 246–8; Odahl, 65. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 20; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 51; Odahl, 54–56, 62. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 10.6, 31.1; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8, a1, 3; Constantine, Oratio ad Coetum Sanctum 22; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 19, 294. ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 19. ^ Barnes, New Empire, 49; Carrié & Roussele, L'Empire Romain, 163–164 ^ Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 660; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 20. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 33.1; Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 20; Williams, 83–84. ^ Williams, 78–79, 83–84. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 20. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 20–21. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 10.6–11; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 21; Odahl, 67. ^ Eusebius, Vita Constantini 2.50. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 21; Odahl, 67; Potter, 338. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 22; Odahl, 67–69; Potter, 337; Southern, 168. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 22; Williams, 176. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 22; Liebeschuetz, 249–50. ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 24; Southern, 168. ^ a b Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 24. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 23–24. ^ Treadgold, 25. ^ Southern, 168. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 39. ^ Tilley, xi. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 48–49, 208–213. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 208–213. ^ Lactantius, Divinae Institutiones 7.16–17; cf. Daniel 7:23–25; Digeser, 149–50. ^ Š. Kulišić, P. Ž. Petrović, and N. Pantelić, Српски митолошки речник (Belgrade: Nolit, 1970), 111–12. ^ Gibbon, Decline and Fall, I, 153 and 712, note 92 ^ a b Potter, 341. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 24–25. ^ Panegyrici Latini 7(6)15.16; Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 20.4; Southern, 152, 336. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 25; Southern, 152. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 18.1–7; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 25; Southern, 152. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 25–27; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine," 60; Odahl, 69–72; Potter, 341–42. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 25–26. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 19.2–6; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 26; Potter, 342. ^ Lenski, "Reign of Constantine," 60–61; Odahl, 72–74; Southern, 152–53. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 27; Southern, 152. ^ Southern, 152. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 31–32; Lenski, 65; Odahl, 90. ^ Aurelius Victor, Epitome de Caesaribus 39.6. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 41. ^ Potter, 294–95. ^ Potter, 298. ^ a b Potter, 296–98. ^ Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 617, qtd. in Potter, 296. ^ Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 641, qtd. in Potter, 296. ^ Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 618, qtd. in Potter, 296. See also Millar, 182, on tetrarchic triumphalism in the Near East. ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 44–45. ^ Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 43; Potter, 290. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 171–72; Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 43; Liebeschuetz, 235–52, 240–43. ^ Potter, 290. ^ Southern, 163. ^ Southern, 153–54, 163. ^ Southern, 162–63. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 171–72; Southern, 162–63; Williams, 110. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 172, citing the Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
9.47.12. ^ Southern, 162–63; Williams, 110. ^ Williams, 107/108 ^ Williams, 110. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 7.3, cited in Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 173. ^ Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 19. ^ Roger S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 66, and A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey (Oxford: Blackwell, 1964), 594, cited in Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian and Constantine" (CAH), 173. ^ Carrié & Rouselle, L'Empire Romain, 678 ^ As taken from the Laterculus Veronensis or Verona List, reproduced in Barnes, New Empire, chs. 12–13 (with corrections in T.D. Barnes, "Emperors, panegyrics, prefects, provinces and palaces (284–317)", Journal of Roman Archaeology 9 (1996): 539–42). See also: Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 9; Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 179; Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 24–27. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 9; Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 25–26. ^ a b c Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 10. ^ Carrié & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 655/666 ^ Potter, 296. ^ Harries, 53–54; Potter, 296. ^ Although there were still some governors – like Arpagius, the 298 governor of Britannia Secunda
Britannia Secunda
– who still busied themselves with military affairs in strained circumstances: Williams, 107 ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 9–10; Treadgold, 18–20. ^ Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 25, citing Simon Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs: Imperial Pronouncements and Government A.D. 284–324 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 234–53. ^ Michele Renee Salzman,The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire. Harvard University Press, 2009, ISBN 0-674-00641-0, page 31 ^ Inge Mennen, Power and Status in the Roman Empire, AD 193–284. Leiden: Brill, 2011, ISBN 978-90-04-20359-4, page 77 ^ Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
2.13.1, qtd. by Carrié & Rousselle, l"Empire Romain, 678. ^ Carrié & Roussele, L'Empire Romain, 678 ^ Leadbetter, Galerius
Galerius
and the Will of Diocletian; Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4, page 64, footnote 208. ^ Serena Connolly, Lives behind the Laws: The World of the Codex Hermogenianus. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-253-35401-3, page 61 ^ Karen Radner, ed., State Correspondence in the Ancient World: From New Kingdom Egypt to the Roman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2014, ISBN 978-0-19-935477-1, page 181 ^ Williams, 53–54, 142–43. ^ Johnston, "Epiclassical Law" (CAH), 201; Williams, Diocletian. 143. ^ Potter, 296, 652. ^ Harries, 14–15; Potter, 295–96. ^ Potter, 295–96. ^ Harries, 21, 29–30; Potter, 295–96. ^ Harries, 21–22. ^ Harries, 63–64. ^ George Mousourakis, Fundamentals of Roman Private Law. Berlin: Springer, 2012, ISBN 978-3-642-29310-8, page 64 ^ Harries, 162. ^ Harries, 167. ^ Harries, 55. ^ Johnston, "Epiclassical Law" (CAH), 207. ^ Carrié & Rousselle, L'Empire Romain, 166 ^ Edward Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire. Baltimore: JHU Press, 1979, ISBN 0-8018-2158-4, page 176 ^ Luttwak, 167; Campbell, "The Army" (CAH), 124–26; Southern, 154–55. See also: Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 19–20; Williams, 91–101. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 171; Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 27. ^ Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 27. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 7.2, qtd. in Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 46. ^ Zosimus, 2.34 qtd. in Corcoran, "Before Constantine", 46. ^ Christol & Nony, "Rome et son empire" 241 ^ Southern, 157; Treadgold, 19. ^ Treadgold, 19. ^ De Mensibus 1.27. ^ Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 17. ^ Southern, 158; Treadgold, 112–13. ^ a b Southern, 159; Treadgold, 112–13. ^ a b Southern, 159. ^ a b c Treadgold, 20. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 173. See also: Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 18. ^ a b Southern, 160; Treadgold, 20. ^ Potter, 333. ^ Barnes, Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius, 9, 288; Rees, Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy, 28–29; Southern, 159. ^ Carrié & Rousselle, l"Empire Romain, 187–188. ^ Williams, 125. ^ a b c Southern, 160. ^ a b Potter, 392. ^ Potter, 392–93. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 176. ^ Potter, 334, 393; Southern, 160. ^ a b Potter, 334–35. ^ Potter, 393. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 176–77. ^ Potter, 336. ^ Southern, 160, 339. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 177–78; Potter, 335; Southern, 161. ^ Potter, 335. ^ Rees, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy", 42 and 44 ^ Rees, " Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy",44 ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 178. ^ Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 177. ^ Potter, 336; Southern, 161. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 7.6–7, cited in Cascio, "The New State of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine" (CAH), 178, and Southern, 161. ^ Potter, 336; Williams, 131–32. ^ "Late Antinquity" by Richard Lim in The Edinburgh Companion to Ancient Greece
Greece
and Rome. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2010, p. 115. ^ Christol & Nony, 241 ^ Jones, Later Roman Empire, 40. ^ Williams, 228–29. ^ Williams, 196–98. ^ Williams, 204. ^ Williams, 205–6. ^ Williams, 207–8. ^ Williams, 206. ^ Williams, 208. ^ Williams, 218–19. ^ Blackburn & Holford-Strevens 2003, 767

References[edit]

Primary sources

Codex Justinianus
Codex Justinianus
(translation) 529. Epitome de Caesaribus (translation) ca. 395. Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia Ecclesiastica (Church History) first seven books ca. 300, eighth and ninth book ca. 313, tenth book ca. 315, epilogue ca. 325. Book 8. Eutropius, Breviarium ab Urbe Condita (Abbreviated History from the City's Founding) ca. 369. Book 9 Lactantius, Liber De Mortibus Persecutorum (Book on the Deaths of the Persecutors) ca. 313–15. XII Panegyrici Latini (Twelve Latin Panegyrics) relevant panegyrics dated 289, 291, 297, 298, and 307. Joannes
Joannes
Zonaras, Compendium of History (Επιτομή Ιστορίων) ca. 1200. Compendium extract: Diocletian
Diocletian
to the Death of Galerius: 284–311

Secondary sources

Banchich, Thomas M. "Iulianus (ca. 286–293 A.D.)." De Imperatoribus Romanis (1997). Accessed 8 March 2008. Barnes, Timothy D. " Lactantius
Lactantius
and Constantine." The Journal of Roman Studies 63 (1973): 29–46. Barnes, Timothy D. "Two Senators under Constantine." The Journal of Roman Studies 65 (1975): 40–49. Barnes, Timothy D. Constantine
Constantine
and Eusebius. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981. ISBN 978-0-674-16531-1 Barnes, Timothy D. The New Empire of Diocletian
Diocletian
and Constantine. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982. ISBN 0-7837-2221-4 Bleckmann, Bruno. "Diocletianus." In Brill's New Pauly, Volume 4, edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmut Schneider, 429–38. Leiden: Brill, 2002. ISBN 90-04-12259-1 Bowman, Alan, Averil Cameron, and Peter Garnsey, eds. The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume XII: The Crisis of Empire. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005. ISBN 0-521-30199-8 Brown, Peter. The Rise of Western Christendom. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 0-631-22138-7 Burgess, R.W. "The Date of the Persecution of Christians
Persecution of Christians
in the Army". Journal of Theological Studies 47:1 (1996): 157–158. Carrié, Jean-Michel & Rousselle, Aline. L'Empire Romain en mutation- des Sévères à Constantin, 192–337. Paris: Seuil, 1999. ISBN 2-02-025819-6 Corcoran, Simon. The Empire of the Tetrarchs, Imperial Pronouncements and Government AD 284–324. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. ISBN 0-19-814984-0 Christol, Michel & Nony, Daniel."Rome et son empire".Paris: Hachette, 2003.ISBN 2-01-145542-1 Corcoran, Simon. "Before Constantine." In The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, edited by Noel Lenski, 35–58. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Hardcover ISBN 0-521-81838-9 Paperback ISBN 0-521-52157-2 Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma. Lactantius
Lactantius
and Rome: The Making of a Christian Empire. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999. ISBN 978-0-8014-3594-2 DiMaio, Jr., Michael. "L. Domitius Domitianus and Aurelius Achilleus (ca. 296/297–ca. 297/298)." De Imperatoribus Romanis (1996c). Accessed 8 March 2008. Elliott, T. G. The Christianity of Constantine
Constantine
the Great. Scranton, PA: University of Scranton Press, 1996. ISBN 0-940866-59-5 Elsner, Jas. Imperial Rome and Christian Triumph. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. ISBN 0-19-284201-3 Gibbon, Edward. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Chicago, London & Toronto: Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 1952 (Great Books of the Western World coll.). In two volumes. Harries, Jill. Law and Empire in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Hardcover ISBN 0-521-41087-8 Paperback ISBN 0-521-42273-6 Helgeland, John. "Christians and the Roman Army A.D. 173–337." Church History 43:2 (1974): 149–163, 200. Jones, A.H.M. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1964. Leadbetter, William. " Carus
Carus
(282–283 A.D.)." De Imperatoribus Romanis (2001a). Accessed 16 February 2008. Leadbetter, William. "Numerianus (283–284 A.D.)." De Imperatoribus Romanis (2001b). Accessed 16 February 2008. Leadbetter, William. " Carinus
Carinus
(283–285 A.D.)." De Imperatoribus Romanis (2001c). Accessed 16 February 2008. Lewis, Naphtali, and Meyer Reinhold. Roman Civilization: Volume 2, The Roman Empire. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. ISBN 0-231-07133-7 Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G. Continuity and Change in Roman Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979. ISBN 0-19-814822-4. Mackay, Christopher S. " Lactantius
Lactantius
and the Succession to Diocletian." Classical Philology 94:2 (1999): 198–209. Mathisen, Ralph W. " Diocletian
Diocletian
(284–305 A.D.)." De Imperatoribus Romanis (1997). Accessed 16 February 2008. Millar, Fergus. The Roman Near East, 31 B.C.–A.D. 337. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993. Hardcover ISBN 0-674-77885-5 Paperback ISBN 0-674-77886-3 Nakamura, Byron J. "When Did Diocletian
Diocletian
Die? New Evidence for an Old Problem." Classical Philology 98:3 (2003): 283–289. Odahl, Charles Matson. Constantine
Constantine
and the Christian Empire. New York: Routledge, 2004. Hardcover ISBN 0-415-17485-6 Paperback ISBN 0-415-38655-1 Potter, David S. The Roman Empire
Roman Empire
at Bay: AD 180–395. New York: Routledge, 2005. Hardcover ISBN 0-415-10057-7 Paperback ISBN 0-415-10058-5 Rees, Roger. Layers of Loyalty in Latin Panegyric: AD 289–307. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-19-924918-0 Rees, Roger. Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Tetrarchy. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004. ISBN 0-7486-1661-6 Rostovtzeff, Michael. The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966. ISBN 978-0-19-814231-7 Southern, Pat. The Roman Empire
Roman Empire
from Severus to Constantine. New York: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0-415-23944-3 Tilley, Maureen A. Donatist
Donatist
Martyr
Martyr
Stories: The Church in Conflict in Roman North Africa. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1996. Treadgold, Warren. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-8047-2630-2 Williams, Stephen. Diocletian
Diocletian
and the Roman Recovery. New York: Routledge, 1997. ISBN 0-415-91827-8

Further reading[edit]

Arnheim, M. T. W. (1972). The senatorial aristocracy in the later Roman empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 0-19-814299-4.  Brauer, George C. (1975). The age of the soldier emperors : Imperial Rome, A.D. 244–284. Park Ridge, N.J.: Noyes Press. ISBN 0-8155-5036-7.  Cameron, Averil (1993). The later Roman empire : AD 284–430. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-51193-X.  Sutherland, C. H. V. (1935). "The State of the Imperial Treasury at the Death of Diocletian". Journal of Roman Studies. 25 (2): 150–162. doi:10.2307/296596.  Sutherland, C. H. V. (1955). "Diocletian's Reform of the Coinage". Journal of Roman Studies. 45: 116–118. doi:10.2307/298751.  Sutherland, C. H. V. (1961). "The Denarius
Denarius
and Sestertius in Diocletian's Coinage Reform". Journal of Roman Studies. 51: 94–97. doi:10.2307/298841. 

External links[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Diocletian.

Diocletian
Diocletian
from the Catholic Encyclopedia. 12 Byzantine Rulers, by Lars Brownworth. 15 minute audio lecture on Diocletian. 02. The Crisis of the Third Century
Crisis of the Third Century
and the Diocletianic Reforms, Professor Freedman
Freedman
on Yalecourses Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian
Diocletian
at Spalatro in Dalmatia By Robert Adam, 1764. Plates made available by the University of Wisconsin Digital Collections Center. (N.B. "Spalatro" was a less used alternative form of "Spalato", the Italian name for Croatian "Split").

Regnal titles

Preceded by Numerian
Numerian
and Carinus Roman Emperor 284–305 Served alongside: Maximian Succeeded by Constantius Chlorus
Constantius Chlorus
and Galerius

Political offices

Preceded by Carinus
Carinus
, Numerian Consul of the Roman Empire 284–285 with Bassus, Carinus, Titus
Titus
Claudius
Claudius
Aurelius Aristobulus Succeeded by Marcus Junius Maximus, Vettius Aquilinus

Preceded by Marcus Junius Maximus, Vettius Aquilinus Consul of the Roman Empire 287 with Maximian Succeeded by Maximian, Pomponius Ianuarianus

Preceded by Marcus Magrius Bassus, Lucius Ragonius Quintianus Consul of the Roman Empire 290 with Maximian Succeeded by Gaius Junius Tiberianus , Cassius Dio

Preceded by Afranius Hannibalianus, Julius Asclepiodotus Consul of the Roman Empire 293 with Maximian Succeeded by Constantius Chlorus
Constantius Chlorus
, Galerius

Preceded by Nummius Tuscus, Gaius Annius Anullinus Consul of the Roman Empire 296 with Constantius Chlorus Succeeded by Maximian
Maximian
, Galerius

Preceded by Anicius Faustus Paulinus, Virius Gallus Consul of the Roman Empire 299 with Maximian Succeeded by Constantius Chlorus
Constantius Chlorus
, Galerius

Preceded by Constantius Chlorus, Galerius Consul of the Roman Empire 303–304 with Maximian Succeeded by Constantius Chlorus
Constantius Chlorus
, Galerius

Preceded by Maximian
Maximian
, Constantine I
Constantine I
, Flavius Valerius Severus
Flavius Valerius Severus
, Maximinus Daia, Galerius Consul of the Roman Empire 308 with Galerius, Maxentius, Valerius Romulus Succeeded by Licinius
Licinius
, Constantine
Constantine
I, Maxentius, Valerius Romulus

v t e

Roman and Byzantine emperors

Principate 27 BC – 235 AD

Augustus Tiberius Caligula Claudius Nero Galba Otho Vitellius Vespasian Titus Domitian Nerva Trajan Hadrian Antoninus Pius Marcus Aurelius
Marcus Aurelius
and Lucius Verus Commodus Pertinax Didius Julianus (Pescennius Niger) (Clodius Albinus) Septimius Severus Caracalla
Caracalla
with Geta Macrinus
Macrinus
with Diadumenian Elagabalus Severus Alexander

Crisis 235–284

Maximinus Thrax Gordian I
Gordian I
and Gordian II Pupienus
Pupienus
and Balbinus Gordian III Philip the Arab
Philip the Arab
with Philip II Decius
Decius
with Herennius Etruscus Hostilian Trebonianus Gallus
Trebonianus Gallus
with Volusianus Aemilianus Valerian Gallienus
Gallienus
with Saloninus and Valerian II Claudius
Claudius
Gothicus Quintillus Aurelian Tacitus Florian Probus Carus Carinus
Carinus
and Numerian

Gallic Emperors: Postumus (Laelianus) Marius Victorinus (Domitianus II) Tetricus I
Tetricus I
with Tetricus II
Tetricus II
as Caesar

Dominate 284–395

Diocletian
Diocletian
(whole empire) Diocletian
Diocletian
(East) and Maximian
Maximian
(West) Diocletian
Diocletian
(East) and Maximian
Maximian
(West) with Galerius
Galerius
(East) and Constantius Chlorus
Constantius Chlorus
(West) as Caesares Galerius
Galerius
(East) and Constantius Chlorus
Constantius Chlorus
(West) with Severus (West) and Maximinus II (East) as Caesares Galerius
Galerius
(East) and Severus (West) with Constantine
Constantine
the Great (West) and Maximinus II (East) as Caesares Galerius
Galerius
(East) and Maxentius
Maxentius
(West) with Constantine
Constantine
the Great (West) and Maximinus II (East) as Caesares Galerius
Galerius
(East) and Licinius
Licinius
I (West) with Constantine
Constantine
the Great (West) and Maximinus II (East) as Caesares Maxentius
Maxentius
(alone) Licinius
Licinius
I (West) and Maximinus II (East) with Constantine
Constantine
the Great (Self-proclaimed Augustus) and Valerius Valens Licinius
Licinius
I (East) and Constantine
Constantine
the Great (West) with Licinius
Licinius
II, Constantine
Constantine
II, and Crispus
Crispus
as Caesares (Martinian) Constantine
Constantine
the Great (whole empire) with son Crispus
Crispus
as Caesar Constantine
Constantine
II Constans
Constans
I Magnentius
Magnentius
with Decentius as Caesar Constantius II
Constantius II
with Vetranio Julian Jovian Valentinian the Great Valens Gratian Valentinian II Magnus Maximus
Magnus Maximus
with Victor Theodosius the Great (Eugenius)

Western Empire 395–480

Honorius Constantine
Constantine
III with son Constans
Constans
II) Constantius III Joannes Valentinian III Petronius Maximus
Petronius Maximus
with Palladius Avitus Majorian Libius Severus Anthemius Olybrius Glycerius Julius Nepos Romulus Augustulus

Eastern/ Byzantine Empire 395–1204

Arcadius Theodosius II Pulcheria Marcian Leo I the Thracian Leo II Zeno (first reign) Basiliscus
Basiliscus
with son Marcus as co-emperor Zeno (second reign) Anastasius I Dicorus Justin I Justinian the Great Justin II Tiberius
Tiberius
II Constantine Maurice with son Theodosius as co-emperor Phocas Heraclius Constantine
Constantine
III Heraklonas Constans
Constans
II Constantine
Constantine
IV with brothers Heraclius
Heraclius
and Tiberius
Tiberius
and then Justinian II as co-emperors Justinian II
Justinian II
(first reign) Leontios Tiberios III Justinian II
Justinian II
(second reign) with son Tiberius
Tiberius
as co-emperor Philippikos Anastasios II Theodosius III Leo III the Isaurian Constantine
Constantine
V Artabasdos Leo IV the Khazar Constantine
Constantine
VI Irene Nikephoros I Staurakios Michael I Rangabe
Michael I Rangabe
with son Theophylact as co-emperor Leo V the Armenian
Leo V the Armenian
with Symbatios- Constantine
Constantine
as junior emperor Michael II
Michael II
the Amorian Theophilos Michael III Basil I
Basil I
the Macedonian Leo VI the Wise Alexander Constantine
Constantine
VII Porphyrogennetos Romanos I Lekapenos
Romanos I Lekapenos
with sons Christopher, Stephen and Constantine
Constantine
as junior co-emperors Romanos II Nikephoros II Phokas John I Tzimiskes Basil II Constantine
Constantine
VIII Zoë (first reign) and Romanos III Argyros Zoë (first reign) and Michael IV the Paphlagonian Michael V Kalaphates Zoë (second reign) with Theodora Zoë (second reign) and Constantine
Constantine
IX Monomachos Constantine
Constantine
IX Monomachos (sole emperor) Theodora Michael VI Bringas Isaac I Komnenos Constantine
Constantine
X Doukas Romanos IV Diogenes Michael VII Doukas
Michael VII Doukas
with brothers Andronikos and Konstantios and son Constantine Nikephoros III Botaneiates Alexios I Komnenos John II Komnenos
John II Komnenos
with Alexios Komnenos as co-emperor Manuel I Komnenos Alexios II Komnenos Andronikos I Komnenos Isaac II Angelos Alexios III Angelos Alexios IV Angelos Nicholas Kanabos (chosen by the Senate) Alexios V Doukas

Empire of Nicaea 1204–1261

Constantine
Constantine
Laskaris Theodore I Laskaris John III Doukas Vatatzes Theodore II Laskaris John IV Laskaris

Eastern/ Byzantine Empire 1261–1453

Michael VIII Palaiologos Andronikos II Palaiologos
Andronikos II Palaiologos
with Michael IX Palaiologos
Michael IX Palaiologos
as co-emperor Andronikos III Palaiologos John V Palaiologos John VI Kantakouzenos
John VI Kantakouzenos
with John V Palaiologos
John V Palaiologos
and Matthew Kantakouzenos as co-emperors John V Palaiologos Andronikos IV Palaiologos John VII Palaiologos Andronikos V Palaiologos Manuel II Palaiologos John VIII Palaiologos Constantine
Constantine
XI Palaiologos

Italics indicates a co-emperor, while underlining indicates an usurper.

Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 70259756 LCCN: n81127262 ISNI: 0000 0001 1833 4613 GND: 118679651 SUDOC: 030417112 BNF: cb121834979 (data) BIBSYS: 90555859 ULAN: 500115704 NDL: 01206874

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