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The Camp David
Camp David
Accords were signed by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin
Menachem Begin
on 17 September 1978, following twelve days of secret negotiations at Camp David.[1] The two framework agreements were signed at the White House, and were witnessed by United States
United States
President Jimmy Carter. The second of these frameworks (A Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt
Egypt
and Israel) led directly to the 1979 Egypt– Israel
Israel
Peace Treaty. Due to the agreement, Sadat and Begin received the shared 1978 Nobel Peace Prize. The first framework (A Framework for Peace in the Middle East), which dealt with the Palestinian territories, was written without participation of the Palestinians and was condemned by the United Nations.

Contents

1 Preceding diplomacy

1.1 Carter Initiative 1.2 Participating parties 1.3 Begin Initiative 1.4 Sadat Initiative

2 Egyptian–Israeli talks 3 Partial agreements

3.1 Framework for Peace in the Middle East

3.1.1 Key points of the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza section 3.1.2 UN Rejection of the Middle East
Middle East
Framework

3.2 Framework Peace Treaty Egypt
Egypt
and Israel

4 Consequences 5 Public support 6 Criticism of the Accords 7 Assassination of Anwar Sadat 8 Arab–Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties 9 See also 10 References 11 Further reading 12 External links

Preceding diplomacy Carter Initiative Carter's and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance's exploratory meetings gave a basic plan for reinvigorating the peace process based on a Geneva Peace Conference and had presented three main objectives for Arab–Israeli peace: Arab
Arab
recognition of Israel's right to exist in peace, Israel's withdrawal from occupied territories gained in the Six-Day War
Six-Day War
through negotiating efforts with neighboring Arab
Arab
nations to ensure that Israel's security would not be threatened and securing an undivided Jerusalem.[2] The Camp David
Camp David
Accords were the result of 14 months of diplomatic efforts by Egypt, Israel, and the United States
United States
that began after Jimmy Carter became President.[3] The efforts initially focused on a comprehensive resolution of disputes between Israel
Israel
and the Arab countries, gradually evolving into a search for a bilateral agreement between Israel
Israel
and Egypt.[4] Upon assuming office on January 20, 1977, President Carter moved to rejuvenate the Middle East
Middle East
peace process that had stalled throughout the 1976 presidential campaign in the United States. Following the advice of a Brookings Institution
Brookings Institution
report, Carter opted to replace the incremental, bilateral peace talks which had characterized Henry Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy following the 1973 Yom Kippur War
Yom Kippur War
with a comprehensive, multilateral approach. The Yom Kippur War
Yom Kippur War
further complicated efforts to achieve the objectives written in United Nations Security Council
Security Council
Resolution 242. Israel's Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin
Yitzhak Rabin
and his successor, Menachem Begin, were both skeptical of an international conference.[3] While Begin, who took office in May 1977, officially favored the reconvening of the conference, perhaps even more vocally than Rabin, and even accepted the Palestinian presence, in actuality the Israelis and the Egyptians were secretly formulating a framework for bilateral talks. Even earlier, Begin had not been opposed to returning the Sinai, but a major future obstacle was his firm refusal to consider relinquishing control over the West Bank.[5] Participating parties

Territory held by Israel:   before the Six-Day War   after the war

Carter visited the heads of state on whom he would have to rely to make any peace agreement feasible. By the end of his first year in office, he had already met with Anwar El Sadat
Anwar El Sadat
of Egypt, King Hussein of Jordan, Hafez al-Assad
Hafez al-Assad
of Syria, and Yitzhak Rabin
Yitzhak Rabin
of Israel. Despite the fact that he supported Sadat's peace initiative, King Hussein refused to take part in the peace talks; Begin offered Jordan little to gain and Hussein also feared he would isolate Jordan
Jordan
from the Arab
Arab
world and provoke Syria
Syria
and the PLO if he engaged in the peace talks as well.[6] Hafez al-Assad, who had no particular interest in negotiating peace with Israel,[7] also refused to come to the United States
United States
and only agreed to meet with Carter in Geneva. Begin Initiative The key to an arrangement between Begin and Sadat took place on Sunday, 6 August 1978, as a result of a telephone call made that morning to the Israeli Prime Minister's office by a United States citizen who had an "idea for peace." The Prime Minister had not yet arrived at his office and the caller spoke to Mr. Yechiel Kadishai, a Begin staff head. Kadishai said that "no one was speaking with anyone and we expect a war in October." He also told the caller that if any high level talks were to occur the caller could be assured that they would be using his approach. Begin arrived, was informed of the plan, and contacted Sadat who agreed to the plan on that day. On the next day, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
Cyrus Vance
traveled to the Middle East
Middle East
to obtain firsthand confirmation of the agreement between Israel
Israel
and Egypt. The following day, Tuesday, 8 August, the Camp David
Camp David
meeting was scheduled to take place in exactly 4 weeks time; on 5 September 1978. The plan was that Israel
Israel
agreed on 6 August to return the land to Egypt. Sadat’s then waning popularity would be greatly enhanced as a result of such an achievement. Israel's security was insured by the specific activities to take place during the "transition period." Those activities also were included in the "idea for peace" communicated to Begin's office on 6 August. Sadat Initiative

Menachem Begin, Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
and Anwar Sadat
Anwar Sadat
at Camp David, 1978

President Anwar El Sadat
Anwar El Sadat
came to feel that the Geneva track peace process was more show than substance, and was not progressing, partly due to disagreements with his Arab
Arab
(mainly Syria, Libya, and Iraq) and his communist allies. He also lacked confidence in the Western powers to pressure Israel
Israel
after a meeting with the Western leaders. His frustration boiled over, and after clandestine preparatory meetings between Egyptian and Israeli officials, unknown even to the NATO countries, in November 1977, Sadat became the first Arab
Arab
leader to visit Israel. On 9 November 1977, President Sadat startled the world by announcing to parliament his intention to go to Jerusalem
Jerusalem
and speak before the Knesset. Shortly afterward, the Israeli government cordially invited him to address the Knesset
Knesset
in a message passed to Sadat via the US ambassador to Egypt. Ten days after his speech, Sadat arrived for the groundbreaking three-day visit, which launched the first peace process between Israel
Israel
and an Arab
Arab
state. As would be the case with later Israeli– Arab
Arab
peace initiatives, Washington was taken by surprise; the White House
White House
and State Department were particularly concerned that Sadat was merely reaching out to reacquire Sinai as quickly as possible, putting aside the Palestinian problem. Considered as a man with strong political convictions who kept his eye on the main objective, Sadat had no ideological base, which made him politically inconsistent.[8] The Sadat visit came about after he delivered a speech in Egypt
Egypt
stating that he would travel anywhere, "even Jerusalem," to discuss peace.[9] That speech led the Begin government to declare that, if Israel
Israel
thought that Sadat would accept an invitation, Israel
Israel
would invite him. In Sadat's Knesset
Knesset
speech he talked about his views on peace, the status of Israel's occupied territories, and the Palestinian refugee problem. This tactic went against the intentions of both the West and the East, which were to revive the Geneva Conference. The gesture stemmed from an eagerness to enlist the help of the NATO countries in improving the ailing Egyptian economy, a belief that Egypt
Egypt
should begin to focus more on its own interests than on the interests of the Arab
Arab
world, and a hope that an agreement with Israel would catalyze similar agreements between Israel
Israel
and her other Arab neighbors and help solve the Palestinian problem. Prime Minister Begin's response to Sadat's initiative, though not what Sadat or Carter had hoped, demonstrated a willingness to engage the Egyptian leader. Like Sadat, Begin also saw many reasons why bilateral talks would be in his country's best interests. It would afford Israel
Israel
the opportunity to negotiate only with Egypt
Egypt
instead of with a larger Arab delegation that might try to use its size to make unwelcome or unacceptable demands. Israel
Israel
felt Egypt
Egypt
could help protect Israel
Israel
from other Arabs and Eastern communists. In addition, the commencement of direct negotiations between leaders – summit diplomacy – would distinguish Egypt
Egypt
from her Arab
Arab
neighbors. Carter's people apparently had no inkling of the secret talks in Morocco between Dayan and Sadat's representative, Hassan Tuhami, that paved the way for Sadat's initiative. Indeed, in a sense Egypt
Egypt
and Israel
Israel
were ganging up to push Carter off his Geneva track. The basic message of Sadat's speech at the Knesset
Knesset
were the request for the implementation of Resolutions 242 and 338. Sadat's visit was the first step to negotiations such as the preliminary Cairo Conference in December 1977. Egyptian–Israeli talks

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Begin and Brzezinski playing chess at Camp David

A meeting at Camp David
Camp David
with (l-r) Aharon Barak, Menachem Begin, Anwar Sadat, and Ezer Weizman, 1978

A mechanism had yet to be created for Israel
Israel
and Egypt
Egypt
to pursue the talks begun by Sadat and Begin in Jerusalem.[10] The Egyptian president suggested to Begin that Israel
Israel
place a secret representative in the American embassy in Cairo. With American "cover," the true identity of the Israeli, who would liaise between the Egyptian and Israeli leaders, would be known only to the American ambassador in Cairo.[10] Sadat's liaison initiative spoke volumes about his reasons for wanting to make peace with Israel. He wanted an alliance with the American superpower and he wanted to kill Carter's Geneva initiative.[11] His trip to Jerusalem
Jerusalem
signaled a major reorientation of Cairo's place in the global scheme of things, from the Soviet to the American camp.[12] Carter's acceptance of the proposed liaison scheme would have signaled American backing for Sadat's unprecedented peace initiative. But Carter said no. However, Carter could not thwart the Israeli-Egyptian peace push. Within days Israeli journalists were allowed into Cairo, breaking a symbolic barrier, and from there the peace process quickly gained momentum. An Israeli-Egyptian working summit was scheduled for 25 December in Ismailiya, near the Suez Canal.[13] Accompanied by their capable negotiating teams and with their respective interests in mind, both leaders converged on Camp David
Camp David
for 13 days of tense and dramatic negotiations from 5 to 17 September 1978. By all accounts, Carter's relentless drive to achieve peace and his reluctance to allow the two men to leave without reaching an agreement are what played the decisive role in the success of the talks.[citation needed] Carter's advisers insisted on the establishment of an Egyptian-Israeli agreement which would lead to an eventual solution to the Palestine issue. They believed in a short, loose, and overt linkage between the two countries amplified by the establishment of a coherent basis for a settlement. However, Carter felt they were not "aiming high enough" and was interested in the establishment of a written "land for peace" agreement with Israel
Israel
returning the Sinai Peninsula
Sinai Peninsula
and West Bank.[14] Numerous times both the Egyptian and Israeli leaders wanted to scrap negotiations, only to be lured back into the process by personal appeals from Carter. Considered as an excellent mediator who arbitrated concessions with confidence, he played a tireless commitment to find formulas, definitions, and solutions to the many intricate variables, regardless of perceived or real political limitations, and was capable of soothing fears and anxieties, always with the goal of keeping the negotiations going.[citation needed] He gradually understood the importance historical events had upon determining personal ideology, but he would not allow it to constrain his political options, and he did not want them to limit the options of those with whom he was negotiating.[citation needed] Begin and Sadat had such mutual antipathy toward one another that they only seldom had direct contact; thus Carter had to conduct his own microcosmic form of shuttle diplomacy by holding one-on-one meetings with either Sadat or Begin in one cabin, then returning to the cabin of the third party to relay the substance of his discussions. Begin and Sadat were "literally not on speaking terms," and "claustrophobia was setting in."

President Carter, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
Cyrus Vance
at Camp David

A particularly difficult situation arose on the tenth stalemated day of the talks. The issues of Israeli settlement withdrawal from the Sinai and the status of the West Bank
West Bank
created what seemed to be an impasse. In response, Carter had the choice of trying to salvage the agreement by conceding the issue of the West Bank
West Bank
to Begin, while advocating Sadat's less controversial position on the removal of all settlements from the Sinai Peninsula. Or he could have refused to continue the talks, reported the reasons for their failure, and allowed Begin to bear the brunt of the blame. Carter chose to continue and for three more days negotiated. During this time, Carter even took the two leaders to the nearby Gettysburg National Military Park in the hopes of using the American Civil War
American Civil War
as a simile to their own struggle.[citation needed] Consequently, the 13 days marking the Camp David
Camp David
Accords were considered a success. Partly due to Carter's determination in obtaining an Israeli-Egyptian agreement, a full two-week pledge to a singular international problem. Additionally, Carter was beneficiary to a fully pledged American foreign team. Likewise, the Israeli delegation had a stable of excellent talent in Ministers Dayan and Weizman and legal experts Dr. Meir Rosenne
Meir Rosenne
and Aharon Barak. Furthermore, the absence of the media contributed to the Accord's successes: there were no possibilities provided to either leader to reassure his political body or be driven to conclusions by members of his opposition. An eventual scrap of negotiations by either leader would have proven disastrous, resulting in taking the blame for the summit's failure as well as a disassociation from the White House. Ultimately, neither Begin nor Sadat was willing to risk those eventualities. Both of them had invested enormous amounts of political capital and time to reach an agreement.[15] Partial agreements

Egyptian President Anwar Sadat
Anwar Sadat
and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin acknowledge applause during a joint session of Congress in Washington, D.C., during which President Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
announced the results of the Camp David
Camp David
Accords, 18 September 1978.

"Remarks on the Signing of the Camp David
Camp David
Accords"

Play media

Jimmy Carter, seated with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat
Anwar Sadat
and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, makes statements at a Joint session of the United States
United States
Congress following the Camp David
Camp David
Accords.

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The Camp David
Camp David
Accords comprise two separate agreements: "A Framework for Peace in the Middle East" and "A Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt
Egypt
and Israel", the second leading towards the Israel- Egypt
Egypt
Peace Treaty signed in March 1979. The agreements and the peace treaty were both accompanied by "side-letters" of understanding between Egypt
Egypt
and the U.S. and Israel
Israel
and the U.S.[16] Framework for Peace in the Middle East The preamble of the "Framework for Peace in the Middle East" starts with the basis of a peaceful settlement of the Arab–Israeli conflict: The agreed basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict between Israel
Israel
and its neighbors is United Nations Security Council
Security Council
Resolution 242, in all its parts.[17] The framework itself consists of 3 parts. The first part of the framework was to establish an autonomous self-governing authority in the West Bank
West Bank
and the Gaza strip
Gaza strip
and to fully implement Resolution 242. The Accords recognized the "legitimate rights of the Palestinian people", a process was to be implemented guaranteeing the full autonomy of the people within a period of five years. Begin insisted on the adjective "full" to confirm that it was the maximum political right attainable. This full autonomy was to be discussed with the participation of Israel, Egypt, Jordan
Jordan
and the Palestinians. The withdrawal of Israeli troops from the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza was agreed to occur after an election of a self-governing authority to replace Israel's military government.[18] The Accords did not mention the Golan Heights, Syria, or Lebanon. This was not the comprehensive peace that Kissinger, Ford, Carter, or Sadat had in mind during the previous American presidential transition.[19] It was less clear than the agreements concerning the Sinai, and was later interpreted differently by Israel, Egypt, and the United States. The fate of Jerusalem
Jerusalem
was deliberately excluded from this agreement.[20] The second part of the framework dealt with Egyptian–Israeli relations, the real content worked out in the second Egypt—Israel framework. The third part, "Associated Principles," declared principles that should apply to relations between Israel
Israel
and all of its Arab
Arab
neighbors. Key points of the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza section

Egypt, Israel, Jordan
Jordan
and the representatives of the Palestinian people should participate in negotiations on the resolution of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects. (1.) Egypt
Egypt
and Israel
Israel
agree that, in order to ensure a peaceful and orderly transfer of authority, and taking into account the security concerns of all the parties, there should be transitional arrangements for the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza for a period not exceeding five years. In order to provide full autonomy to the inhabitants, under these arrangements the Israeli military government and its civilian administration will be withdrawn as soon as a self-governing authority has been freely elected by the inhabitants of these areas to replace the existing military government. (2.) Egypt, Israel, and Jordan
Jordan
will agree on the modalities for establishing elected self-governing authority in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza. The delegations of Egypt
Egypt
and Jordan
Jordan
may include Palestinians from the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza or other Palestinians as mutually agreed. The parties will negotiate an agreement which will define the powers and responsibilities of the self-governing authority to be exercised in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza. A withdrawal of Israeli armed forces will take place and there will be a redeployment of the remaining Israeli forces into specified security locations. The agreement will also include arrangements for assuring internal and external security and public order. A strong local police force will be established, which may include Jordanian citizens. In addition, Israeli and Jordanian forces will participate in joint patrols and in the manning of control posts to assure the security of the borders. (3.) When the self-governing authority (administrative council) in the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza is established and inaugurated, the transitional period of five years will begin. As soon as possible, but not later than the third year after the beginning of the transitional period, negotiations will take place to determine the final status of the West Bank and Gaza and its relationship with its neighbors and to conclude a peace treaty between Israel
Israel
and Jordan
Jordan
by the end of the transitional period. These negotiations will be conducted among Egypt, Israel, Jordan
Jordan
and the elected representatives of the inhabitants of the West Bank
West Bank
and Gaza. ... The negotiations shall be based on all the provisions and principles of UN Security Council
Security Council
Resolution 242. The negotiations will resolve, among other matters, the location of the boundaries and the nature of the security arrangements. The solution from the negotiations must also recognize the legitimate right of the Palestinian peoples and their just requirements.

The framework merely concerned autonomy of the inhabitants of West Bank and Gaza. It neither mentions the status of Jerusalem, nor the Palestinian Right of Return.[17] UN Rejection of the Middle East
Middle East
Framework The UN General Assembly
UN General Assembly
rejected the Framework for Peace in the Middle East, because the agreement was concluded without participation of UN and PLO and did not comply with the Palestinian right of return, of self-determination and to national independence and sovereignty. December 1978, it declared in Resolution 33/28 A, that agreements were only valid if they are within the framework of the United Nations and its Charter and its resolutions, include the Palestinian right of return and the right to national independence and sovereignty in Palestine, and concluded with the participation of the PLO. Also the passive attitude of the Security Council
Security Council
was criticised.[21] On 6 December 1979, the UN condemned in Resolution 34/70 all partial agreements and separate treaties that did not meet the Palestinian rights and comprehensive solutions to peace; it condemned Israel's continued occupation and demanded withdrawal from all occupied territories.[22] On 12 December, in Resolution 34/65 B, she rejected more specific parts of the Camp David
Camp David
Accords and similar agreements, which were not in accordance with mentioned requirements. All such partial agreements and separate treaties were strongly condemned. The part of the Camp David
Camp David
accords regarding the Palestinian future and all similar ones were declared invalid.[23] Framework Peace Treaty Egypt
Egypt
and Israel The second framework[24] outlined a basis for the peace treaty six months later, in particular deciding the future of the Sinai peninsula. Israel
Israel
agreed to withdraw its armed forces from the Sinai, evacuate its 4,500 civilian inhabitants, and restore it to Egypt
Egypt
in return for normal diplomatic relations with Egypt, guarantees of freedom of passage through the Suez Canal
Suez Canal
and other nearby waterways (such as the Straits of Tiran), and a restriction on the forces Egypt could place on the Sinai peninsula, especially within 20–40 km from Israel. This process would take three years to complete. Israel also agreed to limit its forces a smaller distance (3 km) from the Egyptian border, and to guarantee free passage between Egypt
Egypt
and Jordan. With the withdrawal, Israel
Israel
also returned Egypt's Abu-Rudeis oil fields in western Sinai, which contained long term, commercially productive wells. The agreement also resulted in the United States
United States
committing to several billion dollars worth of annual subsidies to the governments of both Israel
Israel
and Egypt, subsidies which continue to this day, and are given as a mixture of grants and aid packages committed to purchasing U.S. materiel. From 1979 (the year of the peace agreement) to 1997, Egypt received military aid of US$1.3 billion annually, which also helped modernize the Egyptian military.[25] (This is beyond economic, humanitarian, and other aid, which has totaled more than US$25 billion.) Eastern-supplied until 1979, Egypt
Egypt
now received American weaponry such as the M1A1 Abrams
M1A1 Abrams
Tank, AH-64 Apache
AH-64 Apache
gunship and the F-16 fighter jet. In comparison, Israel
Israel
has received $3 billion annually since 1985 in grants and military aid packages.[26] Consequences The time that has elapsed since the Camp David
Camp David
Accords has left no doubt as to their enormous ramifications on Middle Eastern politics. Most notably, the perception of Egypt
Egypt
within the Arab
Arab
world changed. With the most powerful of the Arab
Arab
militaries and a history of leadership in the Arab
Arab
world under Nasser, Egypt
Egypt
had more leverage than any of the other Arab
Arab
states to advance Arab
Arab
interests. Egypt
Egypt
was subsequently suspended from the Arab
Arab
League from 1979 until 1989. When the Camp David
Camp David
accords were signed, Jordan's King Hussein
King Hussein
saw it as a slap to the face when Sadat volunteered Jordan's participation in deciding how functional autonomy would work. More specifically, Sadat effectively said that Jordan
Jordan
would have a role in how the West Bank would be administered. Like the Rabat Summit Resolution, the Camp David Accords circumscribed Jordan's objective to reassert its control over the West Bank. Focusing as it did on Egypt, the Carter administration accepted Sadat's claim that he could deliver Hussein. However, with Arab
Arab
world opposition building against Sadat, Jordan could not risk accepting the Accords without the support from powerful Arab
Arab
neighbours, like Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Syria.[19] Hussein consequently felt diplomatically snubbed. One of Carter's regrets was allowing Sadat to claim that he could speak for Hussein if Jordan refused to join the talks, but by then the damage was done to the Jordanians.[19]

United States
United States
President Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
greeting Egyptian President Anwar Sadat at the White House
White House
shortly after the Camp David
Camp David
Accords went into effect, 8 April 1980.

The Camp David
Camp David
Accords also prompted the disintegration of a united Arab
Arab
front in opposition to Israel. Egypt's realignment created a power vacuum that Saddam Hussein
Saddam Hussein
of Iraq, at one time only a secondary power, hoped to fill. Because of the vague language concerning the implementation of Resolution 242, the Palestinian problem became the primary issue in the Arab–Israeli conflict
Arab–Israeli conflict
immediately following the Camp David
Camp David
Accords (and, arguably, until today). Many of the Arab nations blamed Egypt
Egypt
for not putting enough pressure on Israel
Israel
to deal with the Palestinian problem in a way that would be satisfactory to them. Syria
Syria
also informed Egypt
Egypt
that it would not reconcile with the nation unless it abandoned the peace agreement with Israel.[7] According to The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East:

The normalization of relations [between Israel
Israel
and Egypt] went into effect in January 1980. Ambassadors were exchanged in February. The boycott laws were repealed by Egypt's National Assembly the same month, and some trade began to develop, albeit less than Israel
Israel
had hoped for. In March 1980 regular airline flights were inaugurated. Egypt
Egypt
also began supplying Israel
Israel
with crude oil".[27]

According to Kenneth Stein in Heroic Diplomacy: Sadat, Kissinger, Carter, Begin, and the Quest for Arab–Israeli Peace:

The Accords were another interim agreement or step, but negotiations that flowed from the Accords slowed for several reasons. These included an inability to bring the Jordanians into the discussions; the controversy over settlements; the inconclusive nature of the subsequent autonomy talks; domestic opposition sustained by both Begin and Sadat and, in Sadat's case, ostracism and anger from the Arab world; the emergence of a what became a cold peace between Egypt
Egypt
and Israel; and changes in foreign policy priorities including discontinuity in personnel committed to sustaining the negotiating process[.][19]

Lastly, the biggest consequence of all may be in the psychology of the participants of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The success of Begin, Sadat, and Carter at Camp David
Camp David
demonstrated to other Arab
Arab
states and entities that negotiations with Israel
Israel
were possible—that progress results only from sustained efforts at communication and cooperation. Despite the disappointing conclusion of the 1993 Oslo Accords
Oslo Accords
between the PLO and Israel, and even though the 1994 Israel– Jordan
Jordan
peace treaty has not fully normalized relations with Israel, both of these significant developments had little chance of occurring without the precedent set by Camp David. Public support Although most Israelis supported the Accords, the Israeli settler movement opposed them because Sadat would not agree to a treaty in which Israel
Israel
had any presence in the Sinai Peninsula
Sinai Peninsula
at all, Israel had to withdraw from the entire Sinai Peninsula.[28] Israeli settlers tried to prevent the government from dismantling their settlements.[29] In Israel, there is lasting support of the Camp David
Camp David
Peace Accords, which have become a national consensus, supported by 85% of Israelis according to a 2001 poll taken by the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies ( Israel
Israel
based).[30] Nevertheless, a minority of Israelis believe the price Israel
Israel
paid for the peace agreement was too high for its present gains, i.e. having relinquished the entire Sinai Peninsula, with its oil, tourism and land resources ( Israel
Israel
has no other oil wells), and the trauma of evacuating thousands of its Israeli inhabitants (many resisted, as in the settlement of Yamit
Yamit
and had to be forcefully evacuated, a phenomenon encountered also in the subsequent Israeli withdrawal from Gaza in 2005, known as the disengagement).[citation needed] For Israel, perhaps the most evident tangible benefit of the agreement with Egypt
Egypt
(other than the subsequent U.S. aid, which Egypt
Egypt
also received) was a peaceful mutual border, enabling the Israel
Israel
Defense Forces to reduce their levels of alert on Israel's southwestern frontier. Criticism of the Accords Although Egypt
Egypt
and Israel
Israel
generally abided by the agreement since 1978, in the following years a common belief emerged in Israel
Israel
that the peace with Egypt
Egypt
is a "cold peace". Others feel that the peace agreement was between the Israeli people and Egypt's charismatic President Anwar El Sadat, rather than with the Egyptian people, who were not given the opportunity to accept or reject the agreement with a free vote or a representative majority. Assassination of Anwar Sadat Main article: Assassination of Anwar Sadat President Sadat's signing of the Camp David
Camp David
Accords on 17 September 1978 and his shared 1978 Nobel Peace Prize
Nobel Peace Prize
with Israeli Prime Minister Begin led to his assassination on 6 October 1981 by members of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad during the annual victory parade held in Cairo to celebrate Egypt's crossing of the Suez Canal. The president's personal protection was infiltrated by four members of this organization, who were hiding in a truck passing through the military parade with other military vehicles. As the truck approached the president, the leader of the belligerents — Lieutenant Khalid Islambouli — came out of the truck and threw three grenades towards the president; only one of the three exploded. The rest of the team opened fire with automatic assault rifles and struck President Sadat with 37 rounds. He was airlifted to a military hospital where, despite the efforts of 11 doctors and surgeons, he died just two hours after arriving. In total, 11 were killed from collateral gunfire and 28 were injured. Among the killed were the Cuban ambassador, an Omani general, and a Coptic Orthodox bishop. Among the wounded were Egyptian Vice-President Hosni Mubarak, Irish Defence Minister James Tully, and four U.S. military liaison officers. One of the assassins was killed and the other three were wounded and taken into custody. The surviving assassins were tried and found guilty of assassinating the president and killing 10 others in the process; they were sentenced to capital punishment and were executed by firing squad on 15 April 1982. Arab–Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties

Treaties and meetings

Paris Peace Conference, 1919 Faisal–Weizmann Agreement
Faisal–Weizmann Agreement
(1919) 1949 Armistice Agreements Geneva Conference (1973) Camp David
Camp David
Accords (1978) Egypt– Israel
Israel
Peace Treaty (1979) Madrid Conference of 1991 Oslo Accords
Oslo Accords
(1993) Israel– Jordan
Jordan
peace treaty (1994) Camp David
Camp David
2000 Summit

General articles

International law and the Arab–Israeli conflict Israeli–Palestinian peace process List of Middle East
Middle East
peace proposals Projects working for peace among Israelis and Arabs

See also

1948 Arab–Israeli War 1956 Suez War 1967 Six-Day War 1970 War of Attrition 1973 Yom Kippur War Arab–Israeli conflict Arab
Arab
League and the Arab–Israeli conflict Egypt– Israel
Israel
relations Israeli–Palestinian conflict Proposals for a Palestinian state

References

^ Camp David
Camp David
Accords – Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Archived 3 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine. ^ http://www.cartercenter.org/news/documents/doc1482.html ^ a b Stein, Kenneth. Heroic Diplomacy: Sadat, Kissinger, Carter, Begin, and the Quest for Arab–Israeli Peace. Taylor & Francis, 1999, pp. 228–229 ^ "Stein, Kenneth 2000, pp. 229–228" ^ George Lenczowski, American Presidents and the Middle East, Duke University Press, 1990 p.164. ISBN 0-8223-0972-6. From Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Advisor 1977–1981, (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1983), p.88.

[Carter] outlined to Begin his program, which consisted of five points: (1) achieve a comprehensive peace affecting all of Israel's neighbors: (2) peace to be based on UN Resolution 242: (3) peace would involve open borders and free trade; (4) peace would call for Israeli withdrawal from occupied territories to secure borders; (5) a Palestinian entity (but not an independent nation) should be created. Begin responded that he could accept all of these points except the Palestinian entity.

^ http://countrystudies.us/jordan/19.htm ^ a b The Middle East: ten years after Camp David, William B. Quandt, pg. 9 ^ Stein 1999, p.7. ^ Feron, James. "Menachem Begin, Guerrilla Leader Who Became Peacemaker." The New York Times. 9 March 1992. 15 February 2009. ^ a b Forward.com ^ Bitterlemons.org ^ Foreignpolicyblogs.com[permanent dead link] ^ Peacenow.org ^ " Camp David
Camp David
Accords: Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
Reflects 25 Years Later". Carter Center. 17 September 2003. Retrieved 1 February 2015.  ^ Stein 1999, p.252. ^ "The Camp David
Camp David
Accords." Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
Library and Museum. 21 July 2001. 28 April 2008. ^ a b Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
Library, The Framework for Peace in the Middle East Archived 16 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine., 17 September 1978 ^ Camp David
Camp David
Accords – Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Archived 3 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine. ^ a b c d Stein, 1999, p.254. ^ Gold, 175 ^ UNGA, 7 December 1978, Resolution 33/28 A. Question of Palestine (doc.nr. A/RES/33/28) ^ UNGA, 6 December 1979, Resolution 34/70. The situation in the Middle East (doc.nr. A/RES/34/70) ^ UNGA, 12 December 1979, Resolution 34/65 B. Question of Palestine Archived 29 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine.. [doc.nr. A/RES/34/65 (A-D)] ^ Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
Library, Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt
Egypt
and Israel
Israel
Archived 16 February 2013 at the Wayback Machine. ^ "Egypt" Archived 26 January 2011 at the Wayback Machine. U.S. Department of State. March 2008. 28 April 2008. ^ Benhorin, Yitzhak. " Israel
Israel
still top recipient of US foreign aid." Ynetnews. 2 August 2007. 28 April 2008. ^ Sela, "Arab– Israel
Israel
Conflict", 100[full citation needed] ^ Sela, "Sinai Peninsula," 774 ^ Armstrong, 414 ^ Ronen, Joshua. "Poll: 58% of Israelis back Oslo process." Archived 2 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine. Tel Aviv University. 7 June 2001. 28 April 2008.

Further reading

Medad, Yisrael, ed., Hurwitz, Zvi Harry, ed. Peace in the Making The Menachem Begin
Menachem Begin
Anwar Sadat
Anwar Sadat
Personal Correspondence, Gefen Publishing House, 2011. ISBN 978-965-229-456-2 Avner, Yehuda, The Prime Ministers: An Intimate Narrative of Israeli Leadership, The Toby Press, 2010. ISBN 978-1-59264-278-6 Armstrong, Karen. Jerusalem: One City, Three Faiths. New York: Ballantine Books, 1996. Bregman, Ahron Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America. Eran, Oded. Arab– Israel
Israel
Peacemaking. Sela. Gold, Dore. The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2007. Hinton, Clete A. Camp David
Camp David
Accords (2004) Meital, Yoram. Egypt's Struggle for Peace: Continuity and Change, 1967–1977. Quandt, William B. Camp David: Peacemaking and Politics (1986), by leading political scientist "Arab- Israel
Israel
Conflict." Sela. Sela, Avraham, ed. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. New York: Continuum, 2002. Adam Curtis' 2004 documentary The Power of Nightmares, in its second and third part, studies the Camp David
Camp David
Accords from the point of view of fundamentalist Muslims.

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Camp David
Camp David
Accords.

Wikisource
Wikisource
has original text related to this article: Camp David
Camp David
Accords

Text of the Accords, Israeli government Text of Accords and additional material, Carter Library Israel's Self-Rule Plan. Knesset
Knesset
website, 28 December 1977 Interview with King Hussein
King Hussein
from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives 2006 Egyptian public poll on attitudes to Israel
Israel
and other countries, 'The Sun (New York) article. Alternate link to poll results from a BBC News article The Menachem Begin
Menachem Begin
Heritage Foundation Jaffe Center Poll on Israeli public Attitudes to the Peace Process NY Times: Anti-Semitic 'Elders of Zion' Gets New Life on Egypt
Egypt
TV " Camp David
Camp David
25th Anniversary Forum" (led by President Carter)

v t e

Diplomacy and peace proposals in the Arab–Israeli conflict

To 1948

1914 Damascus Protocol 1915 McMahon–Hussein Correspondence 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement 1917 Balfour Declaration 1918 Declaration to the Seven / Anglo-French Declaration 1919 Faisal–Weizmann Agreement 1920 San Remo conference 1922 Churchill White Paper 1937 Peel Commission 1939 White Paper 1947 UN Partition Plan 1948 American trusteeship proposal

1948–91

1948  UN General Assembly
UN General Assembly
(UNGA) Resolution 194 1949 Armistice agreements / Lausanne Conference 1950  Tripartite Declaration 1964 Palestinian National Covenant 1967 Khartoum Resolution / UN Security Council
Security Council
(UNSC) Resolution 242 1973 UNSC Resolution 338 / UNSC Resolution 339 1974 Israel– Syria
Syria
disengagement agreement / UNSC Resolution 350 1978 UNSC Resolution 425 / Camp David
Camp David
Accords 1979 UNSC Resolution 446 / Egypt– Israel
Israel
Peace Treaty / UNSC Resolution 452 1980 UNSC Resolution 478 1981 UNSC Resolution 497 1983 Israel–Lebanon agreement

1991–present

1991 Madrid Conference 1993 Oslo Accords 1994 Gaza–Jericho Agreement / Israel– Jordan
Jordan
peace treaty 1995 Beilin-Abu Mazen agreement 1998 Wye River Memorandum 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum 2000  Camp David
Camp David
Summit / Clinton Parameters 2001 Taba Summit 2002 Beirut Summit and peace initiative / Road map 2003 Geneva Initiative 2004 UNSC Resolution 1559 / UNSC Resolution 1566 2005 UNSC Resolution 1583 / Sharm el-Sheikh Summit / Israeli disengagement from Gaza / Agreement on Movement and Access 2006 UNSC Resolution 1701 2007 Annapolis Conference 2010 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks 2013 Israeli–Palestinian peace talks

v t e

Jimmy Carter

39th President of the United States
United States
(1977–81) 76th Governor of Georgia
Governor of Georgia
(1971–75)

Presidency

Presidency Inauguration Camp David
Camp David
Accords

Egypt– Israel
Israel
Peace Treaty

Torrijos–Carter Treaties National Energy Policy Iran hostage crisis

Operation Eagle Claw

Island of Stability speech Moral Equivalent of War speech 1979 energy crisis Carter Doctrine Diplomatic Relations with China 1980 Summer Olympics boycott SALT Department of Energy Department of Education Department of Health and Human Services State of the Union Addresses (1978 1979 1980) Cabinet Federal judicial appointments

controversies

Executive Order 12148 Executive Order 12170 Rabbit incident Goldwater v. Carter

Life and activities

Carter Center Presidential Library and Museum Habitat for Humanity

Jimmy & Rosalynn Carter
Rosalynn Carter
Work Project

The Elders Carter–Menil Human Rights Prize Jimmy Carter
Jimmy Carter
National Historic Site Nairobi Agreement, 1999 UFO incident

Elections

Georgia gubernatorial election, 1966 1970 Democratic presidential primaries, 1976 1980 Democratic National Convention, 1972 1976 1980 United States
United States
presidential election, 1976 1980

Books

(Complete bibliography) The Hornet's Nest
The Hornet's Nest
(2003 novel) Our Endangered Values (2006) Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid (2006) (reaction and commentary) Beyond the White House
White House
(2007) We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land
We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land
(2009) White House
White House
Diary (2010) A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power (2014) A Full Life: Reflections at 90 (2015)

Honors

(Complete list) Nobel Peace Prize Presidential Medal of Freedom Freedom of the City Silver Buffalo Award Philadelphia Liberty Medal United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights Hoover Medal Christopher Award Grammy Award

Legacy

Man from Plains
Man from Plains
(2007 documentary) USS Jimmy Carter

Related

Mary Prince (nanny)

Family

Rosalynn Carter
Rosalynn Carter
(wife) Jack Carter (son) Amy Carter
Amy Carter
(daughter) James Earl Carter, Sr. (father) Lillian Gordy Carter
Lillian Gordy Carter
(mother) Gloria Carter Spann
Gloria Carter Spann
(sister) Ruth Carter Stapleton (sister) Billy Carter
Billy Carter
(brother) Jason Carter (grandson) Emily Dolvin
Emily Dolvin
(maternal aunt) Hugh Carter (paternal first cousin)

← Gerald Ford Ronald Reagan
Ronald Reagan

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