The SYNOD OF WHITBY (664 A.D.) was a Northumbrian synod where King
Northumbria ruled that his kingdom would calculate
observe the monastic tonsure according to the customs of Rome, rather
than the customs practised by Irish monks at
Iona and its satellite
institutions. The synod was summoned at Hilda 's double monastery of
Streonshalh (Streanæshalch), later called
Whitby Abbey .
* 1 Sources
* 2 Background
* 3 Convocation
* 4 Decision
* 5 Result
* 6 Legacy and historical significance
* 7 See also
* 8 Notes
* 9 Bibliography
* 9.1 Primary sources
* 9.2 Secondary sources
* 10 External links
_ A manuscript of Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum
There are two principal sources for the synod. The first source, the
Life of Wilfrid _, is a hagiographic work written by Stephen of
Ripon, often identified as
Eddius Stephanus , probably soon after 710.
The second source is the _
Historia Ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum _ by
Bede , written in 731. One of Bede's sources was the
_Life of Wilfrid_ itself, but he also had access to people who knew
participants in the synod. For example,
Acca of Hexham
Acca of Hexham , and
dedicated many of his theological works to him. Acca was a companion
of Wilfrid's on some of his journeys to Rome.
Both accounts basically agree, though
Bede gives a much lengthier
discourse on the debate. The description of the proceedings, where
King Oswiu presides and rules but does not engage in the
ecclesiastics' debate himself, parallels examples of other synods in
other sources, such as one in the _Vita Sancti Bonifati_ by Willibald
Ine of Wessex performed the same function as Oswiu).
Nonetheless, it is important to observe that the authors, despite
their relatively good access to sources concerning the synod, still
wrote at a distance, and the accounts, especially the quotations
attributed to the participants, are more likely to be summaries of how
Bede and Stephen understood the issue rather than something like true
quotations. Further, the motivations of the authors influenced how
they presented the material.
Bede placed his description of the event
centrally in his narrative, and he has been recognised as
overemphasising the historical significance of the synod because
Easter calculation was of special interest to him, and also because he
wished to stress the unity of the English Church. However, Bede's
accuracy as a historian has been well regarded by Anglo-Saxon
scholars, and historians have generally been comfortable following
Bede's basic presentation of the synod. Stephen's text has found more
criticism, and Reginald Poole identified many of his inaccuracies, but
Stephen's account of the synod did not suffer the same criticism as
other passages in his work.
Celtic Christianity and
Christianity in Britain during the seventh century existed in two
forms distinguished by differing liturgical traditions, labelled the
"Ionan" and "Roman" traditions. The "Ionan" practice was that of the
Irish monks who resided in a monastery on the isle of
tradition within "
Celtic Christianity "), whereas the "Roman"
tradition kept observances according to the customs of Rome. In the
Northumbria , these two traditions coexisted, and each had
been encouraged by different royal houses. Edwin of
converted to Christianity under the influence of missionaries sent
from Rome by Pope Gregory the Great and thus had established Roman
practice in his realm. However, following his death and a year of
political instability, Oswald of
Northumbria gained the throne. He had
learned Christian practice from the monks of
Iona during his stay
there (while a political exile in his youth), and had encouraged Ionan
missionaries to further the Christianization of Northumbria,
especially the famous Bishop Aidan .
One of the main differences between the two traditions, and hence a
source of controversy , was the proper calculation of
Easter . Early
Christians had probably originally celebrated
Easter concurrent with
Passover (see Passover, Christian holiday ), which was held
on the fourteenth day of the first lunar month of the Jewish year,
Nisan _, the day of the crucifixion according to John 19:14.
First Council of Nicaea in 325 decreed that Christians
should no longer use the Jewish calendar but universally adopt the
practice of celebrating it on a Sunday, the day of the resurrection,
as had come to be the custom in Rome and Alexandria. Calculating the
proper date (_computus _) was a complex process (involving a lunisolar
calendar ), and different calculation tables developed which resulted
in different dates for the celebration of Easter.
In the 660s, Ionan adherents were still using a version of the
Bishop Augustalis 's 84-year cycle while Rome had since
adopted the 532-year tables of
Dionysius Exiguus which brought its
celebration into full concord with Alexandria . The Ionan tables not
only often resulted in a different date for the celebration of Easter,
but they also allowed
Easter to be celebrated on _
Nisan 14_ if that
were a Sunday, whereas Roman custom would have
Easter moved to a
different week in such a year (see ecclesiastical computus ). Around
602, the Irish missionary St
Columbanus had already been condemned by
a synod of French clerics for following his homeland's Easter
calculations. (The French followed yet a third _computus _, devised by
Victorius of Aquitaine .) Columbanus's appeals to
Pope Gregory I had
gone unanswered and he had been compelled to remove himself from the
bishops' jurisdiction. Both the Victorian and the Dionysian
calculations were more exact than the native calendar, and a synod in
southern Ireland had already adopted one of the new systems in the
630s. Political and ecclesiastical concerns over the authority to
change longstanding traditions, however, could cloud the issue: the
Welsh and French both resisted the change for another century.
The proper date of the celebration of the most significant Christian
feast had already resulted in visible disunity in the Northumbrian
court: Queen Eanfled of
Bernicia and her court observed
Easter on a
different day than did King Oswiu . While one royal faction was
celebrating Easter, the other would still be fasting during
Nonetheless, the disunity did not result in problems as long as the
well-respected Aidan was alive. After his death, his successor Finan
found himself challenged by a monk named Ronan, an Irishman who had
been trained in Rome and who wished to see the Roman Easter
established. It was only in the time of Colmán , the third Ionan monk
elected Bishop of Northumbria, that the conflict required royal
attention and resolution.
An important figure in the convocation of the synod was Alchfrith ,
Oswiu's son and sub-king in Deira .
Henry Mayr-Harting considered him
the "chief cause of trouble which led to the Synod". In the early
660s, he expelled Ionan monks from the monastery of Ripon and gave it
Wilfrid , a Northumbrian churchman who had recently returned from
Rome. Alchfrith's position in the royal house, together with his
Wilfrid (who would be the spokesperson for the Roman
position at the synod), has contributed to the view that he was
instrumental in arranging his father's convocation of the synod.
The synod was held at a place called _Streanæshalch_, at a monastery
of Hilda , herself a powerful Northumbrian noble and adherent to the
Ionan Easter. The identification of the location with the place later
Whitby is generally accepted, but not absolutely certain.
Another possible candidate is
Strensall near York.
The Ionan position was advocated by Colmán , Bishop of Northumbria.
In support of the Roman position, Eanfled had sent her chaplain
Romanus, and the position was also taken by
Agilbert , a Frankish
bishop who also held office in England. Because of Agilbert's
inability to express the complicated arguments in
Old English , which
was for him a foreign language,
Wilfrid was selected as the prime
advocate for the Roman party. King Oswiu presided over the synod and
acted as the final judge, who would give his royal authority in
support of one side or the other.
Bishop Colmán argued the Ionan calculation of
Easter on the grounds
that it was the practice of
Columba , founder of their monastic
network and a saint of unquestionable holiness, who himself had
followed the tradition of St. John the apostle and evangelist .
Wilfrid argued the Roman position on the following grounds (according
to Bede's narrative):
* it was the practice in Rome, where the apostles SS. Peter and Paul
had "lived, taught, suffered, and are buried";
* it was the universal practice of the Church, even as far as Egypt;
* the customs of the apostle John were particular to the needs of
his community and his age and, since then, the Council of Nicaea had
established a different practice;
Columba had done the best he could considering his knowledge, and
thus his irregular practice is excusable, but the Ionan monks at
present did not have the excuse of ignorance; and
* whatever the case, no one has authority over Peter (and thus his
successors, the Bishops of Rome).
Oswiu then asked both sides if they agreed that Peter had been given
the keys to the kingdom of heaven by Christ and pronounced to be "the
rock" on which the Church would be built, to which they agreed. Oswiu
then declared his judgment in favour of the holder of the keys, i.e.
the Roman (and Petrine) practice.
Whitby established Roman practice as the norm in
Northumbria, and thus "brought the Northumbrian church into the
mainstream of Roman culture." The episcopal seat of
York . Wilfrid, chief advocate for the
Roman position, later became Bishop of Northumbria, while Colmán and
the Ionan supporters who did not change their practices withdrew to
Iona. Colmán was allowed to take some relics of Aidan, who had been
central in establishing Christianity of the Ionan tradition in
Northumbria, with him back to Iona. To replace the departing
ecclesiastics, Oswiu chose mostly Irishmen who were from the parts of
Ireland that kept the Roman
Easter (as most of Ireland had done for
some time by the 660s).
LEGACY AND HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE
If the focus regarding the
Whitby is on the specific
decisions made, then it was simply one of many councils held
concerning the proper calculation of
Easter throughout Latin
Christendom in the Early Middle Ages. It addressed the issue of
Easter calculation and the proper monastic tonsure , and concerned
only the part of the English Church that answered to the See of
Lindisfarne – that is, it was a Northumbrian affair. Wilfrid's
advocation of the Roman
Easter has been called, "a triumphant push
against an open door", since most of the Irish had already accepted
Easter and for this reason
Iona "was already in danger of
being pushed to one side by its Irish rivals".
If the focus on
Whitby is on the eventual consequences, then we might
see the effects as more than just decisions on tonsure and dating of
Easter, and instead see it as an important step in the eventual
Romanisation of the church in England. This Romanisation might have
occurred anyway without the
Synod of Whitby. Nonetheless, following
Protestant Reformation , the events of the synod have been
symbolically interpreted as a "Celtic Church" opposing a "Roman
Church", and the decision of Oswiu was thus interpreted as the
"subjugation" of the "British Church" to Rome. There is a debate
regarding the reality of a pre-
Whitby "Celtic" Church versus a
Whitby "Roman" Church. (Until fairly recently, the Scottish
Divinity Faculty course on Church History ran from the Acts of the
Apostles to 664 before resuming in 1560.) In the words of Patrick
From the days of
George Buchanan , supplying the initial propaganda
for the makers of the Scottish Kirk, until a startlingly recent date,
there was warrant for an anti-Roman, anti-episcopal and, in the
nineteenth century, anti-establishment stance in the Columban or
"Celtic" Church. ... The idea that there _was_ a "Celtic Church" in
something of a post-Reformation sense is still maddeningly
ineradicable from the minds of students.
Whatever might be the facts, to supporters, the symbology of a Celtic
Church has importance post-Reformation .
In placing the synod in its proper historical context, Anglo-Saxon
historians have also noted the position of the synod in the context of
contemporary political tensions.
Henry Mayr-Harting considered
Alchfrith's interest in the convocation of the synod to be derived
from his desire to see his father's position in
and to see the replacement of Colmán with another bishop who would be
more aligned with himself.
Colmán of Lindisfarne
Eanfled of Deira
Religion in the United Kingdom
Paschal Full Moon
* ^ Colgrave, _The Life of Bishop
Eddius Stephanus_, pp
* ^ Catherine Cubitt, _Anglo-Saxon Church Councils_ p. 6–7.
* ^ Patrick Wormald, '
Bede and the 'Church of the English', in _The
Times of Bede_, p. 211.
* ^ see Poole, Reginald L. 'St.
Wilfrid and the See of Ripon', in
English Historical Review 34 (1919).
* ^ Constantine (325), "Letter on the Keeping of
Easter to those
not present at Nicaea", in
Eusebius of Caesaria , _The Life of
Constantine_, III (published 1996), §18–20, ISBN 1-56085-072-8
* ^ Mayr-Harting, _The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon
England_, p. 107.
* ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ Mayr-Harting, _The Coming of Christianity to
Anglo-Saxon England_, p. 108.
* ^ Barnwell, P.S.; Butler, L.A.S.; Dunn, C.J. (2003), "The
Confusion of Conversion: _Streanæshalch_,
the Northumbrian Church", in Carver, Martin , _The Cross Goes North_,
York Medieval Press, ISBN 1-903153-11-5
* ^ Colgrave, _Earliest Life of Gregory the Great_, p. 9.
* ^ see C. W. Jones introductory text to his edition of _Bedae
Opera de Temproibus_ (Cambridge, Mass., 1946) pp. 55–104.
* ^ _A_ _B_ _C_ Patrick Wormald, '
Bede and the 'Church of the
English', in _The Times of Bede_, p. 210.
* ^ Brown, _Rise of Western Christendom_, p. 361.
* ^ Patrick Wormald, '
Bede and the 'Church of the English', in _The
Times of Bede_, p. 207.
* Bede, _Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum_, in _Venerabilis
Baedae Opera Historica_. ed. C. Plummer (Oxford, 1896)
* Stephen of Ripon, _Life of Bishop Wilfrid_, ed. and trans. Bertram
Colgrave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)
* Abels, Richard. "The Council of Whitby: A Study in Early
Anglo-Saxon Politics", in _Journal of British Studies_, 23 (1984)
* Brown, Peter . _The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and
Diversity_, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003)
* Cubitt, Catherine, _Anglo-Saxon Church Councils c. 650–850_
(London: Leicester University Press, 1995)
* Higham, N. J. _The Kingdom of
Northumbria AD 350–1100_ (Alan
* Mayr-Harting, Henry . _The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon
England_, 3rd edition (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1991)
* Stenton, F. M. _Anglo-Saxon England_, 3