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The Cultural Revolution, formally the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, was a sociopolitical movement in China
China
from 1966 until 1976. Launched by Mao
Mao
Zedong, then Chairman of the Communist Party of China, its stated goal was to preserve 'true' Communist ideology
Communist ideology
in the country by purging remnants of capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society, and to re-impose Maoist
Maoist
thought as the dominant ideology within the Party. The Revolution
Revolution
marked Mao's return to a position of power after the Great Leap Forward. The movement paralyzed China
China
politically and negatively affected the country's economy and society to a significant degree. The movement was launched in May 1966, after Mao
Mao
alleged that bourgeois elements had infiltrated the government and society at large, aiming to restore capitalism. To eliminate his rivals within the Communist Party of China, Mao
Mao
insisted that these "revisionists" be removed through violent class struggle. China's youth responded to Mao's appeal by forming Red Guard groups around the country. The movement spread into the military, urban workers, and the Communist Party leadership itself. It resulted in widespread factional struggles in all walks of life. In the top leadership, it led to a mass purge of senior officials, most notably Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
and Deng Xiaoping. During the same period, Mao's personality cult grew to immense proportions. In the violent struggles that ensued across the country, millions of people were persecuted and suffered a wide range of abuses including public humiliation, arbitrary imprisonment, torture, hard labor, sustained harassment, seizure of property and sometimes execution. A large segment of the population was forcibly displaced, most notably the transfer of urban youth to rural regions during the Down to the Countryside Movement. Historical relics and artifacts were destroyed. Cultural and religious sites were ransacked. Mao
Mao
officially declared the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
to have ended in 1969, but its active phase lasted until the death of military leader Lin Biao in 1971. After Mao's death and the arrest of the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
in 1976, reformers led by Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
gradually began to dismantle the Maoist
Maoist
policies associated with the Cultural Revolution. In 1981, the Party declared that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was "responsible for the most severe setback and the heaviest losses suffered by the Party, the country, and the people since the founding of the People's Republic".[1]

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Contents

1 Background

1.1 Great Leap Forward 1.2 Sino-Soviet split
Sino-Soviet split
and anti-revisionism 1.3 Precursor

1.3.1 February Outline

2 Early stage: mass movement

2.1 May 16 notification 2.2 Early mass rallies 2.3 "Bombard the headquarters" 2.4 Red Guards
Red Guards
and the destruction of the "Four Olds" 2.5 1967 2.6 1968

3 Lin Biao
Lin Biao
phase

3.1 Transition of power 3.2 PLA gains pre-eminent role 3.3 Flight of Lin Biao

4 "Gang of Four" and their downfall

4.1 Antagonism towards Zhou and Deng 4.2 Death of Zhou Enlai 4.3 Tiananmen Incident 4.4 Death of Mao
Mao
and Arrest of the Gang of Four

5 Aftermath 6 Policy and effect

6.1 Education 6.2 Slogans and rhetoric 6.3 Arts and literature 6.4 Historical relics 6.5 Struggle sessions and purges

6.5.1 Death toll

6.6 Ethnic minorities

7 Legacy

7.1 China

7.1.1 Communist Party opinions 7.1.2 Alternative opinions 7.1.3 Contemporary China

7.2 Outside mainland China 7.3 Academic debate

8 See also 9 Notes 10 References 11 Further reading

11.1 General 11.2 Specific topics 11.3 Commentaries 11.4 Fictional treatments 11.5 Memoirs by Chinese participants 11.6 Films set in the Cultural Revolution

12 External links

Background Great Leap Forward Main article: Great Leap Forward

People in the countryside working at night to produce steel during the Great Leap Forward.

In 1958, after China's first Five-Year Plan, Mao
Mao
called for "grassroots socialism" in order to accelerate his plans for turning China
China
into a modern industrialized state. In this spirit, Mao
Mao
launched the Great Leap Forward, established People's Communes in the countryside, and began the mass mobilization of the people into collectives. Many communities were assigned production of a single commodity—steel. Mao
Mao
vowed to increase agricultural production to twice 1957 levels.[2] The Great Leap was an economic failure. Uneducated farmers attempted to produce steel on a massive scale, partially relying on backyard furnaces to achieve the production targets set by local cadres. The steel produced was low quality and largely useless. The Great Leap reduced harvest sizes and led to a decline in the production of most goods except substandard pig iron and steel. Furthermore, local authorities frequently exaggerated production numbers, hiding and intensifying the problem for several years.[3][4] In the meantime, chaos in the collectives, bad weather, and exports of food necessary to secure hard currency resulted in the Great Chinese Famine. Food was in desperate shortage, and production fell dramatically. The famine caused the deaths of millions of people, particularly in poorer inland regions.[5] The Great Leap's failure reduced Mao's prestige within the Party. Forced to take major responsibility, in 1959, Mao
Mao
resigned as the President of the People's Republic of China, China's de jure head of state, and was succeeded by Liu Shaoqi. In July, senior Party leaders convened at the scenic Mount Lu
Mount Lu
to discuss policy. At the conference, Marshal Peng Dehuai, the Minister of Defence, criticized Great-Leap policies in a private letter to Mao, writing that it was plagued by mismanagement and cautioning against elevating political dogma over the laws of economics.[3] Despite the moderate tone of Peng's letter, Mao
Mao
took it as a personal attack against his leadership.[6] Following the Conference, Mao
Mao
had Peng removed from his posts, and accused him of being a "right-opportunist". Peng was replaced by Lin Biao, another revolutionary army general who became a more staunch Mao
Mao
supporter later in his career. While the Lushan Conference
Lushan Conference
served as a death knell for Peng, Mao's most vocal critic, it led to a shift of power to moderates led by Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
and Deng Xiaoping, who took effective control of the economy following 1959.[3] By the early 1960s, many of the Great Leap's economic policies were reversed by initiatives spearheaded by Liu, Deng, and Zhou Enlai. This moderate group of pragmatists were unenthusiastic about Mao's utopian visions. Owing to his loss of esteem within the party, Mao
Mao
developed a decadent and eccentric lifestyle.[citation needed][7] By 1962, while Zhou, Liu and Deng managed affairs of state and the economy, Mao
Mao
had effectively withdrawn from economic decision-making, and focused much of his time on further contemplating his contributions to Marxist–Leninist social theory, including the idea of "continuous revolution".[8] This theory's ultimate aim was to set the stage for Mao
Mao
to restore his brand of Communism
Communism
and his personal prestige within the Party. Sino-Soviet split
Sino-Soviet split
and anti-revisionism Main article: Sino-Soviet split In the early 1950s, the People's Republic of China
China
and the Soviet Union were the two largest Communist states in the world. Although initially they had been mutually supportive, disagreements arose after the death of Joseph Stalin
Joseph Stalin
and the rise of Nikita Khrushchev
Nikita Khrushchev
to power in the Soviet Union. In 1956, Khrushchev denounced Stalin and his policies and began implementing post-Stalinist economic reforms. Mao and many members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) opposed these changes, believing that they would have negative repercussions for the worldwide Marxist movement, among whom Stalin was still viewed as a hero.[9] Mao
Mao
believed that Khrushchev did not adhere to Marxism–Leninism, but was instead a revisionist, altering his policies from basic Marxist–Leninist concepts, something Mao
Mao
feared would allow capitalists to regain control of the country. Relations between the two governments soured. The USSR refused to support China's case for joining the United Nations and going back on their pledge to supply China
China
with a nuclear weapon.[9] Mao
Mao
went on to publicly denounce revisionism in April 1960. Without pointing fingers at the Soviet Union, Mao
Mao
criticized its ideological ally, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. In turn, the USSR criticized China's ally the Party of Labour of Albania.[10] In 1963, the CCP began to openly denounce the Soviet Union, publishing nine polemics against its perceived revisionism, with one of them being titled On Khrushchev's Phoney Communism
Communism
and Historical Lessons for the World, in which Mao
Mao
charged that Khrushchev was not only a revisionist but also increased the danger of capitalist restoration.[10] Khrushchev's downfall from an internal coup d'état in 1964 also contributed to Mao's fears of his own political vulnerability, particularly because of his declining prestige among his colleagues after the Great Leap Forward.[10] Precursor

The purge of General Luo Ruiqing
Luo Ruiqing
solidified the Army's loyalty to Mao

Mao
Mao
set the scene for the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
by "cleansing" powerful officials of questionable loyalty who were based in Beijing. His approach was less than transparent, achieving this purge through newspaper articles, internal meetings, and skillfully employing his network of political allies. In late 1959, historian and Beijing Deputy Mayor Wu Han published a historical drama entitled Hai Rui
Hai Rui
Dismissed from Office. In the play, an honest civil servant, Hai Rui, is dismissed by a corrupt emperor. While Mao
Mao
initially praised the play, in February 1965 he secretly commissioned his wife Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and Shanghai propagandist Yao Wenyuan to publish an article criticizing it.[11] Yao boldly alleged that Hai Rui was really an allegory attacking Mao; that is, Mao
Mao
was the corrupt emperor and Peng Dehuai
Peng Dehuai
was the honest civil servant.[12] Yao's article put Beijing Mayor Peng Zhen[13] on the defensive. Peng, a powerful official and Wu Han's direct superior, was the head of the "Five Man Group", a committee commissioned by Mao
Mao
to study the potential for a cultural revolution. Peng Zhen, aware that he would be implicated if Wu indeed wrote an "anti-Mao" play, wished to contain Yao's influence. Yao's article was initially only published in select local newspapers. Peng forbade its publication in the nationally distributed People's Daily
People's Daily
and other major newspapers under his control, instructing them to write exclusively about "academic discussion", and not pay heed to Yao's petty politics.[14] While the "literary battle" against Peng raged, Mao
Mao
fired Yang Shangkun—director of the Party's General Office, an organ that controlled internal communications—on a series of unsubstantiated charges, installing in his stead staunch loyalist Wang Dongxing, head of Mao's security detail.[15] Yang's dismissal likely emboldened Mao's allies to move against their factional rivals.[15] In December, Defence Minister and Mao
Mao
loyalist Lin Biao
Lin Biao
accused General Luo Ruiqing, the chief of staff of the People's Liberation Army
People's Liberation Army
(PLA), of being anti-Mao, alleging that Luo put too much emphasis on military training rather than Maoist
Maoist
"political discussion". Despite initial skepticism in the Politburo of Luo's guilt, Mao
Mao
pushed for an 'investigation', after which Luo was denounced, dismissed, and forced to deliver a self-criticism. Stress from the events led Luo to attempt suicide.[16] Luo's removal secured the military command's loyalty to Mao.[17] February Outline Having ousted Luo and Yang, Mao
Mao
returned his attention to Peng Zhen. On February 12, 1966, the "Five Man Group" issued a report known as the February Outline (二月提纲). The Outline, sanctioned by the Party centre, defined Hai Rui
Hai Rui
as constructive academic discussion, and aimed to formally distance Peng Zhen from any political implications. However, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and Yao Wenyuan continued their denunciation of Wu Han and Peng Zhen. Meanwhile, Mao
Mao
also sacked Propaganda Department director Lu Dingyi, a Peng Zhen ally.[18] Lu's removal gave Maoists unrestricted access to the press. Mao
Mao
would deliver his final blow to Peng Zhen at a high-profile Politburo meeting through loyalists Kang Sheng
Kang Sheng
and Chen Boda. They accused Peng Zhen of opposing Mao, labeled the February Outline "evidence of Peng Zhen's revisionism", and grouped him with three other disgraced officials as part of the "Peng-Luo-Lu-Yang Anti-Party Clique".[18] On May 16, the Politburo formalized the decisions by releasing an official document condemning Peng Zhen and his "anti-party allies" in the strongest terms, disbanding his "Five Man Group", and replacing it with the Maoist
Maoist
Cultural Revolution Group (CRG).[19] Early stage: mass movement

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May 16 notification In May 1966, an "expanded session" of the Politburo was called in Beijing. The conference, rather than being a joint discussion on policy (as per the usual norms of party operations), was essentially a campaign to mobilize the Politburo into endorsing Mao's political agenda. The conference was heavily laden with Maoist
Maoist
political rhetoric on class struggle, and filled with meticulously-prepared 'indictments' on the recently ousted leaders such as Peng Zhen and Luo Ruiqing. One of these documents, released on May 16, was prepared with Mao's personal supervision, and was particularly damning:[20]

Those representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the Party, the government, the army, and various spheres of culture are a bunch of counter-revolutionary revisionists. Once conditions are ripe, they will seize political power and turn the dictatorship of the proletariat into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Some of them we have already seen through; others we have not. Some are still trusted by us and are being trained as our successors, persons like Khruschev for example, who are still nestling beside us.[21]

This text, which became known as the "May 16 Notification" (Chinese: 五一六通知; pinyin: Wǔyīliù Tōngzhī), summarized Mao's ideological justification for the Cultural Revolution.[22] Effectively it implied that there are enemies of the Communist cause within the Party itself: class enemies who "wave the red flag to oppose the red flag."[23] The only way to identify these people was through "the telescope and microscope of Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
Thought."[23] While the party leadership was relatively united in approving the general direction of Mao's agenda, many Politburo members were not especially enthusiastic, or simply confused about the direction of the movement.[24] The charges against esteemed party leaders like Peng Zhen rang alarm bells in China's intellectual community and among the eight non-Communist parties.[25] Early mass rallies After the purge of Peng Zhen, the Beijing Party Committee had effectively ceased to function, paving the way for disorder in the capital. On May 25, under the guidance of Cao Yi'ou—wife of Maoist henchman Kang Sheng—Nie Yuanzi, a philosophy lecturer at Peking University, authored a big-character poster (dazibao) along with other leftists and posted it to a public bulletin. Nie attacked the university's party administration and its leader Lu Ping.[26] Nie insinuated that the university leadership, much like Peng Zhen, were trying to contain revolutionary fervour in a "sinister" attempt to oppose the party and advance revisionism.[26] Mao
Mao
promptly endorsed Nie's dazibao as "the first Marxist big-character poster in China." Nie's call-to-arms, now sealed with Mao's personal stamp of approval, had a lasting ripple effect across all educational institutions in China. Students everywhere began to revolt against their respective schools' party establishment. Classes were promptly cancelled in Beijing primary and secondary schools, followed by a decision on June 13 to expand the class suspension nationwide.[27] By early June, throngs of young demonstrators lined the capital's major thoroughfares holding giant portraits of Mao, beating drums, and shouting slogans against his perceived enemies.[27] When the dismissal of Peng Zhen and the municipal party leadership became public in early June, widespread confusion ensued. The public and foreign missions were kept in the dark on the reason for Peng Zhen's ousting.[28] Even the top Party leadership was caught off guard by the sudden anti-establishment wave of protest, and struggled with what to do next.[28] After seeking Mao's guidance in Hangzhou, Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
decided to send in "work teams" (工作组)—effectively 'ideological-guidance' squads of cadres—to the city's schools and People's Daily
People's Daily
to restore some semblance of order and re-establish party control.[28] The work teams were hastily dispatched and had a poor understanding of student sentiment. Unlike the political movement of the 1950s that squarely targeted intellectuals, the new movement was focused on established party cadres, many of whom were part of the work teams. As a result, the work teams came under increasing suspicion for being yet another group aimed at thwarting revolutionary fervour.[29] The party leadership subsequently became divided over whether or not work teams should remain in place. Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
insisted on continuing work-team involvement and suppressing the movement's most radical elements, fearing that the movement would spin out of control.[30] "Bombard the headquarters"

Mao-Liu conflict

Party Chairman Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
(left) and State President Liu Shaoqi (right)

On July 16, the 72-year-old Chairman Mao
Mao
took to the Yangtze River
Yangtze River
in Wuhan, with the press in tow, in what became an iconic "swim across the Yangtze" to demonstrate his battle-readiness. He subsequently returned to Beijing on a mission to criticize the party leadership for its handling of the work-teams issue. Mao
Mao
accused the work teams of undermining the student movement, calling for their full withdrawal on July 24. Several days later a rally was held at the Great Hall of the People to announce the decision and set the new tone of the movement to university and high school teachers and students. At the rally, Party leaders told the masses assembled to 'not be afraid' and bravely take charge of the movement themselves, free of Party interference.[31] The work-teams issue marked a decisive defeat for President Liu Shaoqi politically; it also signaled that disagreement over how to handle the unfolding events of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
would break Mao
Mao
from the established party leadership irreversibly. On August 1, the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee was hastily convened to advance Mao's now decidedly radical agenda. At the plenum, Mao
Mao
showed outright disdain for Liu, repeatedly interrupting Liu as he delivered his opening day speech.[32] For several days, Mao
Mao
repeatedly insinuated that the Party's leadership had contravened his revolutionary vision. Mao's line of thinking received a lukewarm reception from the conference attendees. Sensing that the largely obstructive party elite was unwilling to fully embrace his revolutionary ideology, Mao
Mao
went on the offensive. On July 28, Red Guard representatives wrote to Mao, calling for rebellion and upheaval to safeguard the revolution. Mao
Mao
then responded to the letters by writing his own big-character poster entitled Bombard the Headquarters, rallying people to target the "command centre (i.e., Headquarters) of counterrevolution". Mao
Mao
wrote that despite having undergone a Communist revolution, a "bourgeois" elite was still thriving in "positions of authority" in the government and Communist Party.[2] Although no names were mentioned, this provocative statement by Mao has been interpreted as a direct indictment of the party establishment under Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
and Deng Xiaoping—the purported "bourgeois headquarters" of China. The personnel changes at the Plenum reflected a radical re-design of the party's hierarchy to suit this new ideological landscape. Liu and Deng kept their seats on the Politburo Standing Committee but were in fact sidelined from day-to-day party affairs. Lin Biao
Lin Biao
was elevated to become the Party's number-two figure; Liu Shaoqi's rank went from second to eighth, and was no longer Mao's heir apparent.[2] Coinciding with the top leadership being thrown out of positions of power was the thorough undoing of the entire national bureaucracy of the Communist Party. The extensive Organization Department, in charge of party personnel, essentially ceased to exist. The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
Group (CRG), Mao's ideological 'Praetorian Guard', was catapulted to prominence to propagate his ideology and rally popular support. The top officials in the Propaganda Department were sacked, with many of its functions folding into the CRG.[33] Red Guards
Red Guards
and the destruction of the "Four Olds" Main article: Four Olds

The remains of Ming Dynasty
Ming Dynasty
Wanli Emperor
Wanli Emperor
at the Ming tombs. Red Guards dragged the remains of the Wanli Emperor
Wanli Emperor
and Empresses to the front of the tomb, where they were posthumously "denounced" and burned.[34]

On August 8, 1966, the party's Central Committee passed its "Decision Concerning the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution", later to be known as the "Sixteen Points".[35] This decision defined the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
as "a great revolution that touches people to their very souls and constitutes a deeper and more extensive stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country.":

Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the old ideas, culture, customs, and habits of the exploiting classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds, and stage a comeback. The proletariat must do just the opposite: It must meet head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie [...] to change the outlook of society. Currently, our objective is to struggle against and crush those people in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic "authorities" and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes and to transform education, literature and art, and all other parts of the superstructure that do not correspond to the socialist economic base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the socialist system.

The implications of the Sixteen Points were far-reaching. It elevated what was previously a student movement to a nationwide mass campaign that would galvanize workers, farmers, soldiers and lower-level party functionaries to rise up, challenge authority, and re-shape the "superstructure" of society. On August 18, 1966, over a million Red Guards from all over the country gathered in and around Tiananmen Square in Beijing for a personal audience with the Chairman.[36] Lin Biao took centre stage at the August 18 rally, vociferously denouncing all manner of perceived enemies in Chinese society that were impeding the "progress of the revolution."[37] Mao
Mao
personally mingled with Red Guards
Red Guards
and threw his weight behind their cause, donning a Red Guard armband himself.[37] Between August and November 1966, eight mass rallies were held in which over 12 million people from all over the country, most of whom were Red Guards, participated.[36] The government bore the expenses of Red Guards travelling around the country exchanging "revolutionary experiences."[38] At the Red Guard rallies, Lin Biao
Lin Biao
also called for the destruction of the "Four Olds"; namely, old customs, culture, habits, and ideas.[37] Lin's speeches, heavy on rhetoric but light on details, did not specify what needed to be "destroyed" as part of this campaign. Mao believed that in creating "great disorder", the masses should organically steer the direction of the movement rather than rely on the authorities to tell them what to do. As a result, the movement quickly spun out of control. Some changes associated with the "Four Olds" campaign were largely benign, such as assigning new names to city streets, places, and even people; millions of babies were born with "revolutionary"-sounding names during this period. Other aspects of the Red Guard onslaught were far more destructive, particularly in the realms of culture and religion. Historical sites in every part of the country were ransacked and destroyed. The damage was particularly pronounced in the capital, Beijing, a city rich in history and full of cultural relics, where thousands of designated sites of historical interest were destroyed. Red Guards
Red Guards
also laid siege to the Temple of Confucius in Qufu, Shandong
Shandong
province.[39]

The Cemetery of Confucius
Cemetery of Confucius
was attacked by Red Guards
Red Guards
in November 1966.[40][41]

During these months of iconoclasm, Red Guards
Red Guards
from Beijing Normal University desecrated and badly damaged the burial place of Confucius himself and numerous other historically significant tombs and artifacts.[40] The corpse of the 76th-generation Duke Yansheng
Duke Yansheng
was removed from its grave and hung naked from a tree in front of the palace during the desecration of the cemetery in the Cultural Revolution.[41] Libraries full of historical and foreign texts were destroyed; books were burned. Temples, churches, mosques, monasteries, and cemeteries were closed down and sometimes converted to other uses, looted, and destroyed.[42] Marxist propaganda depicted Buddhism as superstition, and religion was looked upon as a means of hostile foreign infiltration, as well as an instrument of the 'ruling class'.[43] Clergy were arrested and sent to camps; many Tibetan Buddhists were forced to participate in the destruction of their monasteries at gunpoint.[43] For two years, until July 1968—and in some places for much longer—the Red Guards
Red Guards
expanded their areas of authority, and accelerated their efforts at socialist 'reconstruction'. They began by passing out leaflets explaining their actions to develop and strengthen socialism, and posting the names of suspected "counter-revolutionaries" on bulletin boards. They assembled in large groups, held "great debates," and wrote educational plays. They held public meetings to criticize and solicit self-criticisms from suspected "counter-revolutionaries." One of many quotations in the Little Red Book (Mao's Quotations) that the Red Guards
Red Guards
would later follow as a guide, provided by Mao, was "The world is yours, as well as ours, but in the last analysis, it is yours. You young people, full of vigor and vitality, are in the bloom of life, like the sun at eight or nine in the morning. Our hope is placed on you ... The world belongs to you. China's future belongs to you." 350 million copies of the book had been printed by December 1967.[44] It was the mechanism that led the Red Guards
Red Guards
to commit to their objective as the future for China. These quotes directly from Mao
Mao
led to other actions by the Red Guards
Red Guards
in the views of other Maoist
Maoist
leaders.[45] Although the 16 Points and other pronouncements of the central Maoist leaders forbade "armed struggle (武斗, wudou)" in favor of "verbal struggle" (文斗, wendou), these struggle sessions often led to physical violence. Initially verbal struggles among activist groups became even more violent, especially when activists began to seize weapons from the Army in 1967. The central Maoist
Maoist
leaders limited their intervention in activist violence to verbal criticism, sometimes even appearing to encourage "physical struggle," and only after the PLA began to intervene in 1969 did authorities begin to suppress the mass movement. On August 22, 1966, a central directive was issued to stop police intervention in Red Guard activities.[46] Those in the police force who defied this notice were labeled "counter-revolutionaries." Mao's praise for rebellion was effectively an endorsement for the actions of the Red Guards, which grew increasingly violent.[47] Public security in China
China
deteriorated rapidly as a result of central officials lifting restraints on violent behavior.[48] Xie Fuzhi, the national police chief, said it was "no big deal" if Red Guards
Red Guards
were beating "bad people" to death.[49] The police relayed Xie's remarks to the Red Guards
Red Guards
and they acted accordingly.[49] In the course of about two weeks, the violence left some one hundred teachers, school officials, and educated cadres dead in Beijing's western district alone. The number injured was "too large to be calculated."[48] The most gruesome aspects of the campaign included numerous incidents of torture, murder, and public humiliation. Many people who were targets of 'struggle' could no longer bear the stress and committed suicide. In August and September 1966, there were 1,772 people murdered in Beijing alone. In Shanghai there were 704 suicides and 534 deaths related to the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
in September. In Wuhan
Wuhan
there were 62 suicides and 32 murders during the same period.[50] Peng Dehuai was brought to Beijing to be publicly ridiculed. In October, Mao
Mao
convened a "Central Work Conference", essentially to convince those in the party leadership who still had not fallen in line of the "correctness" of the Cultural Revolution. Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
and Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
were branded as part of a "bourgeois reactionary line" (zichanjieji fandong luxian) and begrudgingly gave self-criticisms.[51] After the conference, Liu, once the most powerful man in China
China
after Mao, was placed under house arrest in Beijing, then sent to a detention camp, where he was denied medical treatment and died in 1969. Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
was sent away for a period of 're-education' three times, and was eventually sent to work in a Jiangxi
Jiangxi
engine factory. 1967 On January 3, 1967, Lin Biao
Lin Biao
and Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
employed local media and grassroots organizations to generate the so-called "January Storm", during which the Shanghai municipal government was essentially overthrown.[52] This paved the way for the young, firebrand factory worker Wang Hongwen
Wang Hongwen
to take charge of the city as leader of the so-called Shanghai People's Commune, later renamed the Municipal Revolutionary Committee. In Beijing, Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
and Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
were once again the targets of criticism; others attacked Vice Premier Tao Zhu, signalling that even central government officials were now 'fair game' for attacks. On January 8, Mao
Mao
praised these actions through the party-run People's Daily, urging all local government leaders to rise in self-criticism, or the criticism of others suspected of "counterrevolutionary activity". Many local governments followed Shanghai's example, with red guards or other revolutionary groups "seizing power" from the established party and government organs. In February, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and Lin Biao, with support from Mao, insisted that class struggle be extended to the military. Many prominent generals of the People's Liberation Army
People's Liberation Army
who were instrumental in the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war
Chinese civil war
voiced their concern and opposition to the Cultural Revolution. Foreign Minister Chen Yi and Vice-Premier Tan Zhenlin
Tan Zhenlin
vocally denounced the turn of events in Shanghai, stating that the movement was going to destroy the party. This group of party leaders were subsequently denounced as the "February Countercurrent". Many of these critics were accused of trying to sabotage the revolution, and fell into political disgrace thereafter. At the same time, some Red Guard organizations rose in protest against other Red Guard organizations who ran dissimilar revolutionary messages, further complicating the situation and exacerbating the chaos. In April, at Mao's behest, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
attempted to rein in Red Guard groups by issuing an order to stop all "unhealthy activity." On April 6, 1967, Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
was openly and widely denounced by a Zhongnanhai faction whose members included Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and Kang Sheng, and ultimately, Mao
Mao
himself. The situation was quickly spinning out of control; there existed no checks and balances on local revolutionary activities. As the government and party organizations fell apart all over the country, it was no longer clear who was truly loyal to Mao's revolutionary vision and who was opportunistically riding the waves of chaos for their own gain. By July, factional violence had become commonplace across the country. On July 22, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
directed the Red Guards
Red Guards
to replace the People's Liberation Army
People's Liberation Army
if necessary, as the loyalty of local Army units to the "revolutionary cause" was no longer assured. After the initial praise by Jiang Qing, the Red Guards
Red Guards
began to steal and loot from barracks and other army buildings. This activity, which could not be stopped by army generals, continued through to the autumn of 1968. In the central city of Wuhan, like in many other cities, two major revolutionary organizations emerged, one supporting the establishment and the other opposed to it. The groups violently fought over the control of the city. Chen Zaidao, the army general in charge of the area, helped suppress the anti-establishment demonstrators. However, in the midst of the commotion, Mao
Mao
himself flew to Wuhan
Wuhan
with a large entourage of central officials in an attempt to secure military loyalty in the area. In response, local agitators kidnapped Mao's emissary Wang Li in what became known as the Wuhan
Wuhan
Incident. Subsequently, Gen. Chen Zaidao
Chen Zaidao
was dragged to Beijing and denounced by Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and the rest of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
Group. In this same year, Chinese New Year celebrations were banned in China; they were only reinstated 13 years later.[53] 1968 In the spring of 1968, a massive campaign began, aimed at promoting the already-adored Mao
Mao
to god-like status. On July 27, 1968, the Red Guards' power over the army was officially ended and the central government sent in units to protect many areas that remained targets for the Red Guards. A year later, the Red Guard factions were dismantled entirely; Mao
Mao
feared that the chaos they caused—and could still cause—might begin running its own agenda and be turned against what was left of the party organization. Their purpose had been largely fulfilled; Mao
Mao
and his radical colleagues had largely consolidated their political power. In early October, Mao
Mao
began a campaign to purge disloyal officials. Many were sent to the countryside to work in labor camps. Liu was "forever expelled" from the Communist Party at the 12th Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee in September 1968, and labelled the "headquarters of the bourgeoisie", seemingly alluding to Mao's Bombard the Headquarters dazibao written two years earlier. In December 1968, Mao
Mao
began the "Down to the Countryside Movement". During this movement, which lasted for the next decade, young intellectuals living in cities were ordered to go to the countryside. The term "intellectuals" was actually used in the broadest sense to refer to recently graduated middle school students. In the late 1970s, these "young intellectuals" were finally allowed to return to their home cities. This movement was in part a means of moving Red Guards from the cities to the countryside, where they would cause less social disruption.[54] Lin Biao
Lin Biao
phase Transition of power The Ninth Party Congress was held in April 1969, and served as a means to "revitalize" the party with fresh thinking and new cadres after much of the old guard had been destroyed in the struggles of preceding years.[55] The institutional framework of the Party established two decades earlier had broken down almost entirely: delegates for this Congress were effectively selected by Revolutionary Committees rather than through election by party members.[56] Representation of the military increased by a large margin from the previous Congress (28% of the delegates were PLA members), and the election of more PLA members to the new Central Committee reflected this increase.[57] Many military officers elevated to senior positions were loyal to PLA Marshal Lin Biao, opening a new factional divide between the military and civilian leadership.[58]

We do not only feel boundless joy because we have as our great leader the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our era, Chairman Mao, but also great joy because we have Vice Chairman Lin as Chairman Mao's universally recognized successor.

– Premier Zhou Enlai
Zhou Enlai
at the Ninth Party Congress[59]

Lin Biao
Lin Biao
was officially elevated to become the Party's number-two figure, with his name written into the Communist Party's Constitution as Mao's "closest comrade-in-arms" and "universally recognized successor".[60] Lin delivered the keynote address at the Congress: a document drafted by hardliner leftists Yao Wenyuan and Zhang Chunqiao under Mao's guidance.[61] The report was heavily critical of Liu Shaoqi and other "counter-revolutionaries", and drew extensively from quotations in the Little Red Book. The Congress solidified the central role of Maoism
Maoism
within the party psyche, re-introducing Maoism
Maoism
as an official guiding ideology of the party in the party constitution. Lastly, the Congress elected a new Politburo with Mao
Mao
Zedong, Lin Biao, Chen Boda, Zhou Enlai, and Kang Sheng
Kang Sheng
as the members of the new Politburo Standing Committee. Lin, Chen, and Kang were all beneficiaries of the Cultural Revolution. Zhou, who was demoted in rank, voiced his unequivocal support for Lin at the Congress.[62] Mao also restored the function of some formal party institutions, such as the operations of the party's Politburo, which ceased functioning between 1966 and 1968 because the Central Cultural Revolution
Revolution
Group held de facto control of the country.[63] PLA gains pre-eminent role

Marshal Lin Biao
Lin Biao
was constitutionally confirmed as Mao's successor in 1969.

Mao's efforts at re-organizing party and state institutions generated mixed results. Many far-flung provinces remained volatile as the political situation in Beijing stabilized. Factional struggles, many of which were violent, continued at the local level despite the declaration that the Ninth Congress marked a temporary "victory" for the Cultural Revolution.[64] Furthermore, despite Mao's efforts to put on a show of unity at the Congress, the factional divide between Lin Biao's PLA camp and the Jiang Qing–led radical camp was intensifying. Indeed, a personal dislike of Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
drew many civilian leaders, including prominent theoretician Chen Boda, closer to Lin Biao.[65] Between 1966 and 1968, China
China
was isolated internationally, having declared its enmity towards both the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and the United States. The friction with the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
intensified after border clashes on the Ussuri River
Ussuri River
in March 1969 as the Chinese leadership prepared for all-out war.[66] In October, senior leaders were evacuated from Beijing.[66] Amidst the tension, Lin Biao
Lin Biao
issued what appeared to be an executive order to prepare for war to the PLA's eleven Military Regions on October 18 without passing through Mao. This drew the ire of the Chairman, who saw it as evidence that his authority was prematurely usurped by his declared successor.[66] The prospect of war elevated the PLA to greater prominence in domestic politics, increasing the stature of Lin Biao
Lin Biao
at the expense of Mao.[67] There is some evidence to suggest that Mao
Mao
was pushed to seek closer relations with the United States as a means to avoid PLA dominance in domestic affairs that would result from a military confrontation with the Soviet Union.[67] During his meeting with U.S. President Richard Nixon
Richard Nixon
in 1972, Mao
Mao
hinted that Lin had opposed seeking better relations with the U.S.[68] After Lin was confirmed as Mao's successor, his supporters focused on the restoration of the position of State Chairman (President),[69] which had been abolished by Mao
Mao
after the purge of Liu Shaoqi. They hoped that by allowing Lin to ease into a constitutionally sanctioned role, whether Chairman or Vice-Chairman, Lin's succession would be institutionalized. The consensus within the Politburo was that Mao should assume the office with Lin becoming Vice-Chairman; but for unknown reasons, Mao
Mao
had voiced his explicit opposition to the recreation of the position and his assuming it.[70] Factional rivalries intensified at the Second Plenum of the Ninth Congress in Lushan held in late August 1970. Chen Boda, now aligned with the PLA faction loyal to Lin, galvanized support for the restoration of the office of President of China, despite Mao's wishes to the contrary.[71] Moreover, Chen launched an assault on Zhang Chunqiao, a staunch Maoist
Maoist
who embodied the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, over the evaluation of Mao's legacy.[72] The attacks on Zhang found favour with many attendees at the Plenum, and may have been construed by Mao
Mao
as an indirect attack on the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
itself. Mao
Mao
confronted Chen openly, denouncing him as a "false Marxist",[73] and removed him from the Politburo Standing Committee. In addition to the purge of Chen, Mao
Mao
asked Lin's principal generals to write self-criticisms on their political positions as a warning to Lin. Mao
Mao
also inducted several of his supporters to the Central Military Commission, and placed his loyalists in leadership roles of the Beijing Military Region.[73] Flight of Lin Biao Main article: Lin Biao
Lin Biao
incident

Graffiti with Lin Biao's foreword to Mao's Little Red Book, Lin's name (lower right) was later scratched out, presumably after his death.

By 1971, diverging interests between the civilian and military wings of the leadership were apparent. Mao
Mao
was troubled by the PLA's newfound prominence, and the purge of Chen Boda
Chen Boda
marked the beginning of a gradual scaling-down of the PLA's political involvement.[74] According to official sources, sensing the reduction of Lin's power base and his declining health, Lin's supporters plotted to use the military power still at their disposal to oust Mao
Mao
in a coup.[75] Lin's son, Lin Liguo, and other high-ranking military conspirators formed a coup apparatus in Shanghai, and dubbed the plan to oust Mao by force Outline for Project 571, which sounds similar to "Military Uprising" in Mandarin. It is disputed whether Lin Biao
Lin Biao
was involved in this process. While official sources maintain that Lin planned and executed the alleged coup attempt, scholars such as Jin Qiu portray Lin as a passive character manipulated by members of his family and his supporters.[75] Qiu contests that Lin Biao
Lin Biao
was never personally involved in drafting the Outline and evidence suggests that Lin Liguo drafted the coup.[75] The Outline allegedly consisted mainly of plans for aerial bombardments through use of the Air Force. It initially targeted Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan, but would later involve Mao
Mao
himself. Were the plan to succeed, Lin would arrest his political rivals and assume power. Assassination attempts were alleged to have been made against Mao
Mao
in Shanghai, from September 8 to September 10, 1971. Perceived risks to Mao's safety were allegedly relayed to the Chairman. One internal report alleged that Lin had planned to bomb a bridge that Mao was to cross to reach Beijing; Mao
Mao
reportedly avoided this bridge after receiving intelligence reports. In the official narrative, on September 13, 1971, Lin Biao, his wife Ye Qun, Lin Liguo, and members of his staff attempted to flee to the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
ostensibly to seek asylum. En route, Lin's plane crashed in Mongolia, killing all on board. The plane apparently ran out of fuel en route to the Soviet Union. A Soviet team investigating the incident was not able to determine the cause of the crash, but hypothesized that the pilot was flying low to evade radar and misjudged the plane's altitude. The official account has been put to question by foreign scholars, who have raised doubts over Lin's choice of the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
as a destination, the plane's route, the identity of the passengers, and whether or not a coup was actually taking place.[75][76] On September 13, the Politburo met in an emergency session to discuss Lin Biao. Only on September 30 was Lin's death confirmed in Beijing, which led to the cancellation of the National Day celebration events the following day. The Central Committee kept information under wraps, and news of Lin's death was not released to the public until two months following the incident.[75] Many of Lin's supporters sought refuge in Hong Kong; those who remained on the mainland were purged. The event caught the party leadership off guard: the concept that Lin could betray Mao
Mao
de-legitimized a vast body of Cultural Revolution political rhetoric, as Lin was already enshrined into the Party Constitution as Mao's "closest comrade-in-arms" and "successor". For several months following the incident, the party information apparatus struggled to find a "correct way" to frame the incident for public consumption.[75] "Gang of Four" and their downfall Main article: Gang of Four Antagonism towards Zhou and Deng Mao
Mao
became depressed and reclusive after the Lin Biao
Lin Biao
incident. With Lin gone, Mao
Mao
had no ready answers for who would succeed him. Sensing a sudden loss of direction, Mao
Mao
attempted reaching out to old comrades whom he had denounced in the past. Meanwhile, in September 1972, Mao transferred a thirty-eight-year-old cadre from Shanghai, Wang Hongwen, to Beijing and made him Vice-Chairman of the Party.[77] Wang, a former factory worker from a peasant background,[77] was seemingly being groomed for succession.[78] Jiang Qing's position also strengthened after Lin's flight. She held tremendous influence with the radical camp. With Mao's health on the decline, it was clear that Jiang Qing had political ambitions of her own. She allied herself with Wang Hongwen and propaganda specialists Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan, forming a political clique later pejoratively dubbed as the "Gang of Four". By 1973, round after round of political struggles had left many lower-level institutions, including local government, factories, and railways, short of competent staff needed to carry out basic functions.[79] The country's economy had fallen into disarray, which necessitated the rehabilitation of purged lower level officials. However, the party's core became heavily dominated by Cultural Revolution
Revolution
beneficiaries and leftist radicals, whose focus remained upholding ideological purity over economic productivity. The economy remained largely the domain of Zhou Enlai, one of the few moderates 'left standing'. Zhou attempted to restore a viable economy, but was resented by the Gang of Four, who identified him as their main political threat in post- Mao
Mao
era succession. In late 1973, to weaken Zhou's political position and to distance themselves from Lin's apparent betrayal, the "Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius" campaign began under Jiang Qing's leadership.[80] Its stated goals were to purge China
China
of new Confucianist thinking and denounce Lin Biao's actions as traitorous and regressive.[81] Reminiscent of the first years of the Cultural Revolution, the battle was carried out through historical allegory, and although Zhou Enlai's name was never mentioned during this campaign, the Premier's historical namesake, the Duke of Zhou, was a frequent target. With a fragile economy and Zhou falling ill to cancer, Deng Xiaoping returned to the political scene, taking up the post of Vice-Premier in March 1973, in the first of a series of promotions approved by Mao. After Zhou withdrew from active politics in January 1975, Deng was effectively put in charge of the government, party, and military, earning the additional titles of PLA General Chief of Staff, Vice-Chairman of the Communist Party, and Vice-Chairman of the Central Military Commission in a short time span.[82] The speed of Deng's rehabilitation took the radical camp, who saw themselves as Mao's 'rightful' political and ideological heirs, by surprise. Mao
Mao
wanted to use Deng as a counterweight to the military faction in government to suppress any remaining influence of those formerly loyal to Lin Biao. In addition, Mao
Mao
had also lost confidence in the ability of the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
to manage the economy and saw Deng as a competent and effective leader. Leaving the country in grinding poverty would do no favours to the positive legacy of the Cultural Revolution, which Mao
Mao
worked hard to protect. Deng's return set the scene for a protracted factional struggle between the radical Gang of Four and moderates led by Zhou and Deng. At the time, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and associates held effective control of mass media and the party's propaganda network, while Zhou and Deng held control of most government organs. On some decisions, Mao
Mao
sought to mitigate the Gang's influence, but on others, he acquiesced to their demands. The Gang of Four's heavy hand in political and media control did not prevent Deng from reinstating his economic policies. Deng emphatically opposed Party factionalism, and his policies aimed to promote unity as the first step to restoring economic productivity.[83] Much like the post-Great Leap restructuring led by Liu Shaoqi, Deng streamlined the railway system, steel production, and other key areas of the economy. By late 1975 however, Mao
Mao
saw that Deng's economic restructuring might negate the legacy of the Cultural Revolution, and launched a campaign to oppose "rehabilitating the case for the rightists", alluding to Deng as the country's foremost "rightist". Mao directed Deng to write self-criticisms in November 1975, a move lauded by the Gang of Four.[83] Death of Zhou Enlai On January 8, 1976, Zhou Enlai
Zhou Enlai
died of bladder cancer. On January 15 Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
delivered Zhou's official eulogy in a funeral attended by all of China's most senior leaders with the notable absence of Mao himself, who had grown increasingly critical of Zhou.[84][85] Curiously, after Zhou's death, Mao
Mao
selected neither a member of the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
nor Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
to become Premier, instead choosing the relatively unknown Hua Guofeng. The Gang of Four
Gang of Four
grew apprehensive that spontaneous, large-scale popular support for Zhou could turn the political tide against them. They acted through the media to impose a set of restrictions on overt public displays of mourning for Zhou. Years of resentment over the Cultural Revolution, the public persecution of Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
(seen as Zhou's ally), and the prohibition against public mourning led to a rise in popular discontent against Mao
Mao
and the Gang of Four.[86] Official attempts to enforce the mourning restrictions included removing public memorials and tearing down posters commemorating Zhou's achievements. On March 25, 1976, Shanghai's Wen Hui Bao published an article calling Zhou "the capitalist roader inside the Party [who] wanted to help the unrepentant capitalist roader [Deng] regain his power". These propaganda efforts at smearing Zhou's image, however, only strengthened public attachment to Zhou's memory.[87] Tiananmen Incident Main article: Tiananmen Incident On April 4, 1976, on the eve of China's annual Qingming Festival, a traditional day of mourning, thousands of people gathered around the Monument to the People's Heroes
Monument to the People's Heroes
in Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
to commemorate Zhou Enlai. The people of Beijing honored Zhou by laying wreaths, banners, poems, placards, and flowers at the foot of the Monument.[88] The most obvious purpose of this memorial was to eulogize Zhou, but the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
were also attacked for their actions against the Premier. A small number of slogans left at Tiananmen even attacked Mao himself, and his Cultural Revolution.[89] Up to two million people may have visited Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
on April 4.[89] All levels of society, from the poorest peasants to high-ranking PLA officers and the children of high-ranking cadres, were represented in the activities. Those who participated were motivated by a mixture of anger over the treatment of Zhou, revolt against the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
and apprehension for China's future. The event did not appear to have coordinated leadership but rather seemed to be a reflection of public sentiment.[90] The Central Committee, under the leadership of Jiang Qing, labelled the event 'counter-revolutionary', and cleared the square of memorial items shortly after midnight on April 6. Attempts to suppress the mourners led to a violent riot. Police cars were set on fire and a crowd of over 100,000 people forced its way into several government buildings surrounding the square.[88] Many of those arrested were later sentenced to prison work camps. Similar incidents occurred in other major cities. Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
and her allies pinned Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
as the incident's 'mastermind', and issued reports on official media to that effect. Deng was formally stripped of all positions "inside and outside the Party" on April 7. This marked Deng's second purge in ten years.[88] Death of Mao
Mao
and Arrest of the Gang of Four On September 9, 1976, Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
died. To Mao's supporters, his death symbolized the loss of the revolutionary foundation of Communist China. When his death was announced on the afternoon of September 9, in a press release entitled "A Notice from the Central Committee, the NPC, State Council, and the CMC to the whole Party, the whole Army and to the people of all nationalities throughout the country",[91] the nation descended into grief and mourning, with people weeping in the streets and public institutions closing for over a week. Hua Guofeng chaired the Funeral Committee. Shortly before dying, Mao
Mao
had allegedly written the message "With you in charge, I'm at ease", to Hua. Hua used this message to substantiate his position as successor. Hua had been widely considered to be lacking in political skill and ambitions, and seemingly posed no serious threat to the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
in the race for succession. However, the Gang's radical ideas also clashed with influential elders and a large segment of party reformers. With army backing and the support of Marshal Ye Jianying, on October 10, the Special
Special
Unit 8341 had all members of the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
arrested in a bloodless coup. Aftermath Although Hua Guofeng
Hua Guofeng
publicly denounced the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
in 1976, he continued to invoke Mao's name to justify Mao-era policies. Hua spearheaded what became known as the Two Whatevers,[92] namely, "Whatever policy originated from Chairman Mao, we must continue to support," and "Whatever directions were given to us from Chairman Mao, we must continue to follow." Like Deng, Hua wanted to reverse the damage of the Cultural Revolution; but unlike Deng, who wanted to propose new economic models for China, Hua intended to move the Chinese economic and political system towards Soviet-style planning of the early 1950s. It became increasingly clear to Hua that, without Deng Xiaoping, it was difficult to continue daily affairs of state. On October 10, Deng Xiaoping personally wrote a letter to Hua asking to be transferred back to state and party affairs; party elders also called for Deng's return. With increasing pressure from all sides, Hua named Deng Vice-Premier in July 1977, and later promoted him to various other positions, effectively catapulting Deng to China's second-most powerful figure. In August, the Party's Eleventh Congress was held in Beijing, officially naming (in ranking order) Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian, and Wang Dongxing
Wang Dongxing
as new members of the Politburo Standing Committee.[93] In May 1978, Deng seized the opportunity to elevate his protégé Hu Yaobang to power. Hu published an article in the Guangming Daily, making clever use of Mao's quotations while lauding Deng's ideas. Following this article, Hua began to shift his tone in support of Deng. On July 1, Deng publicized Mao's self-criticism report of 1962 regarding the failure of the Great Leap Forward. With an expanding power base, in September 1978, Deng began openly attacking Hua Guofeng's "Two Whatevers".[92] On December 18, 1978, the pivotal Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee was held. At the congress Deng called for "a liberation of thoughts" and urged the party to "seek truth from facts" and abandon ideological dogma. The Plenum officially marked the beginning of the economic reform era. Hua Guofeng
Hua Guofeng
engaged in self-criticism and called his "Two Whatevers" a mistake. Wang Dongxing, a trusted ally of Mao, was also criticized. At the Plenum, the Party reversed its verdict on the Tiananmen Incident. Disgraced former leader Liu Shaoqi
Liu Shaoqi
was allowed a belated state funeral.[94] At the Fifth Plenum held in 1980, Peng Zhen, He Long
He Long
and other leaders who had been purged during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
were politically rehabilitated. Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
became head of the party as its General-Secretary. In September, Hua Guofeng
Hua Guofeng
resigned, and Zhao Ziyang, another Deng ally, was named Premier. Deng remained the Chairman of the Central Military Commission, but formal power was transferred to a new generation of pragmatic reformers, who reversed Cultural Revolution
Revolution
policies almost in their entirety. Policy and effect

A 1968 map of Beijing showing streets and landmarks renamed during the Cultural Revolution. Andingmen Inner Street became "Great Leap Forward Road", Taijichang Street became the "Road for Eternal Revolution", Dongjiaominxiang was renamed "Anti-Imperialist Road", Beihai Park was renamed "Worker-Peasant-Soldier Park" and Jingshan Park became "Red Guard Park." Most of the Cultural Revolution-era name changes were later reversed.

The effects of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
directly or indirectly touched essentially all of China's population. During the Cultural Revolution, much economic activity was halted, with "revolution", regardless of interpretation, being the primary objective of the country. Mao
Mao
Zedong Thought became the central operative guide to all things in China. The authority of the Red Guards
Red Guards
surpassed that of the army, local police authorities, and the law in general. Chinese traditional arts and ideas were ignored and publicly attacked, with praise for Mao
Mao
being practiced in their place. People were encouraged to criticize cultural institutions and to question their parents and teachers, which had been strictly forbidden in traditional Chinese culture. The start of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
brought huge numbers of Red Guards to Beijing, with all expenses paid by the government, and the railway system was in turmoil. The revolution aimed to destroy the "Four Olds" (old customs, old culture, old habits, and old ideas) and establish the corresponding "Four News", and this can range from changing of names and cutting of hair, to the ransacking of homes, vandalizing cultural treasures, and desecrating temples.[95] In a few years, countless ancient buildings, artifacts, antiques, books, and paintings were destroyed by Red Guards. The status of traditional Chinese culture
Chinese culture
and institutions within China
China
was also severely damaged as a result of the Cultural Revolution, and the practice of many traditional customs weakened. The revolution also aimed to "sweep away all the monsters and demons" (牛鬼蛇神, literally "cow ghosts snake spirits"), that is, all the class enemy who promoted bourgeois ideas within the party, the government, the army, among the intellectuals, as well as those from an exploitative family background or who belonged to one of the Five Black Categories. Large numbers of people perceived to be "monsters and demons" regardless of guilt or innocence were publicly denounced, humiliated, and beaten. In their revolutionary fervor, students denounced their teachers, and children denounced their parents.[96] Many died through their ill-treatment or committed suicide. In 1968, youths were mobilized to go to the countryside in the Down to the Countryside Movement so they may learn from the peasantry, and the departure of millions from the cities helped end the most violent phase of the Cultural Revolution.[97] Though the effect of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was disastrous for millions of people in China, there were positive outcomes for some sections of the population, such as those in the rural areas. For example, the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
and the hostility to the intellectual elite is widely accepted to have damaged the quality of education in China, especially at the upper end of education system. However, the radical policies also provided many in the rural communities with middle school education for the first time, which is thought to have facilitated the rural economic development in the 70s and 80s.[98] Similarly, a large number of health personnel were deployed to the countryside as barefoot doctors during the Cultural Revolution. Some farmers were given informal medical training, and health-care centers were established in rural communities. This process led to a marked improvement in the health and the life expectancy of the general population.[99] After the most violent phase of the 1960s ended, the attack on traditional culture continued in 1973 with the Anti-Lin Biao, Anti-Confucius Campaign as part of the struggle against the moderate elements in the party. The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
brought to the forefront numerous internal power struggles within the Communist party, many of which had little to do with the larger battles between Party leaders, but resulted instead from local factionalism and petty rivalries that were usually unrelated to the "revolution" itself. Because of the chaotic political environment, local governments lacked organization and stability, if they existed at all. Members of different factions often fought on the streets, and political assassinations, particularly in predominantly rural provinces, were common. The masses spontaneously involved themselves in factions, and took part in open warfare against other factions. The ideology that drove these factions was vague and sometimes non-existent, with the struggle for local authority being the only motivation for mass involvement.[citation needed] Education The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
brought China's education system to a virtual halt for some time. In the early months of the Cultural Revolution, schools and universities were closed. Primary and middle schools later gradually reopened, but all colleges and universities were closed until 1970, and most universities did not reopen until 1972.[100] The university entrance exams were cancelled after 1966, to be replaced later by a system whereby students were recommended by factories, villages and military units, and entrance exams were not restored until 1977 under Deng Xiaoping. According to the documents for the prosecution of the Gang of Four, 142,000 cadres and teachers in the education circles were persecuted, and noted academics, scientists, and educators who died included Xiong Qinglai, Jian Bozan, Rao Yutai, Wu Dingliang
Wu Dingliang
and Zhao Jiuzhang.[101] Many intellectuals were sent to rural labor camps, and many of those who survived left China
China
shortly after the revolution ended.[citation needed] Many survivors and observers[who?] suggest that almost anyone with skills over that of the average person was made the target of political "struggle" in some way. The entire generation of tormented and inadequately educated individuals is often referred to in the West as well as in China
China
as the 'lost generation'.[102][103][104] During the Cultural Revolution, basic education was emphasized and rapidly expanded. While the years of schooling were reduced and education standard fell, the proportion of Chinese children who had completed primary education increased from less than half before the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
to almost all after the Cultural Revolution, and those who completed junior middle school rose from 15% to over two-third. The educational opportunities for rural children expanded considerably, while those of the children of the urban elite became restricted by the anti-elitist policies.[105] The impact of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
on popular education varied among regions, and formal measurements of literacy did not resume until the 1980s.[106] Some counties in Zhanjiang
Zhanjiang
had illiteracy rates as high as 41% some 20 years after the revolution. The leaders of China
China
at the time denied that there were any illiteracy problems from the start. This effect was amplified by the elimination of qualified teachers—many districts were forced to rely on selected students to educate the next generation.[106] In 1968, the Communist Party instituted the Down to the Countryside Movement, in which "Educated Youths" (zhishi qingnian or simply zhiqing) in urban areas were sent to live and work in agrarian areas to be re-educated by the peasantry and to better understand the role of manual agrarian labor in Chinese society. In the initial stages, most of the youth who took part volunteered, although later on the government resorted to forcing many of them to move. Between 1968 and 1979, 17 millions of China's urban youths left for the countryside, and being in the rural areas also deprived them the opportunity of higher education.[97] In the post- Mao
Mao
period, many of those forcibly moved attacked the policy as a violation of their human rights."[107] Slogans and rhetoric

Remnants of a banner containing slogans from the Cultural Revolution in Anhui.

According to Shaorong Huang, the fact that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
had such massive effects on Chinese society is the result of extensive use of political slogans.[108] In Huang's view, rhetoric played a central role in rallying both the Party leadership and people at large during the Cultural Revolution. For example, the slogan "to rebel is justified" (造反有理, zàofǎn yǒulǐ) became a unitary theme.[108] Huang asserts that political slogans were ubiquitous in every aspect of people's lives, being printed onto ordinary items such as bus tickets, cigarette packets, and mirror tables.[109] Workers were supposed to "grasp revolution and promote productions", while peasants were supposed to raise more pigs because "more pigs means more manure, and more manure means more grain". Even a casual remark by Mao, "Sweet potato tastes good; I like it" became a slogan everywhere in the countryside.[108] Political slogans of the time had three sources: Mao, official Party media such as People's Daily, and the Red Guards.[108] Mao
Mao
often offered vague, yet powerful directives that led to the factionalization of the Red Guards.[110] These directives could be interpreted to suit personal interests, in turn aiding factions' goals in being most loyal to Mao
Mao
Zedong. Red Guard slogans were of the most violent nature, such as "Strike the enemy down on the floor and step on him with a foot", "Long live the red terror!" and "Those who are against Chairman Mao
Mao
will have their dog skulls smashed into pieces".[108] Sinologists Lowell Dittmer and Chen Ruoxi point out that the Chinese language had historically been defined by subtlety, delicacy, moderation, and honesty, as well as the "cultivation of a refined and elegant literary style".[111] This changed during the Cultural Revolution. Since Mao
Mao
wanted an army of bellicose people in his crusade, rhetoric at the time was reduced to militant and violent vocabulary.[108] These slogans were a powerful and effective method of "thought reform", mobilizing millions of people in a concerted attack upon the subjective world, "while at the same time reforming their objective world."[108][112] Dittmer and Chen argue that the emphasis on politics made language a very effective form of propaganda, but "also transformed it into a jargon of stereotypes—pompous, repetitive, and boring".[112] To distance itself from the era, Deng Xiaoping's government cut back heavily on the use of political slogans. The practice of sloganeering saw a mild resurgence in the late 1990s under Jiang Zemin. Arts and literature

The ballet The Red Detachment of Women, one of the Model Dramas promoted during the Cultural Revolution.

Before the Cultural Revolution, in the years 1958–1966, theatre became part of the struggles in the political arena as plays were used as to criticize or support particular members of the party leadership. An opera by Wu Han, Hai Rui
Hai Rui
Dismissed from Office, was interpreted as a veiled criticism of Mao. It produced an attack by Yao Wenyuan on the opera, an attack often considered the opening shot of Cultural Revolution,[113] and led to the persecution and death of its writer Wu Han, as well as others involved in theatre, such as Tian Han, Sun Weishi, and Zhou Xinfang.[114][115] During the Cultural Revolution, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
took control of the stage and introduced the revolutionary model operas under her direct supervision. Traditional operas were banned as they were considered feudalistic and bourgeois, but revolutionary opera, which is based on Peking opera
Peking opera
but modified in both content and form, was promoted.[116] Starting in 1967, eight Model Dramas (6 operas and 2 ballets) were produced in the first three years, and the most notable of the operas was The Legend of the Red Lantern. These operas were the only approved opera form and other opera troupes were required to adopt or change their repertoire.[117] The model operas were also broadcast on the radio, made into films, blared from public loudspeakers, taught to students in schools and workers in factories, and became ubiquitous as a form of popular entertainment and the only theatrical entertainment for millions in China.[118][119] In 1966, Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
put forward the Theory of the Dictatorship
Dictatorship
of the Black Line in Literature and Arts where those perceived to be bourgeois, anti-socialist or anti- Mao
Mao
"black line" should be cast aside, and called for the creation of a new literature and arts.[120] Writers, artists and intellectuals who were the recipients and disseminators of the "old culture" would be comprehensively eradicated. The majority of writers and artists were seen as "black line figures" and "reactionary literati", and therefore persecuted, many were subjected to "criticism and denunciation" where they may be publicly humiliated and ravaged, and they may also be imprisoned or sent to be reformed through hard labour.[121] For instance, Mei Zhi and her husband were sent to a tea farm in Lushan County, Sichuan, and she did not resume writing until the 1980s.[122] In the documents for the prosecution of the Gang of Four
Gang of Four
released in 1980, more than 2,600 people in the field of arts and literature were revealed to have been persecuted by the Ministry of Culture and units under it alone.[101] Many died as a result of their ordeal and humiliation—the names of 200 well-known writers and artists who were persecuted to death during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
were commemorated in 1979, these include writers such as Lao She, Fu Lei, Deng Tuo, Baren, Li Guangtian, Yang Shuo, and Zhao Shuli.[121] During the Cultural Revolution, only a few writers who gained permission or requalification under the new system, such as Hao Ran and some writers of worker or farmer background, can have had their work published or reprinted. The permissible subject matter of proletarian and socialist literature would be strictly defined, and all the literary periodicals in the country ceased publication by 1968. The situation eased after 1972, more writers were allowed to write and many provincial literary periodicals resumed publication, but the majority of writers still could not work.[121][123] The effect is similar in the film industry. A booklet titled "Four Hundred Films to be Criticized" was distributed, and film directors and actors/actresses were criticized with some tortured and imprisoned.[118] These included many of Jiang Qing's rivals and former friends in the film industry, and those who died in the period included Cai Chusheng, Zheng Junli, Shangguan Yunzhu, Wang Ying, and Xu Lai.[124] No feature films were produced in mainland China
China
for seven years apart from the few approved "Model dramas" and highly ideological films,[125] a notable example of the handful of films made and permitted to be shown in this period is Taking Tiger Mountain by Strategy.[126][127] After the communist takeover in China, much of the popular music from Shanghai was condemned as Yellow Music and banned, and during the Cultural Revolution, composers of such popular music such as Li Jinhui were persecuted.[128] Revolution-themed songs instead were promoted, and songs such as "Ode to the Motherland", "Sailing the Seas Depends on the Helmsman", "The East Is Red" and "Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No New China" were either written or became extremely popular during this period. "The East Is Red", especially, became popular; it de facto supplanted "The March of the Volunteers" as the national anthem of China, though the latter was restored to its previous place after the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
ended. Propaganda art Some of the most enduring images of Cultural Revolution
Revolution
come from the poster art. Propaganda art in posters was used as a campaigning tool and mass communication device, and often served as the main source of information for the people. They were produced in large number and widely disseminated, and were used by the government and Red Guards
Red Guards
to educate the public the ideological value as defined by the party state.[129] There were many types of posters, the two main genres being the dazibao (大字报, big character poster) and "commercial" propapanda poster (宣传画, xuanchuanhua).[130] The dazibao may be slogans, poems, commentary and graphics often freely created and posted on walls in public spaces, factories and communes. They were vital to Mao's struggle in the Cultural Revolution, and Mao
Mao
himself wrote his own dazibao at Beijing University on August 5, 1966, calling on the people to "Bombard the Headquarters".[131] The "commercial" propaganda posters were artworks produced by the government and sold cheaply in store to be displayed in homes. The artists for these posters may be amateurs or uncredited professionals, and the posters were largely in a Socialist Realist visual style with certain conventions—for example, images of Mao should be depicted as "red, smooth, and luminescent".[130][132] Traditional themes in art were sidelined the Cultural Revolution, and artists such as Feng Zikai, Shi Lu, and Pan Tianshou
Pan Tianshou
were persecuted.[133] Many of the artists have been assigned to manual labour, and artists were expected to depict subjects that glorified the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
related to their labour.[134] In 1971, in part to alleviate their suffering, a number of leading artists were recalled from manual labour or free from captivity under the initiative of Zhou Enlai
Zhou Enlai
to decorate hotels and railway stations defaced by Red Guards
Red Guards
slogans. Zhou said that the artworks were for meant for foreigners, therefore were "outer" art not be under the obligations and restrictions placed on "inner" art meant for Chinese citizens. To him, landscape paintings should also not be considered one of the "Four Olds". However, Zhou was weakened by cancer and in 1974, the Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing
faction seized these and other paintings and mounted exhibitions in Beijing, Shanghai and other cities denouncing the artworks as "Black Paintings".[135] Historical relics

Faces of Buddhas were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.

China's historical sites, artifacts and archives suffered devastating damage, as they were thought to be at the root of "old ways of thinking." Artifacts were seized, museums and private homes ransacked, and any item found that was thought to represent bourgeois or feudal ideas was destroyed. There are few records of exactly how much was destroyed—Western observers suggest that much of China's thousands of years of history was in effect destroyed, or, later, smuggled abroad for sale, during the short ten years of the Cultural Revolution. Chinese historians compare the cultural suppression during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
to Qin Shihuang's great Confucian purge. Religious persecution
Religious persecution
intensified during this period, as a result of religion being viewed in opposition to Marxist–Leninist and Maoist thinking.[136] Although being undertaken by some of the Revolution's enthusiastic followers, the destruction of historical relics was never formally sanctioned by the Communist Party, whose official policy was instead to protect such items. On May 14, 1967, the CCP central committee issued a document entitled Several suggestions for the protection of cultural relics and books during the Cultural Revolution.[137] Nevertheless, enormous damage was inflicted on China's cultural heritage. For example, a survey in 1972 in Beijing of 18 key spots of cultural heritage, including the Temple of Heaven
Temple of Heaven
and Ming Tombs, showed extensive damage. Of the 80 cultural heritage sites in Beijing under municipal protection, 30 were destroyed, and of the 6,843 cultural sites under protection by Beijing government decision in 1958, 4,922 were damaged or destroyed.[138][139] Numerous valuable old books, paintings, and other cultural relics were also burnt to ashes.[139] Later archaeological excavation and preservation after the destructive period in the 1960s, however, were protected, and several major discoveries, such as that of the Terracotta Army
Terracotta Army
and the Mawangdui, occurred after the peak of the Revolution.[137] Nevertheless, the most prominent symbol of academic research in archaeology, the journal Kaogu, did not publish during the Cultural Revolution.[140] Struggle sessions and purges Main article: Struggle session Millions of people in China
China
were violently persecuted during the Cultural Revolution. Those identified as spies, "running dogs", "revisionists", or coming from a suspect class (including those related to former landlords or rich peasants) were subject to beating, imprisonment, rape, torture, sustained and systematic harassment and abuse, seizure of property, denial of medical attention, and erasure of social identity. At least hundreds of thousands of people were murdered, starved, or worked to death. Millions more were forcibly displaced. Young people from the cities were forcibly moved to the countryside, where they were forced to abandon all forms of standard education in place of the propaganda teachings of the Communist Party of China.[92] Some people were not able to stand the torture and, losing hope for the future, committed suicide. One of the most famous cases of attempted suicide due to political persecution involved Deng Xiaoping's son, Deng Pufang, who jumped (or was thrown) from a four-story building after being "interrogated" by Red Guards. Instead of dying, he became paraplegic. In the trial of the so-called Gang of Four, a Chinese court stated that 729,511 people had been persecuted, of whom 34,800 were said to have died.[141] According to Mao: The Unknown Story, an estimated 100,000 people died in one of the worst factional struggles in Guangxi
Guangxi
in January–April 1968, before Premier Zhou sent the PLA to intervene.[142] Zheng Yi's Scarlet Memorial: Tales of Cannibalism
Cannibalism
in Modern China
China
alleged "systematic killing and cannibalization of individuals in the name of political revolution and 'class struggle'" among the Zhuang people
Zhuang people
in Wuxuan County, Guangxi, during that period.[143] Zheng was criticized in China
China
for reliance on unpublished interviews and for negative portrayal of a Chinese ethnic minority,[144] although senior party historians corroborated allegations of cannibalism.[145] Sinologist Gang Yue questioned how "systematic" the cannibalism could have been, given the inherent factionalism of the Cultural Revolution.[146] In Mao's Last Revolution
Revolution
(2006), MacFarquhar and Schoenhals also dispute that it was communism that compelled the Zhuang in this area towards cannibalism, noting that similar incidents occurred under pressure from the Kuomintang secret police in the republican period.[145] Death toll Estimates of the death toll, including civilians and Red Guards, vary greatly.[147] They range upwards to several millions, but an estimate of around 400,000 deaths is a widely accepted minimum figure, according to Maurice Meisner.[148] MacFarquhar and Schoenhals assert that in rural China
China
alone some 36 million people were persecuted, of whom between 750,000 and 1.5 million were killed, with roughly the same number permanently injured.[149] In Mao: The Unknown Story, Jung Chang
Jung Chang
and Jon Halliday
Jon Halliday
claim that as many as 3 million people died in the violence of the Cultural Revolution.[150] The Holocaust memorial museum puts the death toll between 5 and 10 million.[151] The true figure of those who were persecuted or died during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
however may never be known, since many deaths went unreported or were actively covered up by the police or local authorities. The state of Chinese demographics records at the time was also very poor, and the PRC has been hesitant to allow formal research into the period.[152] Ethnic minorities

The Tibetan Panchen Lama
Panchen Lama
during a struggle session.

The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
wreaked much havoc on minority cultures and ethnicities in China
China
as the majority Han-Chinese where totally out of control in their purge. In Inner Mongolia, some 790,000 people were persecuted. Of these, 22,900 were beaten to death and 120,000 were maimed,[153] during a witch hunt to find members of the alleged separatist New Inner Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party. In Xinjiang, copies of the Qur'an
Qur'an
and other books of the Uyghur people were apparently burned. Muslim imams were reportedly paraded around with paint splashed on their bodies. In the ethnic Korean areas of northeast China, language schools were destroyed. In Yunnan
Yunnan
Province, the palace of the Dai people's king was torched, and a massacre of Muslim Hui people
Hui people
at the hands of the People's Liberation Army
People's Liberation Army
in Yunnan, known as the Shadian incident, reportedly claimed over 1,600 lives in 1975.[154] After the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was over, the government gave reparations for the Shadian Incident, including the erection of a Martyr's Memorial in Shadian.[155] Concessions given to minorities were abolished during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
as part of the Red Guards' attack on the "Four Olds". People's communes, previously only established in parts of Tibet, were established throughout Tibetan Autonomous Region
Tibetan Autonomous Region
in 1966,[156] removing Tibet's exemption from China's period of land reform, and reimposed in other minority areas. The effect on Tibet had been particularly severe as it came following the repression after the 1959 Tibetan uprising.[157][158] The destruction of nearly all of its over 6,000 monasteries, which began before the Cultural Revolution, were often conducted with the complicity of local ethnic Tibetan Red Guards.[159] Only eight were left intact by the end of 1970s.[160] Many monks and nuns were killed, and the general population were subjected to physical and psychological torture.[159] There were an estimated 600,000 monks and nuns in Tibet in 1950, and by 1979, most of them were dead, imprisoned or had disappeared.[161] The Tibetan government in exile claimed that a large number of Tibetans also died from famines in 1961–1964 and 1968–1973 as a result of forced collectivization,[158][162][163] however the number of Tibetan deaths or whether famines in fact took place in these periods is disputed.[164][165][166] Despite official persecution, some local leaders and minority ethnic practices survived in remote regions.[citation needed] The overall failure of the Red Guards' and radical assimilationists' goals was largely due to two factors. It was felt that pushing minority groups too hard would compromise China's border defences. This was especially important as minorities make up a large percentage of the population that live along China's borders. In the late 1960s China
China
experienced a period of strained relations with a number of its neighbours, notably with the Soviet Union
Soviet Union
and India.[167] Many of the Cultural Revolution's goals in minority areas were simply too unreasonable to be implemented. The return to pluralism, and therefore the end of the worst of the effects of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
to ethnic minorities in China, coincides closely with Lin Biao's removal from power.[168] Legacy

The central section of this wall shows the faint remnant marks of a propaganda slogan that was added during the Cultural Revolution, but has since been removed. The slogan reads "Boundless faith in Chairman Mao."

China Communist Party opinions Main article: Ideology of the Communist Party of China To make sense of the mass chaos caused by Mao's leadership in the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
while preserving the Party's authority and legitimacy, Mao's successors needed to lend the event a "proper" historical judgment. On June 27, 1981, the Central Committee adopted the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," an official assessment of major historical events since 1949.[169] The Resolution frankly noted Mao's leadership role in the movement, stating that "chief responsibility for the grave 'Left' error of the 'Cultural Revolution,' an error comprehensive in magnitude and protracted in duration, does indeed lie with Comrade Mao
Mao
Zedong." It diluted blame on Mao
Mao
himself by asserting that the movement was "manipulated by the counterrevolutionary groups of Lin Biao
Lin Biao
and Jiang Qing," who caused its worst excesses. The Resolution affirmed that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
"brought serious disaster and turmoil to the Communist Party and the Chinese people."[169] The official view aimed to separate Mao's actions during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
from his "heroic" revolutionary activities during the Chinese Civil War
Chinese Civil War
and the Second Sino-Japanese War. It also separated Mao's personal mistakes from the correctness of the theory that he created, going as far as to rationalize that the Cultural Revolution contravened the spirit of Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
Thought, which remains an official guiding ideology of the Party. Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
famously summed this up with the phrase " Mao
Mao
was 70% good, 30% bad."[170] After the Cultural Revolution, Deng affirmed that Maoist
Maoist
ideology was responsible for the revolutionary success of the Communist Party, but abandoned it in practice to favour "Socialism with Chinese characteristics", a very different model of state-directed market economics. In Mainland China, the official view of the party now serves as the dominant framework for Chinese historiography
Chinese historiography
of the time period; alternative views (see below) are discouraged. Following the Cultural Revolution, a new genre of literature known as "Scar literature" (Shanghen Wenxue) emerged, being encouraged by the post-Mao government. Largely written by educated youth such as Liu Xinhua, Zhang Xianliang, and Liu Xinwu, scar literature depicted the Revolution
Revolution
from a negative viewpoint, using their own perspectives and experiences as a basis.[171] After the suppression of the Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
Protests of 1989, both liberals and conservatives within the Party accused each other of excesses that they claimed were reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution. Li Peng, who promoted the use of military force, cited that the student movement had taken inspiration from the grassroots populism of the Cultural Revolution, and that if it is left unchecked, would eventually lead to a similar degree of mass chaos.[172] Zhao Ziyang, who was sympathetic to the protestors, later accused his political opponents of illegally removing him from office by using "Cultural Revolution-style" tactics, including "reversing black and white, exaggerating personal offenses, taking quotes out of context, issuing slander and lies... innundating the newspapers with critical articles making me out to be an enemy, and casual disregard for my personal freedoms."[173] Alternative opinions Although the Chinese Communist Party officially condemns the Cultural Revolution, there are many Chinese people who hold more positive views of it, particularly amongst the working class, who benefited most from its policies.[174] Since Deng's ascendancy to power, the government has arrested and imprisoned figures who have taken a strongly pro-Cultural Revolution
Revolution
stance. For instance, in 1985, a young shoe-factory worker put up a poster on a factory wall in Xianyang, Shaanxi, which declared that "The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was Good" and led to achievements such as "the building of the Nanjing Yangtze River Bridge, the creation of hybrid rice crops and the rise of people's consciousness." The factory worker was eventually sentenced to ten years in prison, where he died soon after "without any apparent cause."[175] One of the student leaders of the Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
protests of 1989, Shen Tong, author of Almost a Revolution, has a positive view of some aspects of the Cultural Revolution. According to Shen, the trigger for the famous Tiananmen hunger-strikes of 1989 was a big-character poster (dazibao), a form of public political discussion that gained prominence during the Cultural Revolution. Shen remarked that the congregation of students from across the country to Beijing on trains and the hospitality they received from residents was reminiscent of the experiences of Red Guards
Red Guards
in the Cultural Revolution.[2] Since the advent of the Internet, people inside and outside China
China
have argued online that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
had many beneficial qualities for China
China
that have been denied by both the post- Mao
Mao
Chinese Communist Party and Western media. Some hold that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
'cleansed' China
China
from superstitions, religious dogma, and outdated traditions in a 'modernist transformation' that later made Deng's economic reforms possible. These sentiments increased following the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade
U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade
in 1999, when a segment of the population began to associate anti- Maoist
Maoist
viewpoints with the United States.[176] Contemporary Maoists have also become more organized in the internet era, partially as a response to criticisms of Mao
Mao
from academics and scholars. One Maoist
Maoist
website managed to collect thousands of signatures demanding punishment for those who publicly criticize Mao. Along with the call for legal action, this movement demands the establishment of agencies similar to Cultural Revolution-era "neighborhood committees", in which "citizens" would report anti-Maoists to local public security bureaus. Maoist
Maoist
rhetoric and mass mobilization methods were resurgent in the interior city of Chongqing
Chongqing
during the political career of Bo Xilai.[177] Contemporary China Public discussion of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
is still limited in China. The Chinese government continues to prohibit news organizations from mentioning details of the Cultural Revolution, and online discussions and books about the topic are subject to official scrutiny. Textbooks on the subject continue to abide by the "official view" (see above) of the events. Many government documents from the 1960s on remain classified, and are not open to formal inspection by private academics.[178] At the National Museum of China
China
in Beijing, the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
is barely mentioned in its historical exhibits.[179] Despite inroads made by numerous prominent sinologists, independent scholarly research of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
is discouraged by the Chinese government.[178] There is concern that as witnesses age and die, the opportunity to research the event thoroughly within China
China
may be lost.[180] That the government still displays such heightened sensitivities around the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
is an indicator that it still considers itself, at least in part, an inheritor of its legacy. The government is apprehensive that academic probing and popular discussions will lead to ideological conflict and increase social instability. It may threaten the foundations of Communist rule. The focus of the Chinese government on maintaining political and social stability has been a top priority since the Tiananmen crackdown on reformers on June 4, 1989, and the current government has no interest in re-evaluating any issue that might lead to a split in the Chinese leadership, or which might polarize the Party on ideological grounds.[178] Outside mainland China In Hong Kong a pro-Communist anti-colonial strike inspired by the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was launched in 1967. Its excesses damaged the credibility of these activists for more than a generation in the eyes of Hong Kong residents.[181] In Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek
Chiang Kai-shek
initiated the Chinese Cultural Renaissance to counter what he regarded as destruction of traditional Chinese values by the Communists on the mainland. In Albania, Communist leader and Chinese ally Enver Hoxha began a "Cultural and Social Revolution" organized along the same lines as the Cultural Revolution. In the world at large, Mao Zedong
Mao Zedong
emerged as a symbol of the anti-establishment, grassroots populism, and self-determination. His revolutionary philosophies found adherents in the Shining Path
Shining Path
of Peru, the Naxalite
Naxalite
insurgency in India, various political movements in Nepal, the U.S.-based Black Panther Party,[182] and the 1960s counterculture movement in general. In 2007 Hong Kong Chief Executive Donald Tsang
Donald Tsang
remarked that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
represented the 'dangers of democracy', remarking "People can go to the extreme like what we saw during the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
[...], when people take everything into their own hands, then you cannot govern the place".[183] The remarks caused controversy in Hong Kong and were later retracted with an accompanying apology.[183] Academic debate Various schools of thought have emerged surrounding several key questions surrounding the Cultural Revolution, seeking to explain why events unfolded the way they did, why it began in the first place, and what it was. The movement's complexities contain many contradictions: led by an all-powerful omnipresent leader, it was mainly driven to fruition by a series of grassroots-led popular uprisings against the Communist establishment. While Mao's leadership was pivotal at the beginning of the movement, Jin Qiu contends that as events progressed it deviated significantly from Mao's utopian vision.[184] In this sense, the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was actually a much more decentralized and varied movement that gradually lost cohesion, spawning a large number of 'local revolutions' which differed in their nature and goals.[184] Academic interest has also focused on the movement's relationship with Mao's personality. Mao
Mao
had always envisioned himself as a wartime guerrilla leader, which made him wary of the bureaucratic details of peacetime governance. With the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
Mao
Mao
was simply "returning to form", once again taking on the role of a guerrilla leader fighting against an institutionalized party bureaucracy. MacFarquhar and Schoenhals, writing in Mao's Last Revolution, paint the movement as neither a bona fide war over ideological purity nor a mere power struggle to remove Mao's political rivals.[185] While Mao's personal motivations were certainly pivotal to the Cultural Revolution, they reasoned that a multitude of other complex factors contributed to the way events unfolded. These include China's relationship with the global Communist movement, geopolitical concerns, the ideological rift between China
China
and the Soviet Union, Khrushchev's ouster, and the failures of the Great Leap Forward.[185] The movement was, at least in part, a legacy project to cement Mao's place in history, aimed to boost his prestige while he was alive and preserve the invulnerability of his ideas after his death.[186] The mass hysteria surrounding the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was also unprecedented. Historian Phillip Short contends that the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
contained elements that were akin to a form of religious worship.[187] Mao's godlike status during the period yielded him ultimate definitional power over Communist doctrine, yet the esoteric and often contradictory nature of his writings led to endless wars over its interpretation, with both conservatives and liberals drawing on Mao's teachings to achieve their divergent goals. Many factional struggles were not unlike religious wars, with all sides claiming allegiance to the most "authentic" form of Maoism. Virtually all English-language books paint a highly negative picture of the movement. Historian Anne F. Thurston wrote that it "led to loss of culture, and of spiritual values; loss of hope and ideals; loss of time, truth and of life".[188] Barnouin and Yu summarized the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
as "a political movement that produced unprecedented social divisions, mass mobilization, hysteria, upheavals, arbitrary cruelty, torture, killings, and even civil war", calling Mao
Mao
"one of the most tyrannical despots of the twentieth century".[189] In Mao: The Unknown Story, Chang and Halliday attributed all the destruction of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
to Mao
Mao
personally, with more sympathetic portrayals of his allies and opponents.[190] A small number of scholars have challenged the mainstream portrayals of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
and attempted to understand it in a more positive light. Mobo Gao, writing in The Battle for China's Past: Mao
Mao
and the Cultural Revolution,[191] asserts that the movement benefited millions of Chinese citizens, particularly agricultural and industrial workers,[192] and sees it as egalitarian and genuinely populist, citing continued Maoist
Maoist
nostalgia in China
China
today as remnants of its positive legacy.[193] See also

Born Red: A Chronicle of the Cultural Revolution, an autobiography that includes experiences during the Cultural Revolution Morning Sun (八九點鐘的太陽), a documentary exploring the events and effects of the Cultural Revolution Red Scarf Girl, a memoir of experiences during the Cultural Revolution A Year In Upper Felicity, book chronicling a year in a rural Chinese village during the Cultural Revolution

Inspired by:

July Theses, a mini–Cultural Revolution
Revolution
in Romania Cultural and Ideological Revolution
Revolution
in Albania, inspired by the Cultural Revolution

Notes

^ "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China," adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
China
on June 27, 1981 Resolution on CPC History (1949–81). (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1981). p. 32. ^ a b c d Tang Tsou. [1986] (1986). The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
and Post- Mao
Mao
Reforms: A Historical Perspective. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-81514-5 ^ a b c Worden, Robert (1987). "A Country Study:China". Library of Congress.  ^ Jin, Qiu (1999). The Culture of Power: Lin Biao
Lin Biao
and the Cultural Revolution. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. pp. 25–30.  ^ "Historical Atlas of the 20th century".  ^ Jin Qiu, p. 55 ^ Spence ^ Jin Qiu, Ch. 2 ^ a b MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. pp. 4–7. ^ a b c MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. p. 7. ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals. pp. 15–18. ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals. p. 16. ^ No relation to Peng Dehuai ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals. pp. 14–19. ^ a b MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. Chapter 1. ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. pp. 20–27. ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals. p. 24. ^ a b MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006 Chapter 1. ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals. pp. 27–35. ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. pp. 39–40. ^ Quoted in MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. p. 47. ^ Li Xuefeng quoted in MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. p. 40. ^ a b MacFarquhar and Schoenhals 2006. p. 46. ^ Wang, Nianyi (1989). 大动乱的年代:1949–1989年的中国 [Great age of turmoil, a history of China
China
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on Film: A Century of Exploration, Confrontation, and Controversy. Rowman & Littlefield Publisher. pp. 128–29. ISBN 978-1442211797.  ^ Dingbo Wu; Patrick D. Murphy, eds. (1994). Handbook of Chinese Popular Culture. Greenwood Press. p. 207. ISBN 978-0313278082.  ^ Yingjin Zhang (2004). Chinese National Cinema. Routledge. pp. 219–20. ISBN 978-0415172905.  ^ Tan Ye; Yun Zhu (2012). Historical Dictionary of Chinese Cinema. Scarecrow Press. p. 41. ISBN 978-0810867796.  ^ E. Taylor Atkins, ed. (2004). Jazz Planet. University Press of Mississippi. p. 226. ISBN 978-1578066094.  ^ Harriet Evans; Stephanie Donald, eds. (1999). Picturing Power in the People's Republic of China: Posters of the Cultural Revolution. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 1–5. ISBN 978-0847695119.  ^ a b Lincoln Cushing; Ann Tompkins (2007). Chinese Posters: Art from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Chronicle Books. pp. 7–12. ISBN 978-0811859462.  ^ Lincoln Cushing; Ann Tompkins (2007). Chinese Posters: Art from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Chronicle Books. p. 5. ISBN 978-0811859462.  ^ Julia Frances Andrews (1995). Painters and Politics in the People's Republic of China, 1949–1979. University of California Press. p. 360. ISBN 978-0520079816.  ^ King. p. 97 ^ Julia Frances Andrews (1995). Painters and Politics in the People's Republic of China, 1949–1979. University of California Press. pp. 351–52. ISBN 978-0520079816.  ^ Julia Frances Andrews (1995). Painters and Politics in the People's Republic of China, 1949–1979. University of California Press. pp. 368–76. ISBN 978-0520079816.  ^ Jiaqi Yan, Gao Gao, Danny Wynn Ye Kwok, Turbulent decade: a history of the cultural revolution, Honolulu Univ. of Hawai'i Press 1996, p. 73 ^ a b Gao 2008. p. 21. ^ Jun Wang (2011). Beijing Record: A Physical and Political History of Planning Modern Beijing. World Scientific Publishing Co Pte Ltd. pp. 446–47. ISBN 978-9814295727.  ^ a b Barbara Barnouin; Changgen Yu (2010). Ten Years of Turbulence: The Chinese Cultural Revolution. Kegan Paul International, Routledge. p. 98. ISBN 978-0-7103-0458-2.  ^ Journal of Asian history, Volume 21, 1987, p. 87 ^ James P. Sterba, The New York Times, January 25, 1981 ^ ChangHalliday (2005), p. 545. ^ Zheng, Yi (1996). Scarlet Memorial: Tales of Cannibalism
Cannibalism
in Modern China. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. ISBN 081332615X. , p. 198 ^ Chen, Xiaomei (2002). Acting the Right Part: Political Theatre and Popular Drama in Contemporary China. University of Hawaii Press. pp. 30–31.  ^ a b Roderick MacFarquhar, and Michael Schoenhals. Mao's Last Revolution. Harvard University Press, 2006. p. 259 ^ Yue, Gang (1999). The Mouth That Begs: Hunger, Cannibalism, and the Politics of Eating in Modern China. Duke University Press. pp. 228–30.  ^ "Source List and Detailed Death Tolls for the Primary Megadeaths of the Twentieth Century". Necrometrics.  ^ Maurice Meisner
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(1999). Mao's China
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and After: A History of the People's Republic (3rd ed.). Free Press. p. 354. ISBN 978-0684856353.  ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals. p. 262 ^ Chang, Jung and Halliday, Jon. Mao: The Unknown Story. Jonathan Cape, London, 2005. p. 569 ^ Merrill Goldman; Lydia Perry (December 5, 1995). "The Chinese Case: Was It Genocide or Poor Policy?". The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
was modern China’s most destructive episode. It is estimated that 100 million people were persecuted and about five to ten million people, mostly intellectuals and party officials lost their lives.  ^ The Chinese Cultural Revolution: Remembering Mao's Victims by Andreas Lorenz (Beijing) Der Spiegel
Der Spiegel
Online. May 15, 2007 ^ MacFarquhar, Roderick and Schoenhals, Michael. Mao's Last Revolution. Harvard University Press, 2006. p. 258 ^ Yongming Zhou, Anti-drug crusades in twentieth-century China : nationalism, history, and state building, Lanham [u.a.] Rowman & Littlefield 1999, p. 162 ^ Khalid, Zainab (4 January 2011). "Rise of the Veil: Islamic Modernity and the Hui Woman" (PDF). SIT Digital Collections. Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. SIT Graduate Institute. pp. 8, 11. Paper 1074. Retrieved 25 July 2014.  ^ John Powers; David Templeman (2007). Historical Dictionary of Tibet. Grove Press. p. 35.  ^ Adam Jones. Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction. Routledge. pp. 96–97. ISBN 978-0415353854.  ^ a b Ronald D. Schwartz (1996). Circle Of Protest. pp. 12–13. ISBN 9788120813700.  ^ a b Jane Ardley (2002). Tibetan Independence Movement: Political, Religious and Gandhian Perspectives. Routledge. p. 9. ISBN 978-0700715725.  ^ Thomas Laird. The Story of Tibet: Conversations with the Dalai Lama. p. 345. ISBN 9781555846725.  ^ Jane Ardley (2003). Tibetan Independence Movement: Political, Religious and Gandhian Perspectives. Routledge. p. 22. ISBN 9781135790257.  ^ Kimberley Ens Manning; Felix Wemheuer (2011). Eating Bitterness: New Perspectives on China's Great Leap Forward
Great Leap Forward
and Famine. UBC Press. p. 23. ISBN 9780774859554.  ^ John Powers; David Templeman (2007). Historical Dictionary of Tibet. Grove Press. p. 170.  ^ Warren W. Smith (2009). Tibet's Last Stand?: The Tibetan Uprising of 2008 and China's Response. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. p. 6. ISBN 978-0742566859.  ^ John Powers (2004). History As Propaganda: Tibetan Exiles versus the People's Republic of China. Oxford University Press. p. 142. ISBN 978-0198038849.  ^ Barry Sautman; June Teufel Dreyer (2006). Contemporary Tibet: Politics, Development, and Society in a Disputed Region. ME Sharp. pp. 238–47. ISBN 9780765631497.  ^ See Sino-Soviet split
Sino-Soviet split
and Sino-Indian relations ^ Dreyer, June Teufel (2000). China's Political System: Modernization and Tradition (3rd ed.). London, Great Britain: Macmillan. pp. 289–91. ISBN 0-333-91287-X.  ^ a b "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China
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New York Times
July 22, 2010, accessed July 22, 2010 ^ Wiltshire, Trea. [First published 1987] (republished & reduced 2003). Old Hong Kong – Volume Three. Central, Hong Kong: Text Form Asia books Ltd. ISBN 962-7283-61-4 ^ Up Against the Wall, Curtis Austin, University of Arkansas Press, Fayetteville, 2006, p. 170 ^ a b BBC (October 13, 2007). "HK's Tsang apologises for gaffe". BBC News.  ^ a b Jin, Qiu (1999). The Culture of Power the Lin Biao
Lin Biao
Incident in the Cultural Revolution. Palo Alto, California: Standard University Press. pp. 2–3. ISBN 0-8047-3529-8.  ^ a b MacFaquhar, Roderick; Schoenhals, Michael (2006). Mao's Last Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-02332-3.  ^ MacFarquhar and Schoenhals, Mao's Last Revolution, Introduction ^ Short, Phillip. "Mao's Bloody Revolution: Revealed". Retrieved November 1, 2011.  ^ Thurston 1984–85. pp. 605–06. ^ Barnouin and Yu 217 ^ Chang and Halliday, Mao: The Unknown Story. ^ Pluto Press, About Us Archived January 1, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. ^ Gao 2008. p. 1. ^ Gao 2008. p. 3.

References

"Li Peng, the 'Butcher of Tiananmen,' was 'Ready to Die' to Stop the Student Turmoil". AsiaNews.it. 2003. Retrieved August 21, 2011. Barnouin, Barbara and Yu Changgen. Zhou Enlai: A Political Life. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ISBN 962-996-280-2. Retrieved on March 12, 2011. Ewing, Kent. (2011, June 4). "Mao's Army on the Attack". Asia Times Online. Asia Times Online (Holdings). Retrieved at <http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/MF04Ad01.html> on June 16, 2011. Fong Tak-ho. (2006, May 19). "Cultural Revolution? What Revolution?" Asia Times Online. Asia Times Online (Holdings). Retrieved at <http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/HE19Ad01.html> on June 15, 2011. Gao, Mobo (2008). The Battle for China's Past: Mao
Mao
and the Cultural Revolution. London: Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-2780-8.  Retrieved at <https://web.archive.org/web/20121103094507/http://www.strongwindpress.com/pdfs/EBook/The_Battle_for_Chinas_Past.pdf> on September 2, 2012. Richard King, ed. (2010). Art in Turmoil: The Chinese Cultural Revolution, 1966–76. University of British Columbia Press. ISBN 978-0774815437.  MacFarquhar, Roderick & Schoenhals, Michael (2006). Mao's Last Revolution. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02332-1.  Spence, Jonathan D. (1999). The Search for Modern China, New York: W.W. Norton and Company. ISBN 0-393-97351-4. Thurston, Anne F. (1988). Enemies of the People: The Ordeal of Intellectuals in China's Great Cultural Revolution. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.  Teiwes, Frederick C. & Sun, Warren. (2004). "The First Tiananmen Incident Revisited: Elite Politics and Crisis Management at the End of the Maoist
Maoist
Era". Pacific Affairs. Vol. 77, No. 2, Summer. 211–35. Retrieved from <https://www.jstor.org/stable/40022499> on March 11, 2011. Zhao Ziyang. Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang. Trans & Ed. Bao Pu, Renee Chiang, and Adi Ignatius. New York: Simon and Schuster. 2009. ISBN 1-4391-4938-0

Further reading General

Michael Schoenhals, ed., China's Cultural Revolution, 1966–1969: Not a Dinner Party (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1996. An East Gate Reader). xix, 400 p. ISBN 1-56324-736-4. Richard Curt Kraus. The Cultural Revolution: A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press, Very Short Introductions Series, 2012. xiv, 138 p. ISBN 9780199740550. MacFarquhar, Roderick and Schoenhals, Michael. Mao's Last Revolution. Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-674-02332-3 Jiaqi Yan; Gao Gao (1996). Turbulent Decade: A History of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
(1st ed.). University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 978-0824816957.  Morning Sun, "Bibliography," Morningsun.org Books and articles of General Readings and Selected Personal Narratives on the Cultural Revolution.

Specific topics

Andreas, Joel (2009). Rise of the Red Engineers: The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
and the Origins of China's New Class. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Chan, Anita. 1985. Children of Mao: Personality Development and Political Activism in the Red Guard Generation. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Leese, Daniel (2011). Mao
Mao
Cult: Rhetoric and Ritual in the Cultural Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Li, Jie and Enhua Zhang, eds. Red Legacies in China: Cultural Afterlives of the Communist Revolution
Revolution
(Harvard University Asia Center, 2016) 409 p.; Scholarly studies on cultural legacies and continuities from the Maoist
Maoist
era in art, architecture, literature, performance, film, etc. Fox Butterfield, China: Alive in the Bitter Sea, (1982, revised 2000), ISBN 0-553-34219-3, an oral history of some Chinese people's experience during the Cultural Revolution. Chang, Jung; Halliday, Jon (2005). Mao: The Unknown Story. New York: Knopf. ISBN 0679422714.  Xing Lu (2004). Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: The Impact on Chinese Thought, Culture, and Communication. University of South Carolina Press. ISBN 978-1570035432.  Ross Terrill, The White-Boned Demon: A Biography of Madame Mao
Mao
Zedong Stanford University Press, 1984 ISBN 0-8047-2922-0; rpr. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992 ISBN 0-671-74484-4. Wu, Yiching (2014). The Cultural Revolution
Revolution
at the Margins: Chinese Socialism in Crisis. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Commentaries

Simon Leys
Simon Leys
(penname of Pierre Ryckmans) Broken Images: Essays on Chinese Culture and Politics (1979). ISBN 0-8052-8069-3 Simon Leys. Chinese Shadows (1978). ISBN 0-670-21918-5; ISBN 0-14-004787-5. Simon Leys. The Burning Forest: Essays on Chinese Culture and Politics (1986). ISBN 0-03-005063-4; ISBN 0-586-08630-7; ISBN 0-8050-0350-9; ISBN 0-8050-0242-1. Simon Leys. The Chairman's New Clothes: Mao
Mao
and the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
(1977; revised 1981). ISBN 0-85031-208-6; ISBN 0-8052-8080-4; ISBN 0-312-12791-X; ISBN 0-85031-209-4; ISBN 0-85031-435-6 (revised ed.). Liu, Guokai. 1987. A Brief Analysis of the Cultural Revolution. edited by Anita Chan. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe.

Fictional treatments

Sijie Dai, translated by Ina Rilke, Balzac and the Little Chinese Seamstress (New York: Knopf: Distributed by Random House, 2001). 197 p. ISBN 0-375-41309-X Xingjian Gao, translated by Mabel Lee, One Man's Bible: A Novel (New York: HarperCollins, 2002). 450 p. Hua Gu, A Small Town Called Hibiscus (Beijing, China: Chinese Literature: distributed by China
China
Publications Centre, 1st, 1983. Panda Books). Translated by Gladys Yang. 260 p. Reprinted: San Francisco: China
China
Books. Hua Yu, To Live: A Novel (New York: Anchor Books, 2003). Translated by Michael Berry. 250 p. Ying Chang Compestine, Revolution
Revolution
Is Not a Dinner Party : A Novel. (New York: Holt, 2007). ISBN 0805082077. Young adult novel.

Memoirs by Chinese participants

Liu Ping, My Chinese Dream – From Red Guard to CEO (San Francisco, June 2012). 556 p. ISBN 9780835100403 Nien Cheng, Life and Death in Shanghai
Life and Death in Shanghai
(Grove, May 1987). 547 p. ISBN 0-394-55548-1 Jung Chang, Wild Swans: Three Daughters of China
China
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991). 524 p. LCCN 91-20696 Heng Liang Judith Shapiro, Son of the Revolution
Revolution
(New York: Knopf : Distributed by Random House, 1983). Yuan Gao, with Judith Polumbaum, Born Red: A Chronicle of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987). Jiang Yang Chu translated and annotated by Djang Chu, Six Chapters of Life in a Cadre School: Memoirs from China's Cultural Revolution [Translation of Ganxiao Liu Ji] (Boulder: Westview Press, 1986). Ma Bo, Blood Red Sunset: A Memoir of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (New York: Viking, 1995). Translated by Howard Goldblatt. Guanlong Cao, The Attic: Memoir of a Chinese Landlord's Son (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996). Ji-li Jiang, Red Scarf Girl: A Memoir of the Cultural Revolution
Revolution
(New York: HarperCollins, 1997). Anchee Min, Red Azalea (New York: Pantheon Books, 1994). ISBN 1-4000-9698-7. Rae Yang, Spider Eaters: A Memoir (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). Weili Ye, Xiaodong Ma, Growing up in the People's Republic: Conversations between Two Daughters of China's Revolution
Revolution
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005). Lijia Zhang, "Socialism Is Great": A Worker's Memoir of the New China (New York: Atlas & Co, Distributed by Norton, 2007). Emily Wu, Feather in the Storm (Pantheon, 2006). ISBN 978-0-375-42428-1. Xinran Xue, The Good Women of China: Hidden Voices (Chatto & Windus, 2002). Translated by Esther Tyldesley. ISBN 0-7011-7345-9 Ting-Xing Ye, Leaf In A Bitter Wind
Leaf In A Bitter Wind
(England, Bantam Books, 2000) Zhang Xianliang, Grass Soup, ISBN 0-7493-9774-8

Films set in the Cultural Revolution

Xie Jin, Hibiscus Town
Hibiscus Town
(1984) Zhang Yimou, Red Sorghum (1987) Chen Kaige, Farewll My Concubine (1992) Zhang Yimou, Story of Qiu Ju
Story of Qiu Ju
(1992) Tian Zhuangzhuang
Tian Zhuangzhuang
Blue Kite
Blue Kite
(1993) Zhang Yimou, To Live (1993) Jiang Wen, In the Heat of the Sun
In the Heat of the Sun
(1994)

External links

Find more aboutCultural Revolutionat's sister projects

Definitions from Wiktionary Media from Wikimedia Commons Textbooks from Wikibooks Learning resources from Wikiversity

Encyclopædia Britannica. The Cultural Revolution History of The Cultural Revolution Chinese propaganda posters gallery (Cultural Revolution, Mao, and others) Hua Guofeng's speech to the 11th Party Congress, 1977 Morning Sun – A Film and Website about Cultural Revolution
Revolution
and the photographs of the subject available from the film's site. Memorial for Victims of the Chinese Cultural Revolution "William Hinton on the Cultural Revolution" by Dave Pugh "Student Attacks Against Teachers: The Revolution
Revolution
of 1966" by Youqin Wang A Tale of Red Guards
Red Guards
and Cannibals by Nicholas D. Kristof. The New York Times, January 6, 1993.

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Maoism

Basic concepts

Marxism–Leninism Marxism–Leninism–Maoism Antagonistic contradiction One Divides Into Two Mass line People's war New Democracy Cultural Revolution Revolutionary base area Three Worlds Theory Anti-revisionism

Key figures

Mao
Mao
Zedong Akram Yari Chen Boda Abimael Guzmán İbrahim Kaypakkaya Lin Biao Charu Majumdar Siraj Sikder Pierre Mulele Huey P. Newton Prachanda Jiang Qing Jose Maria Sison Yao Wenyuan Zhang Chunqiao Samir Amin Li Minqi Charles Bettelheim Faiz Ahmad

Internationals

International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations Revolutionary Internationalist Movement Coordination Committee of Maoist
Maoist
Parties and Organisations of South Asia

Key books

Quotations from Chairman Mao On Contradiction On Practice On Guerrilla Warfare On Protracted War A Critique of Soviet Economics

Related topics

Communism Maoism
Maoism
(Third Worldism) Communist Party of China Chinese New Left Thought reform in China Naxalism Naxalite– Maoist
Maoist
insurgency Guevarism Communist insurgency in the Philippines Nepalese Civil War Internal conflict in Peru Maoist
Maoist
insurgency in Turkey

China
China
portal Politics portal

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The Cultural Revolution

Major events

Socialist Education Movement Lushan Conference Down to the Countryside Movement February Countercurrent Wuhan
Wuhan
Incident 9th Party Congress Project 571 10th Party Congress Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius Counterattack the Right-Deviationist Reversal-of-Verdicts Trend Tiananmen Incident 3rd Plenum of the 11th Central Committee

Key figures

Mao
Mao
Zedong Liu Shaoqi Zhou Enlai Lin Biao Deng Xiaoping Gang of Four
Gang of Four
(Jiang Qing Zhang Chunqiao Yao Wenyuan Wang Hongwen) Peng Dehuai Wu Han Peng Zhen Tao Zhu Chen Boda Wang Dongxing Xie Fuzhi Ji Dengkui Wang Li Qi Benyu Wu Faxian Qiu Huizuo Yang Chengwu Chen Zaidao Kang Sheng Mao
Mao
Yuanxin Hua Guofeng Ye Jianying

Documents

Bombard the Headquarters Quotations from Chairman Mao Hai Rui
Hai Rui
Dismissed from Office

Concepts

Four Olds Struggle session Feudal fascism Big-character poster One Divides Into Two Democracy Wall Eight model plays Capitalist roader Learn from Daqing in industry Learn from Dazhai in agriculture Scar literature

Groups

Red Guards Five Man Group Cultural Revolution
Revolution
Group Central Case Examination Group Central Organization and Propaganda Leading Group Revolutionary committee Shanghai People's Commune 8341 Special
Special
Regiment Sent-down youth 61 Renegades Barefoot doctor Stinking Old Ninth Five Black Categories Five Red Categories Worker-Peasant-Soldier student May Seventh Cadre School

Related topics

Maoism Great Leap Forward Class struggle Sino-Soviet split Ultra-Leftism Peaceful Evolution theory Two Whatevers

History portal

Authority control

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