The Info List - Austro-Tai

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Japanese language(as para-Austronesian)[citation needed] Ainu languages(as para-Austronesian)[citation needed]

Tai–Kadai (perhaps as a branch of Austronesian)

Korean language
Korean language
(sometimes)[not in citation given][1]

Glottolog None

Austro-Tai is a hypothesis that the Tai–Kadai and Austronesian language families of southern China and the Pacific are genealogically related. Related proposals include Austric (Wilhelm Schmidt 1906) and Sino-Austronesian ( Laurent Sagart 2005b).


1 Origins 2 Evidence 3 Relationship 4 Anthropology 5 References 6 Bibliography

Origins[edit] The Tai–Kadai languages
Tai–Kadai languages
contain numerous similar forms with Austronesian which were noticed as far back as Schlegel in 1901.[2] These are considered to be too many to explain as chance resemblance.[3] The question then is whether they are due to language contact—i.e. borrowing—or to common descent—i.e. a genealogical relationship.

Language tree of Austro-Tai


Distribution of Tai–Kadai languages

Distribution of Western Malayo-Polynesian
languages, part of the Austronesian family

The first proposal of a genealogical relationship was that of Paul Benedict in 1942, which he expanded upon through 1990. This took the form of an expansion of Wilhelm Schmidt's Austric phylum, and posited that Tai–Kadai and Austronesian had a sister relationship within Austric, which Benedict then accepted. Benedict later abandoned Austric but maintained his Austro-Tai proposal. This remained controversial among linguists, especially after the publication of Benedict (1975) whose methods of reconstruction were idiosyncratic and considered unreliable. For example, Thurgood (1994) examined Benedict's claims and concluded that since the sound correspondences and tonal developments were irregular, there was no evidence of a genealogical relationship, and the numerous cognates must be chalked up to early language contact. However, the fact that many of the Austro-Tai cognates are found in core vocabulary, which is generally more resistant to borrowing, continued to intrigue scholars. There were later several advances over Benedict's approach: Abandoning the larger Austric proposal; focusing on lexical reconstruction and regular sound correspondences; including data from additional branches of Tai–Kadai, Hlai and Kra; using better reconstructions of Tai–Kadai; and reconsidering the nature of the relationship, with Tai–Kadai possibly being a branch (daughter) of Austronesian. Sagart (2005a) cited a core of regular sound correspondences relating words belonging to the basic vocabulary in Benedict’s work. He pointed out the lack of a substantial body of shared cultural words. He took these facts as indications that Benedict’s Austro-Tai cannot be explained as a contact phenomenon. He further listed a number of specifically Malayo-Polynesian
features in the vocabulary shared by Tai-Kadai and Austronesian, concluding that Tai-Kadai is a subgroup within, rather than a related group of, Austronesian. Ostapirat (2000) reconstructed proto-Kra, one of the least-well attested branches of Tai–Kadai. In (Ostapirat 2005) he presents fifty core vocabulary items found in all five branches of Tai–Kadai, and demonstrated that half of them—words such as child, eat, eye, fire, hand, head, I, you, louse, moon, tooth, water, this, etc.—can be related to proto-Austronesian by regular sound correspondences, a connection which Reid (2006) finds convincing.[4] Austronesian is characterized by disyllabic roots, whereas Tai–Kadai is predominantly monosyllabic. It appears that in Tai–Kadai, the first vowel reduced and then dropped out, leaving a consonant cluster which frequently reduced further to a single consonant. For example, the proto-Austronesian root *qudip "live, raw" corresponds to proto-Kra (k-)Dep > Laha ktʰop and Tai dip "id." (the *-D- consonant is Ostapirat's voiced plosive of undetermined quality, probably alveolar as opposed to dental articulation[5]). In proto-Tai–Kadai, there appear to have been three tones in words ending in a sonorant (vowel or nasal consonant), labeled simply A, B, C, plus words ending in a stop consonant, D, which did not have tone. In general, Austronesian words ending in a sonorant correspond to A, and words ending in a stop correspond to D. This accounts for most of the words. There are also a few cognates with B and C tone. From Indic borrowings it appears that tone B was originally a final h in Tai–Kadai, and some of the corresponding Austronesian roots also end in h, such as AN *qəmpah "chaff", Kam–Sui paa-B (Mulam kwaa-B), though there are few examples to go on. Tone C seems to have originally been creaky voice or a final glottal stop. It may correspond to *H, a laryngeal consonant of uncertain manner, in proto-Austronesian (AN *quluH "head", Thai klau-C), but again the number of cognates is too low to draw firm conclusions. Sagart (2004) presented data from a newly described Kra language, Buyang, which—like many other Kra languages—retains the disyllabic roots characteristic of Austronesian. Some examples are:

Root Buyang Proto-MP

"to die" matɛ́ *matay

"eye" matá *mata

"head" qaðù *quluH

"eight" maðû *walu

"bird" manùk *manuk

"flower" maŋà *buŋah

The Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database project[6] included both Buyang and Old Chinese. It found what it identified in Buyang as 16 retentions in common with Proto- Malayo-Polynesian
and 21 retentions in common with Proto-Oceanic (as opposed to five loans) out of a sample of 181 etyma.[7] Old Chinese
Old Chinese
was identified as having 11 retentions in common with Proto Malayo-Polynesian
and 10 retentions in common with Proto-Oceanic out of a sample of 197 Old Chinese
Old Chinese
etyma.[8] Relationship[edit] Among scholars who accept the evidence as definitive, there is disagreement as to the nature of the relationship. Benedict attempted to show that Tai–Kadai has features which cannot be accounted for by proto-Austronesian, and that therefore it must be a separate family coordinate with Austronesian (a sister relationship). Ostapirat concluded that these reconstructed linguistic features are spurious. However, he could not rule out the possibility that Tai–Kadai tone cannot be explained, and so leaves the question open pending further reconstruction of proto-Austronesian. He supports the consensus hypothesis of several scholars that proto-Austronesian was spoken on Formosa or adjacent areas of coastal China, and that the likely homeland of proto-Tai–Kadai was coastal Fujian
or Guangdong
as part of the neolithic Longshan culture[citation needed]. The spread of the Tai–Kadai peoples may have been aided by agriculture, but any who remained near the coast were eventually absorbed by the Chinese. Sagart, on the other hand, holds that Tai–Kadai is a branch of Austronesian which migrated back to the mainland from northeastern Formosa long after Formosa was settled, but probably before the expansion of Malayo-Polynesian
out of Formosa. The language was then largely relexified from what he believes may have been an Austroasiatic language. However, Ostapirat maintains that Tai–Kadai could not descend from Malayo-Polynesian
in the Philippines, and likely not from the languages of eastern Formosa either. His evidence is in the Tai–Kadai sound correspondences, which reflect Austronesian distinctions that were lost in Malayo-Polynesian
and even Eastern Formosan. These are proto-AN *t and *C, also *n and *N, which were distinct in proto-Tai–Kadai but which fell together as *t and *n in proto-MP and Eastern Formosan; and *S, which is *s in proto-Tai–Kadai but *h in proto-MP. There are also Austro-Tai roots which are not attested from Malayo-Polynesian, such as *Cumay "bear". (Western MP has *biRuaŋ.) Such roots are retentions from Proto-Austronesian shared by Tai-Kadai and Formosan, and lost in Malayo-Polynesian, in Sagart's view. Sagart (2005b) proposes an Eastern Formosan–Malayo-Polynesian connection with Tai–Kadai, based on words such as proto-Tai–Kadai *maNuk and Eastern Formosan *manuk "bird", as compared to proto-Austronesian, where the word for "bird" was *qayam, and *maNuk meant "chicken" (cf. English "fowl", which once meant "bird" but has come to usually refer to chickens and other birds raised for meat), and a few other words such *-mu "thou" which have not been reconstructed for proto-Austronesian. However, Ostapirat notes Tai–Kadai retains the Austronesian *N in this word, which had been lost from Eastern Formosan and Malayo-Polynesian, and that a change in meaning from "chicken" to "bird" could easily have happened independently, for example among proto-Tai–Kadai speakers when they borrowed the mainland word *ki "chicken" (cognate with Old Chinese *kej and Miao /qai/). Sagart (2004) presents a distinct argument for subgrouping Tai-Kadai with Malayo-Polynesian: he argues that the numerals 5–10, shared by Tai-Kadai, Malayo-Polynesian
and three southeastern Formosan languages, are post-proto-Austronesian innovations. Part of the problem of evidence may be due to the loss of the ancestral languages in the Philippines: the uniformity of Philippine languages
Philippine languages
suggests widespread language replacement after the expected time of the Tai–Kadai split. Sagart (2005b) suggests that Austronesian (including Tai-Kadai) is ultimately related to the Sino-Tibetan languages, forming a Sino-Austronesian family. The Proto-Sino-Austronesian speakers would have originated from the Neolithic communities of the coastal regions of prehistoric North China
North China
or East China. Ostapirat disputes this view, noting that the apparent cognates are rarely found in all branches of Tai–Kadai, and almost none in core vocabulary. Apparent connections with Austroasiatic languages, per Benedict, may be due to language contact when the ancestral Tai–Kadai language reached the mainland. Anthropology[edit] Roger Blench notes that Daic-speaking and Austronesian-speaking peoples had many customs in common.[9]

Facial tattooing was practiced by both the Taiwanese aborigines and the Gelao of Guizhou, China. Ancient Chinese records describe the ancient Yue (越) tribes as having tattooed faces. This practice is common among modern-day ethnic groups of Borneo
and Polynesia. Dental ablasion (dental evulsion or tooth removal) was practiced by both the Taiwanese aborigines and the Gelao of Guizhou, China. Teeth blackening occurred among the Tsou, Paiwan, and Amis of Taiwan, as well as the Vietnamese and some ethnic minorities of Yunnan. Intertwined snakes are frequently depicted in Taiwanese aboriginal and Zhuang art; snake cults were common in pre-colonial Taiwan
and southern China. Jew's harps are found all over the world, but multi-tongue forms are not commonly found in East Asia except in specific regions of Taiwan and southern China. In both regions, they are used in courtship rituals.


^ Kim, Chin-Wu (1974). The Making of the Korean Language. Center of Korean Studies, University of Hawai'i.  ^ Schlegel, G. (1901). Review of Frankfurter’s Siamese grammar. T’oung Pao 2:76–87. ^ Reid, LA (2006). "Austro-Tai Hypotheses". Pp. 740–741 in Keith Brown (editor in chief), The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd edition. ^ "Data such as these [Ostapirat (2005) and Sagart (2004)] establish beyond any doubt that a genetic relationship exists between the two families." (p 741) ^ Ostapirat (2000) ^ http://language.psy.auckland.ac.nz/austronesian/research.php ^ http://language.psy.auckland.ac.nz/austronesian/language.php?id=351 ^ http://language.psy.auckland.ac.nz/austronesian/language.php?id=331 ^ Blench, Roger. 2008. The Prehistory of the Daic (Tai-Kadai) Speaking Peoples. Presented at the 12th EURASEAA meeting Leiden, 1–5 September 2008. "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-10-21. Retrieved 2015-02-01. 


Benedict, Paul K. (1942). "Thai, Kadai and Indonesian: a new alignment in south east Asia." American Anthropologist 44.576-601. Benedict, Paul K. (1975). Austro- Thai language
Thai language
and culture, with a glossary of roots. New Haven: HRAF Press. ISBN 0-87536-323-7. Benedict, Paul K. (1990). Japanese/Austro-Tai. Ann Arbor: Karoma. ISBN 0-89720-078-0. Blench, Roger (2004). "Stratification in the peopling of China: how far does the linguistic evidence match genetics and archaeology?" (PDF) Paper for the Symposium : Human migrations in continental East Asia and Taiwan: genetic, linguistic and archaeological evidence. Geneva, June 10–13. Carr. M. (1986). Austro-Tai *Tsum(b)anget 'spirit' and Archaic Chinese *XmwângXmwet 恍惚 'bliss'. Tōkyō: Tōkyō Gaikokugo Daigaku. Li, Hui (2005). Genetic structure of Austro-Tai populations. PhD Thesis of Human Biology, Fudan University.[1][permanent dead link] Ostapirat, Weera. 2005. "Kra–Dai and Austronesian: Notes on phonological correspondences and vocabulary distribution." Laurent Sagart, Roger Blench & Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, eds. The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. London: Routledge Curzon, pp. 107–131. Reid, LA (2006). "Austro-Tai Hypotheses". pp. 609–610 in Keith Brown (editor in chief), The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd edition. Sagart, Laurent. (2002). "Sino-Tibeto-Austronesian: An updated and improved argument." (PDF) Paper presented at Ninth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics (ICAL9). 8–11 January 2002. Canberra, Australia. Sagart, L. 2004. "The higher phylogeny of Austronesian and the position of Tai–Kadai." Oceanic Linguistics 43.411-440. Sagart, Laurent 2005a. "Tai-Kadai as a subgroup of Austronesian." Laurent Sagart, Roger Blench & Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, eds. The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. London: Routledge Curzon, pp. 166–181. http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00104725 Sagart, Laurent 2005b. "Sino-Tibetan–Austronesian: an updated and improved argument." Laurent Sagart, Roger Blench & Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, eds. The Peopling of East Asia: Putting Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. London: Routledge Curzon, pp. 161–176. Schmidt, W. (1906) Die Mon-Khmer Völker, ein Bindeglied zwischen Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens. Braunschweig: Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn. Thurgood, G. (1994). "Tai–Kadai and Austronesian: the nature of the relationship." Oceanic Linguistics 33.345-368.

v t e

Tai–Kadai languages


(Proto-Kra) Laha Gelao Lachi Paha Buyang En Qabiao


Mulam Kam (Dong) Cao Miao Naxi Yao Sanqiao Then Maonan Chadong Sui Mak Ai-Cham


(Proto-Hlai) Hlai Cun Jiamao

Ong Be

Ong Be

Tai (Zhuang)



Standard Zhuang Bouyei Hezhang Buyi Yei Zhuang Longsang Zhuang E Saek Tai Yo (Nyaw) Yoy Tai Pao


Nong Zhuang Dai Zhuang Min Zhuang Yang Zhuang Pyang Zhuang Myang Zhuang Nung Tày Ts'ün-Lao

Southwestern (Thai)


Shan Tai Ya Tai Nüa Tai Long Tai Hongjin Khamti Tai Laing Tai Phake Tai Aiton Khamyang Ahom Turung


Lao Phu Thai Isan Nyaw Lao Nyo Kaloeng

Chiang Saen

Thai (Siamese) Northern Thai Tai Daeng Tai Dón Tai Hang Tong Tai Lü Tai Dam Khun Phuan Thai Song Tày Tac


Southern Thai


Sapa Pa Di Tai Muong Vat Tai Thanh Tai Khang Yong Kuan




Lakkja Biao Jizhao

v t e

Austronesian languages


Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian




Baduy Sundanese


Kangean Madurese



Acehnese Cham dialects Chru Haroi Jarai Rade Roglai Tsat (Utsat)


Bamayo Banjar Brunei/Kedayan Malay Berau Malay Bangka Malay Balau Bengkulu Col Duano' Haji Iban Jambi Malay Jakun Kedah Malay Kutai Malay Kaur Kerinci Kelantan-Pattani Malay (Yawi) Kendayan Keninjal Kubu Orang Laut Lubu Johore-Riau Malay (Malaysian & Indonesian) Minangkabau Musi Mualang Orang Kanaq Orang Seletar Pahang Malay Pekal Perak Malay Remun Sarawak Malay Seberuang Sebuyau Temuan Terengganu Malay Urak Lawoi'


Balinese Sasak Sumbawa

Northwest Sumatran

Enggano Gayo Mentawai Nias Sikule Simeulue


Alas Batak Angkola Batak Dairi Batak Karo Batak Simalungun Batak Toba Mandailing


Lampung Nyo Lampung Api Komering

Celebic ?

Andio Badaic Bahonsuai Balaesang Balantak Banggai Batui Boano Bobongko Bonerate Bungku Busoa Cia-Cia Dampelas Dondo Kalao Kaili Kaimbulawa Kamaru Kodeoha Kulisusu Kumbewaha Lasalimu Laiyolo Lauje Liabuku Mbelala Moronene Mori Bawah Mori Atas Moma Muna Padoe Pancana Pendau Rahambuu Rampi Saluan Sarudu Sedoa Pamona Taje Tajio Tukang Besi Tolaki Tomadino Topoiyo Tomini Totoli Uma Waru Wawonii Wolio Wotu

South Sulawesi

Aralle-Tabulahan Bambam Bentong Budong-Budong Buginese Campalagian Dakka Duri Embaloh Enrekang Kalumpang Konjo Lawa Lemolang Maiwa (Sulawesi) Makassarese Malimpung Mamasa Mamuju Mandar Panasuan Pannei Selayar Seko Tae' Talondo' Taman Toraja-Sa'dan Ulumanda'


Moken dialects


Arekan Banyumasan Mataraman Kawi (Old Javanese) Kedu Osing Tenggerese


Chamorro Hukumina † Palauan

Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian

Central Malayo-Polynesian





Hawu ? Dhao ? Kambera Mamboru Anakalangu Wanukaka Pondok Baliledo Wejewa Lamboya Kodi Gaura


Komodo Manggarai Riung Rembong Rajong Kepo' Wae Rana Palu'e Ende-Li'o Nage Ke'o Ngad'a Rongga So'a






Lamatuka Lewo Eleng Levuka South Lembata Lamaholot Alorese Lamalera Lewotobi Adonara Ile Ape Mingar


Selaru Seluwasan


Kei Fordata Yamdena Onin Sekar Uruangnirin


Barakai Batuley Dobel Karey Koba Kola Lola Lorang Manombai Mariri Tarangan Ujir


Timoric ?

Kemak Tukudede Mambai Idalaka Dawan Amarasi Helong Bilba Dengka Lole Ringgou Dela-Oenale Termanu Tii Tetum Bekais Wetar Galoli Luang Makuva


West Damar ? Dawera-Daweloor North Babar Dai Masela Serili Southeast Babar Emplawas Imroing Tela'a


Naueti Kairui Waimoa Midiki



Central Maluku ?


West Central Maluku

Ambelau Buru Lisela Moksela † Sula Mangole Taliabo

East Central Maluku


Banda Bati Geser Watubela Bobot Masiwang Hoti † Benggoi Salas Liana


Kayeli † Nuaulu Huaulu Manusela Wemale Yalahatan

Piru Bay ?

Asilulu Luhu Manipa Wakasihu Boano (Moluccas) Sepa-Teluti Paulohi Kaibobo Hitu Tulehu Laha Seit-Kaitetu Kamarian † Haruku Amahai Nusa Laut Saparua Latu

Eastern Malayo-Polynesian

Halmahera–Cenderawasih Oceanic languages



Northern Philippine

Batanic (Bashiic) ?

Itbayat Ivatan Yami

Northern Luzon

Ilokano Pangasinan Ibanag Arta Isnag Atta Itawis Yogad Cagayan Aeta Gaddang Ga'dang Northern Alta Southern Alta Isinai Itneg Kalinga Ifugao Tuwali ? Balangao Bontok-Finallig Kankanaey Ilongot Ibaloi Iwaak Kallahan Karao Dicamay Agta †

Central Luzon

Kapampangan Abellen Ambala Bolinao Botolan Mag-antsi Mag-indi Mariveleño Sambali Remontado Agta (Sinauna)

Northern Mindoro

Alangan Iraya Tadyawan

Greater Central Philippine ?

Southern Mindoro

Buhid Hanuno'o Tawbuid

Central Philippine



Cebuano Hiligaynon Waray Tausug Kinaray-a Aklanon Capiznon Asi Ati Bantayanon Baybayanon Boholano Butuanon Caluyanon Cuyunon Kinabalian Onhan Porohanon Ratagnon Romblomanon Surigaonon


Central Bikol Albay Bikol Isarog Agta Mount Iraya Agta Mount Iriga Agta Pandan Bikol Rinconada


Masbatenyo South Sorsogon (Gubat) Central Sorsogon (Masbate)




Davawenyo Kalagan Kamayo Mamanwa Mandaya Mansaka


Aborlan Tagbanwa Palawan Batak Palawano


Maguindanao Maranao Agusan Ata Manobo Binukid Cotabato Manobo Higaonon Ilianen Iranun Kagayanen Kinamigin Matigsalug Obo Sarangani Subanen Tagabawa Western Bukidnon

Gorontalo- Mongondow

Bolango Buol Bintauna Gorontalo Kaidipang Lolak Suwawa Mongondow Ponosakan


Agutaynen Calamian Tagbanwa


Bagobo B'laan T'boli Tiruray


Sangirese Talaud Bantik Ratahan


Tonsawang Tontemboan Tombulu Tondano Tonsea


Umiray Dumaget


Inagta Alabat Manide


North Bornean


Ida'an Bonggi Brunei Bisaya Tatana (Sabah Bisaya) Lotud Dusun Kuijau Eastern Kadazan Gana' Kota Marudu Talantang Kinamaragang (Momogun) Klias River Kadazan Coastal Kadazan Yakan Tombonuwo Kinabatangan Sungai Keningau Murut Okolod Tagol Paluan Selungai Murut Timugon Bookan Abai Papar Kalabakan Sembakung Serudung Nonukan Tidong


Dumpas Molbog

North Sarawakan

Kenyah (Bakung) Sebob Tutoh Uma' Lasan Wahau Kenyah Penan ? Kelabit Lengilu Lundayeh Sa'ban Tring Berawan Belait Kiput Narom Tutong




Kajaman Lahanan Sekapan Daro-Matu Kanowit-Tanjong Melanau Bukitan Punan Batu Sian Ukit Basap Burusu Bah-Biau Punan Sajau Punan Merap Bukat Seru † Lelak †


Kayan Bahau Modang Segai Hovongan Aoheng Aput Punan Krio Dayak Murik

Land Dayak

Bekati' Sara Lara' Bukar Sadong Rejang Biatah Tringgus Jagoi Jangkang Kembayan Semandang Ribun Benyadu' Sanggau


Malagasy Bushi Deyah Malang Witu Ma'anyan Paku Lawangan Kohin Dihoi Siang Bakumpai Ngaju Ampanang Tunjung

Sama-Bajaw ?

Abaknon Bajaw Sama Pangutaran Sama





Tsou Kanakanabu Saaroa

Northern Formosan


Atayal Seediq

Northwest Formosan

Saisiyat Pazeh † Kulon † Thao Babuza Favorlang †

East Formosan

Ketagalan † Basay † Kavalan Amis Siraya †


Puyuma Paiwan Bunun

Bold indicates languages with more than 1 million speakers ? indicates classification dispute † indicates extinct status

v t e

List of primary language families


Afro-Asiatic Austronesian Khoe Kx'a Niger–Congo Nilo-Saharan? Tuu Mande? Songhay? Ijaw? Ubangian? Kadu?


Bangime Hadza Jalaa Sandawe Kwadi? Laal? Shabo?

Sign languages

Arab BANZSL French Lasima Tanzanian Others

Europe and Asia

Afro-Asiatic Ainu Austroasiatic Austronesian Chukotko-Kamchatkan Dravidian Eskimo–Aleut Great Andamanese Hmong–Mien Hurro-Urartian Indo-European Japonic Kartvelian Koreanic Mongolic Northeast Caucasian Northwest Caucasian Ongan Sino-Tibetan Tai–Kadai Tungusic Turkic Tyrsenian Uralic Yeniseian Yukaghir Dené–Yeniseian? Altaic? Austronesian–Ongan? Austro-Tai? Sino-Austronesian? Digaro? Kho-Bwa? Siangic? Miji? Vasconic?


Basque Burushaski Elamite Hattic Kusunda Nihali Nivkh Sumerian Hruso? Miju? Puroik?

Sign languages

BANZSL French German Japanese Swedish Chinese Indo-Pakistani Arab Chiangmai–Bangkok Others

New Guinea and the Pacific

Arai–Samaia Arafundi Austronesian Baining Binanderean–Goilalan Border Bulaka River Central Solomons Chimbu–Wahgi Doso–Turumsa East Geelvink Bay East Strickland Eleman Engan Fas Kaure–Kosare Kiwaian Kutubuan Kwomtari Lakes Plain Lower Mamberamo Lower Sepik Madang Mairasi North Bougainville Pauwasi Piawi Ramu Senagi Sentani Sepik Skou South Bougainville Teberan Tor–Kwerba–Nimboran Torricelli Trans-Fly Trans–New Guinea Turama–Kikorian West Papuan Yam Yawa Yuat North Papuan? Northeast New Guinea? Papuan Gulf?


Abinomn Anêm? Ata? Kol Kuot Porome Taiap? Pawaia Porome Sulka? Tambora Wiru

Sign languages

Hawai'i Sign Language Others


Arnhem/Macro-Gunwinyguan Bunuban Darwin River Eastern Daly Eastern Tasmanian Garawan Iwaidjan Jarrakan Mirndi Northern Tasmanian Northeastern Tasmanian Nyulnyulan Pama–Nyungan Southern Daly Tangkic Wagaydyic Western Daly Western Tasmanian Worrorran Yangmanic (Wardaman)


Giimbiyu Malak-Malak Marrgu Tiwi Wagiman

North America

Algic Alsea Caddoan Chimakuan Chinookan Chumashan Comecrudan Coosan Eskimo–Aleut Iroquoian Kalapuyan Keresan Maiduan Muskogean Na-Dene Palaihnihan Plateau Penutian Pomoan Salishan Shastan Siouan Tanoan Tsimshianic Utian Uto-Aztecan Wakashan Wintuan Yokutsan Yukian Yuman–Cochimí Dené–Yeniseian? Hokan? Penutian?


Chimariko Haida Karuk Kutenai Seri Siuslaw Takelma Timucua Waikuri Washo Yana Yuchi Zuni

Sign languages

Inuit (Inuiuuk) Plains Sign Talk Others


Chibchan Jicaquean Lencan Mayan Misumalpan Mixe–Zoque Oto-Manguean Tequistlatecan Totonacan Uto-Aztecan Xincan Totozoquean?


Cuitlatec Huave Tarascan/Purépecha

Sign languages

Plains Sign Talk Mayan Others

South America

Arawakan Arauan Araucanian Arutani–Sape Aymaran Barbacoan Boran Borôroan Cahuapanan Cariban Catacaoan Chapacuran Charruan Chibchan Choco Chonan Guaicuruan Guajiboan Jê/Gê Harákmbut–Katukinan Jirajaran Jivaroan Kariri Katembri–Taruma Mascoian Matacoan Maxakalian Nadahup Nambikwaran Otomákoan Pano-Tacanan Peba–Yaguan Purian Quechuan Piaroa–Saliban Ticuna–Yuri Timotean Tiniguan Tucanoan Tupian Uru–Chipaya Witotoan Yabutian Yanomaman Zamucoan Zaparoan Chimuan? Esmeralda–Yaruro? Hibito–Cholón? Lule–Vilela? Macro-Jê? Tequiraca–Canichana?

Isolates (extant in 2000)

Aikanã? Alacalufan Andoque? Camsá Candoshi Chimane Chiquitano Cofán? Fulniô Guató Hodï/Joti Irantxe? Itonama Karajá Krenak Kunza Leco Maku-Auari of Roraima Movima Mura-Pirahã Nukak? Ofayé Puinave Huaorani/Waorani Trumai Urarina Warao Yamana Yuracaré

See also

Language isolates Unclassified languages Creoles Pidgins Mixed languages Artificial languages List of sign languages

Families with more than 30 languages are in bold. Families in italics have